Propaganda Work Research Articles

National ideologies and community awareness in propaganda slogans: A critical discourse analysis in the context of Vietnam

Slogans have long been an essential instrument of mobilization and propaganda in Vietnamese politics, and propaganda slogans have historically been regarded as significant instruments that can be utilized effectively to spread information in virtually every country on earth. Furthermore, it is supposed that these slogans can mirror various facets of society. Utilized by institutions and organizations as a form of discourse, propaganda slogans are nearly encountered by the general public and are intended to promote political campaigns or objectives. In view of critical discourse analysis, the objectives of the present study are to delineate, examine, and identify the sense of national ideologies and community consciousness that are intrinsic to the slogans' language. The study employed the mixed method of document and descriptive analysis. The sample included 900 Vietnamese slogans randomly collected from social networking sites on the internet; from guidelines and propaganda work directions of several ministries, sociopolitical organizations, and associations; and from the process of observing, recording, and photographing slogans on streets, offices, schools or other public places in many different localities. The findings of the study indicated that propaganda slogans can be regarded as both a discourse and a social entity. The language employed in propaganda slogans is regarded not only as a reflection of societal norms and values but also as a social convention encompassing various linguistic aspects, such as the use of vocabulary, grammar and speech acts. Furthermore, propaganda slogans serve as conduits through which various facets of society can be observed, as they are interconnected with the institutional framework and the systems of human perspectives and values.

The participation of Red Army soldiers in the providing of complete collectivization in Podillia

The purpose of the article is, based on the analysis of archival sources, general and special literature, to shed light on the participation of Red Army soldiers in the providing of complete collectivization in Podillya. The research methodology is based on the principles of objectivity and historicism using both general scientific and special research methods: problem-chronological, historical-comparative, critical analysis method. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the disclosure of an insufficiently studied problem in Ukrainian historiography, designed to clarify the role and place of the Red Army in the establishment of the Bolshevik totalitarian regime in the Podilsk village. Conclusions. The Red Army, from the moment of its creation, was considered by the Bolsheviks as one of the institutions of the implementation of the communist regime. Being 2/3 peasant in terms of social composition, it was to become a school of political education and cultural enlightenment in the spirit of communist ideas for former peasant owners. The strengthening of such work is observed at the end of the 1920s, when the regime's attempt to resume the "military-communist assault" ran into desperate resistance from the peasantry and became a threat to the existence of the communist government. From that time, the Bolshevik leadership not only set specific tasks for the Red Army, but also tried to systematically control the political and moral attitudes of the Red Army. One of the important directions of the work of military units was to assist the authorities in the process of socialization of one-person peasant farms. In the conditions of complete collectivization, the army was entrusted with tasks not only of an educational and propaganda nature, but also of direct participation in the collectivization of the village. In particular, the military units stationed in Podilla were involved in: training personnel for collective farm construction; taking over the villages that were transitioning to complete collectivization; sending groups of Red Army soldiers to collective farms to perform specific tasks; admission to collectives by whole divisions; organization of special Red Army collective farms. By carrying out extensive educational and propaganda work, applying methods of ensuring military discipline and practicing selective repression among the commanding and rank-and-file staff, the Bolshevik authorities managed not only to overcome oppositional sentiments in the army, but also to turn it into an obedient tool of the communist dictatorship.

THE IDEA OF ALASH AND CENSORSHIP

The article examines the censorship policy of the Soviet government, which strictly prohibited the propaganda of the idea of Alash. Chronicle data and the creative heritage of Alash figures, as well as archival materials of the Semipalatinsk Museum of Local Lore and the archive fund of East Kazakhstan Region (now Abai region) were used as the object of research. Historical data and narrative data were analyzed on the basis of mutual historical-comparative and comparative approaches to research, evidence of hypothetical conclusions was revealed by the method of biographical parallel and content analysis (quantitative, qualitative). As a result of the study, it was determined that the main cause of various movements and uprisings, considered colonial policy and the struggle for independence, is the struggle for the idea, and the definition of the idea of Alash is given. In addition, methods of underground, secret or disguised ideological work against the censorship mechanism, which tightly controlled the propaganda work of the idea of Alash, were revealed.

Mediatyzacja parlamentarnej kampanii wyborczej. Przypadek narodowej demokracji w 1922 roku

National Democracy actively participated in the mediatization of the electoral campaign in 1922. The effects of the media mediation process in learning about the world, influencing the world view of individuals and social groups, and creating an image of social reality were measurable because they brought political success in the form of obtaining parliamentary and senatorial seats in the parliament of the first term. To characterise the components of the mediatization of political activities, a case study article was proposed, considering knowledge about National Democracy, its members participating in the process of disseminating knowledge about politics through the media, and about the techniques used to influence recipients. Attention was paid to the variety of directions of propaganda work, to the involvement of brochure and periodical publishers, to the variety of election forms that were intended to promote the national political program, and, above all, to the ways of obtaining votes from the electorate from particular social groups limited by age, gender or profession. The conclusions include the use of communication competences of National Democracy leaders and members. The leadership of the national formation used three types of narrative: factual, sensational, and humorous, stimulating the effect.

Practical Mechanisms for Implementing Measures to Combat Extremism

The article analyzes the practical mechanisms for implementing measures to combat extremism. In fact, extremism has become something of a “plague” in the modern realities of humanity. An indefinite number of people, society, the state, and the world community may suffer from extremist activities. The information and telecommunication network «Internet» contributes to the spread of extremist ideas. Today the World Wide Web is the main information and propaganda channel practically of all international and national extremist organizations and groups. Paying considerable attention to this challenge, the author gives a list of measures to prevent the spreading of extremist ideology in the information network. The analysis of the regulatory framework on the issues under study allowed the author to conclude that there is weak interaction between the bodies designed to carry out the prevention and fight against extremism. To change the negative trend, it is necessary further to improve the legislative framework of the state regulating the activities of competent organizations, its focus on ahead of possible illegal actions in this area. In the context of the multinational nature of the Russian state, there is also a need to intensify explanatory and propaganda work aimed at preventing extremism in the field of interethnic and interreligious relations. The education of the younger generation of traditional spiritual and moral values, raising the level of education of the population and civic culture, citizens’ welfare should also be considered as essential components of preventive work in the fight against extremism and its manifestations.

THE IMAGE OF THE ENEMY IN SOVIET PROPAGANDA DURING THE TURNING POINT OF THE STRUGGLE AGAINST FASCISM (June 1942 – August 1943)

The article examines the problems of the enemy image evolution during the turning point of the struggle of the Soviet people against fascism. The most important aspects of the ideological struggle between Germany and the Soviet Union in June 1942 – August 1943 are studied. The reasons for the transformation of the enemy’s image are substantiated based on the analysis of the wartime events that took place. The relevance of this issue is determined primarily by the importance of preserving the memory of the Great Patriotic War, in which knowledge about the enemy played a decisive role. This victorious experience can help to counteract the resurgence of the Nazi ideas in the modern world. Thanks to deep and comprehensive studying the mechanism of military patriotic propaganda and the introducing new technologies into it, the tasks of preserving identity and developing our society were solved. Currently, these historical processes will help to broaden the horizons and develop moral and patriotic values in modern youth. The purpose of the article is to consider the transformation of the enemy image the during the radical turning point in the Great Patriotic War in June 1942 – August 1943 in order to identify the most characteristic features of its depiction in various materials of Soviet patriotic propaganda. Materials and methods. The methodological basis of this research is both general scientific and special historical principles and methods of cognition, including the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency, as well as a set of methods that made it possible to conduct a comprehensive analysis of archival and other research sources, including historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic and others. The work is based on archival documents and periodical materials. Study results. The most important circumstances of this period are noted, which played a decisive role in the development of the enemy image in the Soviet propaganda. The article presents the most characteristic features of the enemy’s image created by the Soviet propaganda. The article examines the changes in German propaganda among the population of the occupied territories. A comparative analysis of the activities performed by propagandists of the Nazi Germany and the USSR is carried out. The author provides examples of creating the enemy image based on the study of documentary sources, embodied in works of literature and art. The metaphorical image of the enemy reflected in the Soviet propaganda is revealed based on the study of archival materials and periodicals. At this, the importance of naturalistic description of the crimes committed by the fascists against the civilian population of the occupied territories is assessed in order to present the true face of the invaders and mobilize the society to fight the enemy. The issues of the legitimacy of the power of the warring parties are revealed. Conclusions. During this crucial period of the Great Patriotic War, significant changes are taking place in the image of the enemy. The original image of an inhuman, bestial enemy enslaving more and more lands, after the defeats suffered by the German army, is transformed into a caricature of a defeated cowardly enemy. The enemy is still strong, cruel and insidious, but the image of the defeated enemy is becoming dominant in the works of the Soviet propaganda and in public mind. The inevitability of victory becomes the dominant leitmotif in the Soviet propaganda and the enemy in the images created by propaganda should cause a feeling of disgust. Naturalization of the submitting the information about crimes committed by fascists and their accomplices becomes an important factor. It is referred to the development of a counter-propaganda system that convinces people that an inhuman enemy who kills women and children cannot be trusted. The images created in Soviet propaganda works achieved their goal and were firmly rooted in the public consciousness.

БРОШЮРЫ КАК ФОРМА АГИТАЦИОННЫХ МАТЕРИАЛОВ В ПЕРИОД ПЕРЕСЕЛЕНЧЕСКИХ КАМПАНИЙ В СССР ВО ВТОРОЙ ПОЛОВИНЕ 1950-х – НАЧАЛЕ 1960-х гг.

The resettlement program in the post-war USSR implied the creation of conditions for mass voluntary migration to the regions that were in dire need of labor. However, despite the benefits provided to migrants, their flow did not always satisfy the needs of collective farms, lumber camps and other enterprises. Under these conditions, the importance of propaganda work increased. The article attempts to identify the general and special in the representation of various regions of the USSR in the brochures issued in the second half of the 1950s – early 1960s and addressed to potential migrants.

Relations of the departments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia with the mass media and the means of increasing the effectiveness of information and propaganda work

The object of the study is public relations that develop in the process of interaction between the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia and the mass media. The subject of the article is the rights and responsibilities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia in the media sphere, practical aspects of their implementation in the process of administrative activities of the police. The rights granted by the legislator allow the Ministry for the proactive formation of the information agenda. The novelty of the research is expressed in the results and conclusions obtained. For the first time in domestic jurisprudence, a classification of the rights and duties of the police implemented in the media sphere has been developed, and a criterion has been identified that served as the basis for the classification. The current legal instruments and their importance in media communications have been analyzed. Information and business letters, previously overlooked by researchers, have been considered as an institution for forming partnership relations with the media. Evidence has been presented of the need to follow professional ethical standards and the editorial board's interest in observing them. Practical recommendations aimed at forming truly partnership relations with the media have been proposed. A promising topic for further study has been identified, namely, the development of a methodology for responding to negative, untrue aspects of police activity demonstrated in films. The results obtained are intended for use in practical activities by specialists of media relations departments and heads of territorial internal affairs bodies. The implementation of rights and responsibilities allows the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia to act as a full-fledged subject of the media sphere, manage media processes, and solve a wide range of operational and service tasks.

Общественное доверие как управленческий ресурс в системе органов внутренних дел

The object of the problem studied in the article is public trust in the internal affairs bodies of the Russian Federation. The subject of the study is public trust as a resource that police leaders can use in managerial activities to achieve the goals of the territorial bodies of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. An interdisciplinary approach combining sociological science and management sciences is used as a research methodology. Systemic, structural-functional, and communication approaches and the theory of resource dependence have made it possible to comprehensively consider the key role of a public trust resource in improving the effectiveness of the police. The article notes that the system of internal affairs bodies consists of organizations characterized by the presence of a management structure and coordinated actions of people focused on achieving a common goal. Turning to the theory of resource dependence, the author notes that the achievement of the goals of territorial internal affairs bodies depends on such an external resource as the public trust of citizens. The use of a public trust resource allows the police to minimize the antisocial behavior of citizens, establish relations of cooperation with citizens living in the serviced territory, and build a partnership model of relations with civil society institutions. The paper presents the author's structure of the phenomenon of public trust, which includes institutional and interpersonal trust. The blocks of interpersonal trust consist of trust acquired in the process of primary socialization, trust acquired by experience (personal interaction), and trust based on social reality. The author notes that public trust is the specific resource that ensures the effectiveness of the activities of the internal affairs bodies and, at the same time, needs targeted managerial influence from the law enforcement structure. The main directions of the police to strengthen public trust include: the expansion of propaganda work among children; the involvement of the younger generation in volunteer movements; the development of the cadet movement; and the creation of a new approach to the implementation of information policy in the Internet space.

功能主义目的论视域下《习近平谈治国理政》日文版中的翻译策略研究

Translation of party and government documents has always been an important part of external propaganda work. Xi Jinping: The Governance of China is a collection of party and government documents. It is an important work by General Secretary Xi Jinping on China’s governance and national development concepts. It elaborates on the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era. This article takes the Japanese version of the first volume of Xi Jinping: The Governance of China as the main research object, adopt Skopos teleology as the theoretical framework, and focus on analyzing the translation strategies of various words and phrases that appear in the work.

Sustaining Universal Health Coverage in Vietnam: Expanding Health Coverage for Informal Economy Workers

As of 2022, Vietnam's health insurance coverage has reached approximately 91% of the population. However, over 5.4 million informal workers have not participated in health insurance due to limited access to health services, insufficient information about health insurance, loose labor contracts, and low income. This article presents solutions to expand health insurance coverage for informal workers and achieve the goal of maintaining universal health coverage. The proposed solution groups: Solution groups for access to medical services, include: Increasing access to high-quality medical examinations and treatments; Enhancing access through investment and upgrading of grassroots healthcare; and reforming payment methods for medical costs. State management solution group, including: Strengthening law enforcement in signing labor contracts; Strengthening propaganda work; Encouraging participation in health insurance by households; Strengthening inspection and supervision of health insurance participation in salaried groups and individual production and business households. Solution group strengthens public policy and supports vocational training, including: Strengthening linkage policies in local economic development; Strengthening training to improve skills for informal workers; and strengthening public policies to increase income for informal workers.

«Неделя партийной пропаганды» и начало деятельности губернского отдела РКП(б) по работе в деревне осенью 1919 – зимой 1920 гг. По архивным материалам Вятской губернии

The scientific work is devoted to the analysis of the «Party Propaganda Week» and the beginning of the activities of the departments for work in the village of party committees in the autumn of 1919 – winter of 1920. The article is written on the basis of the documents of the archival funds of the Central State Archive of the Kirov region introduced into scientific circulation for the first time: Vyatka Gubkom, Kotel’nichskii, Malmyzhskii, Nolinskii, Orlovskii and Yaranskii ukoms of the RCP (b). The purpose of the study is to analyze the beginning of the formation of systematic agitation and propaganda work in the village. The author sets the following tasks: to clarify the specifics of the «party weeks» and the creation of departments for work in the village as part of party committees. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that this is the first attempt in local historiography to analyze the beginning of the systematic work of party committees among peasants. Our article is written on the basis of archival materials using the principle of historicism and the method of historical institutionalism. The «Party Propaganda Week», held for the first time in Moscow, Petrograd and other cities, on the recommendation of the Central Committee of the RCP (b), began to be held throughout the country, becoming one of the forms of agitation and propaganda work. The main goal of the «party week» is to acquaint the broad strata of workers and peasants with the ideas of the party and attract them to their ranks. It should be emphasized that no systematic work was carried out among the peasantry of the province until the autumn of 1919: there were no specialized departments of party committees that could work in the village, there were almost no trained organizers, agitators and propagandists, the task of conducting such work in the village was not realized in the party committees. An analysis of the first «party week» in October and the second – in November 1919 – allows us to conclude that the number of people who joined the party is impressive – 4482 people. However, there were not many peasants among them, who made up the absolute majority of the inhabitants of the province. Unfortunately, it was not possible to find out the number of peasants who joined the party, but the reports of agitators and reports of party committees indicate that the holding of «party weeks» in the village did not achieve its main goal – to attract as many workers and peasants as possible to the party. Realizing that the Central Committee of the party would not be satisfied with such results, the gubernatorial committee decided not to indicate in the final report the number of those who joined the party by counties, but to name the total number for the provincial organization. The failure in the village was covered by a significant number of Red Army and pro-Army men who joined the party. The results of the «party weeks» prompted the Gubernatorial committee to take measures to organize departments for work in the village in the ukoms, whose activities in the winter of 1919-1920 were just beginning to acquire a systematic character.

MARXIST-LENINIST PERSPECTIVES ON PROPAGANDA WORK WITH YOUTH UNIONS IN PROTECTING THE PARTY'S IDEOLOGICAL FOUNDATION TODAY

Recognizing the important role of propaganda work in the success or failure of the revolutionary movement and the leadership of the Communist Party, the classical theorists of Marxism-Leninism have outlined comprehensive points on this field of work. These insights are crucial for the Youth Union in implementing propaganda work to protect the Party's ideological foundation in the current period. Therefore, studying the Marxist-Leninist perspectives on propaganda work is not only theoretically significant but also possesses profound practical value, especially in the context of increasingly sophisticated schemes and tactics by hostile forces aiming at various targets, including youth members.

"МЫ ВСЕГДА СЧИТАЛИ, ЧТО НАШ НАРОД СПОСОБЕН НА ВЕЛИКОЕ ДОСТИЖЕНИЕ": ВОЕННЫЕ ПЛАНЫ ПАНГЕРМАНЦЕВ В 1914-1918 ГГ.

The basic understanding of the Pan-German League in historical literature is, as a rule, inextricably linked with the popular belief in the incitement of a military sentiment within the German society on the eve and during the First World War, as well as in the fact that Pan-Germans paved the way for the rooting of National Socialism during the Weimar Republic. If we limit ourselves to only studying the mass literature published by the Pan-German League in large editions, then, undoubtedly, this idea is true. The Pan-Germans really offered the Germans their vision of Germany’s military goals, persistently seeking their approval by the society and the ruling elite. However, outside the scope of the general research, there often remains an understanding of the reasons, motives and the conditions in which the Pan-German League carried out its agitation and propaganda work. The memoirs of its chairman, published in 1932 and 2022, significantly expand the knowledge of what was outside the Pan-German movement: the struggle for the resignation of the Chancellor, the establishment of a dictatorship, the widespread use of all types of weapons, German colonization. The purpose of the article is to show, on the basis of the previously unpublished memoirs of H. Claß, how the Pan-German League’s military objectives were prepared, how those objectives were justified; the paper also aims at revealing the internal contradictions and intentions that went beyond the scope of military plans. The conclusion is about the failed attempts of the Pan-Germans to establish a temporary dictatorship, pushing aside the civil administration, as well as about the failure of the project of military goals. However, despite the failures, the Pan-German agitation achieved its goal, causing a crisis of public confidence in the Chancellor’s personally, and their attempts to spread thoughts about dictatorship in society, inspired by H. Claß, allowed the future myth of the Fuhrer to crystallize.

ГАЗЕТА «КІРОВОГРАДСЬКА ПРАВДА» ЯК РУПОР РАДЯНСЬКОЇ АТЕЇСТИЧНОЇ ПРОПАГАНДИ В 1954–1965 РР.

Goal of the study. The goal of the article is to conduct a comprehensive study of atheistic publications in Kirovohradska Pravda during the period of intensification of anti-religious policies in the USSR in 1954-1965. Methodology. The main methods used to prepare this publication were: problematic and chronological, analysis and synthesis, descriptive and statistical. Scientific novelty. The article is the first to examine the content of publications on atheistic topics in the Kirovohrad Regional and City Committees of the CP(B)U and the Regional Council of Workers' Pravda, Kirovohradska Pravda. The author establishes how the adoption of the resolution "On major shortcomings in scientific and atheistic propaganda and measures to improve it" by the CPBU Central Committee on July 7, 1954 affected the topics of anti-religious publications published in Kirovohradska Pravda in 1954–1965. The main directions of atheist propaganda are identified and analysed. In particular, there were publications that criticised party, state and public organisations for the low level of propaganda work among the population of the region. There have always been calls to intensify atheist propaganda and make it more qualitative. A significant number of articles were devoted to criticising religion as a phenomenon. Articles promoting a materialistic worldview were periodically published. Increased administrative pressure on clergymen in the late 1950s was reflected in the fact that Kirovohradska Pravda published articles in which they explained why they had renounced their ministry and apologised for their preaching activities. Conclusions. During the period of intensification of anti-religious policy in the USSR in 1954–1965, Kirovohradska Pravda served as a mouthpiece of atheist propaganda in the Kirovohrad region of the Ukrainian SSR. Its contents reflected the main directions of atheist propaganda. However, as some publications have shown, the goal of atheisation of the population of Kirovohrad oblast was not achieved.

Baghdad Kept on Working: Painting and Propaganda during the British Occupation of Iraq, 1941–45

This article explores the late-colonial context for a wartime encounter between Polish and Iraqi artists during a period of British military reoccupation, 1941–45. Linking E. L. T. Mesens’s propaganda work for the Allied cause to the activities of Polish painters stationed in Baghdad, particularly Józef Czapski (1896–93) and Józef Jarema (1900–1974), and to those of Iraqi artists Jewad Selim (1919–1961) and Jamil Hamoudi (1924–2003), it demonstrates how a consortium of artists and officers came to model a version of modern art construed as free inquiry into form, or “art alone.” Polish artists mobilized propagandistic narratives about threats to civilization, including the loss of Paris as an open city. Responses by Iraqi artists both reflect and refract the Allied version of civilizational values. As such, the Polish-Iraqi encounter represents an early, not-yet-postwar reckoning with doubts about the progression of artistic practice in a world in which barbarous violence was always imminent.

Российская деревня 1905-1907 гг. в исторической памяти поколения «революционного перелома». На материалах Всесоюзного общества политкаторжан и ссыльнопоселенцев

At the beginning of the XXth century, the transformation of the consciousness of the Russian peasantry sharply increased its momentum, and in addition to the traditional factors that influenced this, the generational factor should also be distinguished. The article explores the historical memory of the generation of the «revolutionary turning point» about the revolutionary events of 1905-1907 in the Russian village. The problem of the historical memory of the generation rarely becomes the subject of research by Russian historians. At the same time, the generation of the «revolutionary turning point» undoubtedly accumulated a very significant social experience, the study of the memory of which is a really important historical problem. The purpose of the study is to eliminate the gap in scientific knowledge on the designated topic. The study is built on the principles of historicism and objectivity using historical-comparative, deductive and retrospective methods. The authors rely on the theoretical and methodological approaches of generational research formulated by K. Manheim and P. Nora. The object of the study is the historical memory of the radicals of the generation of the «revolutionary turning point», who was born at the end of the XIX century, and who took an active part in the revolutionary events of 1905-1907 in the Russian village. The source base of the study is the materials of the foundation of the Society of Political Prisoners and Exiled Settlers of the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF), including biographical questionnaires, memoirs and other accompanying materials of representatives of the generation of the «revolutionary turning point» involved in the revolutionary process in the village in 1905-1907. Memoirs represent the most valuable material on the study of the historical memory of the generation about the events of the first Russian revolution. Analysis of this material allows you to identify a specific generational style and the sources of its formation. The analysis of the sources suggests that the development of an independent generational style among the youth of the «revolutionary turning point» was reflected in the historical memory of the generation about the revolutionary events in the village in 1905-1907. This is not only about the specific and completely new agitation and propaganda work for the generation to organize cells in the village. but also about the social experience of solidarity between the revolutionaries themselves, as well as about trying to establish contacts within the framework of the principle of joint action between the revolutionary element and the villagers. Representatives of the generation were driven not only by revolutionary ideas, but also by revolutionary emotions, which was reflected in memories.

Formation of soviet sports diplomacy: structures and practices

The article is devoted to the formation of a new foreign policy practice - sports diplomacy - in the USSR in the 1920s. The key documents that established the order of interaction of sections within the Red Sports International, as well as Soviet athletes with the external environment, are analyzed. These resolutions clearly reflected the contradictions in the accents of the activities of the RSI and the SCPC: the aspiration for mainly propaganda work and the consolidation of the labor movement collided with the desire to raise the competitive level of Soviet sports. Despite these contradictions, in the 1920s it was possible to unify the practice of international work-sports interaction, to make it systematic. The evolution of working methods has been studied: both competitive forms of interaction and non-competitive practices - patronage and socialist competition. It is shown that the tools of sports diplomacy of the USSR in the first decade of its existence were not static, it changed in accordance with new tasks and challenges - from overcoming foreign policy isolation to strengthening the internal structure of the movement and the formation of self-defense squads by foreign sports clubs. The circle of interaction of the RSI and the SCPC with supranational organizations and Soviet institutions of power is defined. Intensive ties with the CEC, the PCFA and the Soviet embassies, which provided financial support, accelerated visa issuance, as well as advisory assistance, indicate a great attention to foreign policy sports contacts of the highest state bodies of the USSR. The conclusion is made about the formation of a systematic and regular practice of sports diplomacy of the Soviet state since the early 1920s.

ORGANIZACIJA JUGOSLOVENSKIH NACIONALISTA U JUŽNOJ SRBIJI (1921-1929)

The subject of this article is the activities of the Organization of Yugoslav Nationalists (ORJUNA) in the territory of Southern Serbia in the period 1922-1929. The paper reconstructs the process of building the organizational structure of ORJUNА in South Serbia, as well as the ideological motivation and daily political activity of its membership in this area. The central theme of the work is the relationship of ORJUNА towards terrorist organizations - the Kosovo Committee and the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (VMRO) and the claims of neighboring countries, primarily Italy, Bulgaria and Albania, on the territory of Southern Serbia. Special attention is paid to the actions of the ORJUNA militia (the so-called Action Squads) and the conflicts of this paramilitary formation with the Albanian separatists - Kačacs and supporters of Jamiyet. We have analyzed in detail the ideological background of the propaganda work of the South Serbian ORJUNA aimed at winning VMRO activists and the Bulgarian ruling circles for the concept of uniting all South Slavs. In the final part of the article we have presented ORJUNА’s propaganda work among the Slavic-speaking population of Aegean Macedonia, as well as expansionist plans at the expense of Greece and Albania.

Индийский национальный конгресс в годы генерал-губернаторства лорда Лэнсдауна (1888–1894): проблемы развития

Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the main activities of the Indian National Congress (INC) during the reign of Viceroy Lansdowne. During this period, the main objects of the Congress were official recognition by the colonial administration and the expansion of propaganda work in Britain. But Congress also had several internal problems, such as an undeveloped organizational structure and controversies over unresolved social problems in India. Methods and materials. Based on reports on the annual sessions of the INC and the Indian and British press, the article examines the main problems of the development of the INC in 1888– 1894, the reasons for the increased activity of the Congress in England and the process of the emergence of the Congress’ branches in London and the Indian Parliamentary Committee, and the peculiarities of the relationship between Congress and the colonial administration. Analysis. The Viceroy’s views on Congress and their differences from the previous course of the Indian government are analyzed. The specifics of the activities of the INC in Great Britain are revealed. Particular attention is paid to the parliamentary work of the Congress. The reasons for the intensification of internal contradictions in the INC in the early 1890s are investigated. Results. It is concluded that Viceroy Lansdowne’s refusal to abandon the repressive policy towards the Congress contributed to the progressive development of the Congress, which manifested itself in the revitalization of its activities in Great Britain. However, the development was accompanied by the strengthening of internal organizational contradictions and the beginning of the formation of a Congress’ radical wing.