Delinquency prevention programs usually attempt to modify a selected number of boys who either share individual character istics or who live in a specific area. Rarely is it asked if such programs have an impact on the parents or on other adults who come into contact with these boys. The Opportunities for Youth Project in Seattle seemed to have little impact on the boys who participated in the employment program in terms of traditional instruments used to evaluate such experiments. However, the positive attitudes of the boys toward the project caused suspicion that the program did, in fact, make an impact on the residents. This paper questions the assumption that people living in lower class areas are apathetic and unresponsive to experimental programs in urban central areas. The data suggests that Negro residents and parents were more supportive of the youth employ ment program than white residents. These differences might be explained by "differential perceived mobility;" that is, Negroes in certain Northern cities may see themselves as upwardly mobile (at least in terms of opportunities for their children), while whites in central areas may view themselves as downwardly mobile. If policy decisions are made on the assumption that minority groups in urban central areas are apathetic, talent and energy that could be utilized more effectively might be ignored.
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