Abstract
New York, a town of more than 7 million inhabitants, has over a third of its population of foreign origin. In composition it is the most varied immigrant population of all the American agglomerations ; 1/7 of American immigrants live in New York. Analysis of the immigrants' integration modes, of the institutions which reflect them, and their political expression in the American political community, allows the phenomena of integration, indifference or rejection which differentiate the various groups to be understood more easily. Settlements in the immigrant districts, social climbing, where house-moving follows the line of the New York underground, ethnic partitioning by blocks of houses, characterise the immigrant distribution. If we look at their economic vitality, they have always worked in sectors or companies which could act as a springboard to their economic mobility. The public sector offers them jobs, contracts and privileges -13 % work for themselves, some highly sought-after districts are the cause of fighting. Ethnic trading and companies form a micro-society in the image ol the home country. Spatial proximity of groups succeeding in their companies, and groups ageing, or on the edge of poverty, causes the strong antagonisms that New York's history is studded with. The way that a town applies the federal law in the redistribution of grants varies. Examples are described in New York : private partners awarded grants to cany out integration work, Churches, lawyers awarded grants by the federal State, ethnic associations, «self-help» groups, Dominican clubs, Colombian «instrumental» associations, the Pan-American football league, help associations... Political participation of those «born abroad» and «naturalized» depends upon the duration and the place of residence, their mastery of English, the ethnic group they belong to, the spouse's nationality, and local issues. They form support groups Caribbean support committee, New York Mayor, or lobby to support certain bills or fight against the gangs (Chinese), or Latin Puerto-Ricans, who canvass local mandates. Each group must structure itself, define its aims, before starting discussion with the dominant host society. Some groups have understood this, but the question of alliances with the black minority is complex. Territorial concentration of these populations allows them to sway the elections. The success and future of this strategy depends on the desire of the recent immigrants to naturalize, inscription on the electoral rolls, reduction in the number of illegal immigrants, and the capacity to remain united geographically and politically. In France the problems are posed differently, because of the integration policy of a united and age-old nation. The issue of the Koranic veil, which brought a storm of protest, would certainly have been dealt with differently in the United States. The French government funds the 4,000 immigrant associations. There is no fierce fighting between communities, and there is marked divergence between the France and the United States deal with immigration.
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