Abstract

It is uncontroversial that, in many varieties of English, the realization of /l/ varies depending on whether /l/ occurs word-initially or word-finally. The nature of this effect, however, remains controversial. Previous analyses alternately analyzed the variation as darkening or lightening, and alternately found evidence that the variation involves a categorical distinction between allophones or a gradient scale conditioned by phonetic factors. We argue that these diverging conclusions are a result of the numerous factors influencing /l/ darkness and differences between studies in terms of which factors are considered. By controlling for a range of factors, our study demonstrates a pattern of variability that has not been shown in previous work. We find evidence of morpheme-final darkening and morpheme-initial lightening when compared to a baseline of morpheme-internal /l/. We also find segmental effects such that, in segmental contexts which independently darken /l/, one can observe /l/ lightening, and contexts which independently lighten /l/ can make lightening effects undetectable. Morphological and prosodic effects are hence sometimes trumped by segmental context. Once contextual effects are controlled for, there is evidence both for morphologically-conditioned /l/-darkening and for morphologically-conditioned /l/-lightening, both of which can be understood as a result of prosodic differences reflecting morphological junctures.

Highlights

  • The realization of /l/ in North American English is subject to substantial variation

  • Our study aims to provide a better understanding of the effects of word and morpheme boundaries on /l/-darkness and, to determine whether the observed pattern of variability can be more appropriately characterized as /l/-lightening or /l/-darkening

  • The reduced vowel context is of particular interest because of the relationship between vowel reduction and other factors correlated with /l/-darkening

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Summary

Introduction

The realization of /l/ in North American English is subject to substantial variation. This is often characterized as allophonic variation between velarized, or dark, [ɫ] and light [l]. Distribution of these allophones is generally described as dependent on syllable structure with light [l] occurring in onsets and dark [ɫ] occurring in rhymes. Some authors assume syllable-final darkening (Halle & Mohanan, 1985), while others assume initial lightening (Recasens, 2012); some authors assume that there is a categorical distinction between contextually determined allophones (Halle & Mohanan, 1985; Hayes, 2000), while others argue that there is a gradient phonetic scale between dark and light /l/ (e.g., Sproat & Fujimura, 1993; Lee-Kim, Davidson, & Hwang, 2013).

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