Evangelical Work Research Articles

The History of Religion and the Study of Religion in Mexico'

The study of the history of religion(s), as such, has never existed in Mexico as a distinct discipline. Aside from the fact that from early on there have been theological studies in confessional centers, the study of religion has remained a component of other disciplines like His tory, Art History, Anthropology, Sociology, Psychology, or Philoso phy. The history of the study of religions in Mexico coincides with the political history of the country. Therefore, it is important to recall that in 1521 the aboriginal peoples who had achieved a high level of civilization were conquered by the Spanish and converted by force to Roman Catholicism. Spain had very recently fought its last battle against the Muslims, the Jews had been expelled from their territory or forced to conversion, and the Reform Movement was in its climax in the rest of Europe. With the help of the Inquisition, which began in 1480, Spain had initiated a fight against all non-Catholics. One of the excuses for the conquest of the Indians was their con version to the true faith. The fight of the Catholic monarchs against idolatries and heresies was transplanted to Spanish America and it included anyone suspected of being Protestant or of having converted to Judaism or Islam. Consequently, Jews, Muslims and Protestants were not permitted to enter the colonies. Nevertheless some Crypto-Jews did manage to enter the New Spain and even played important roles provided they were not caught by the Inqui sition, which had been introduced to the New Spain in 1567. The evangelistic work was very active and a process of fusion between Catholicism and the various forms of regional pre-Hispanic religions started very soon, resulting in varying degrees of syncretism. But generally the Catholic church controlled the social life of the people. Only 26 years after the Conquest of the capital city of the Aztecs, the Catholic hierarchy was firmly established. Cathedrals and

Anna H. Kidder and Shuntai Eiwa Jogakko

Anna H. Kidder, one of the first two single women missionaries sent to Japan by the Woman's Baptist Foreign Missionary Society, landed in Yokohama on November 1, 1875. While Clara A. Sands was stationed in Yokohama to help Nathan Brown and devoted herself chiefly to evangelistic work in the city and the surrounding country districts, Anna Kidder went up to Tokyo to work with James Hope Arthur, who had just started a girls' school on the premises of Arinori Mori at No. 22 Surugadai Suzuki-cho. She took over this school, and as the principal made it a good Christian school, but it was closed in 1921, eight years after her death.Most mission schools were founded in the foreign settlement then located by the treaty port or in the open city, but Anna Kidder, as well as James Arthur, preferred to live outside the Tsukiji Settlement, so that she might have more contact with Japanese. As a result, she had to run the school technically (according to the papers submitted to the local office) under seven different Japanese employers until the revision of the treaty in 1899.

Appendix III: SITUATION REPORT ON EASTERN EUROPE AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

International Review of MissionVolume 86, Issue 342 p. 307-323 Appendix III: SITUATION REPORT ON EASTERN EUROPE AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION John Brown, John Brown John Brown (see note on p. 207)Search for more papers by this author John Brown, John Brown John Brown (see note on p. 207)Search for more papers by this author First published: 25 March 2009 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6631.1997.tb00038.x AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume86, Issue342July 1997Pages 307-323 RelatedInformation

Western Medicine, Indigenous Doctors and Colonial Medical Education: A Case of Desire for ‘Hegemony’ in Conflict with Demands of ‘Colonial Partiality’

David Arnold in his recently published work on colonial medicine in India refers to the necessity of assessing, ‘the various compulsions that lay behind attempts to propagate Western medicine in India, the agencies involved in this work of medical evangelization, and the various constraints – political, cultural, financial and technical – which operated in the reverse direction. The colonial context vithin which Western medicine was required to function and the contradictions – many of them remarkably deepseated and pervasive – that beset its diverse operations also require investigation’. Taking one of the agencies involved in this work of ‘medical evangelization’ – that of medical education – I would like to compare the utilitarian and the hegemonic considerations which led the two colonial governments of British-India and the Dutch-Indies to promote a particular kind of medical education in their colonies and to assess their impact on the colonized societies concerned.

The Forster Family and the Irish Famine

The Forster Family and the Irish Famine Jeanne A. Flood* InApril of1880, atthebeginning ofhis secondministry, W.E. Gladstone offered William Edward Forster the post ofChiefSecretary for Ireland and thus madehimthe executive in charge ofthe government ofIreland. Forster was a distinguished Liberal politician who, his biographer notes, could reasonably have expected a higherplace in the Gladstone ministry. He was offered the Irish post because "public opinion had, by general consent, fixed upon him as the man who was best qualified by his sympathies and administrative capacity to fill it" (Reid 2:233). One might say that Forster at his birth on July 11, 1818, inherited these Irish sympathies from his Quaker parents, both of whom had spent time in Ireland. His mother, Anna Buxton Forster, was born into a wealthy Essex family ofhigh social status. Anna Buxton's motherwas a Quaker who had married an Anglican; she did not raise her children within the Society of Friends. Thus the young Anna "was only taught the accomplishments and introduced into the gaieties of fashionable life" (Forster 1:198). Soon disillusioned with this life, she applied to and was received by the Society of Friends. Through the marriage ofher brother, Thomas Fowell Buxton, into the Gurney family ofEarlham, she was brought into contact with her future husband, William Forster, a Quaker minister who was a close friend of Joseph John Gurney. In 1812, at the instigation of Forster and Stephen Grellet, she and Elizabeth Gurney Fry began working with women prisoners in Newgate. In October of 1816, by which time she too was recognized as a minister in the Society ofFriends, she married William Forster (Reid 1:23—4). Early in 1818, during her first and only pregnancy, "Anna Forster felt it to be her duty to unite with her cousin, Priscilla Gurney, in paying a religious visitto Friends in Ireland" (Forster 1:211). She spentthree months there, doing evangelistic work, returning to England at the end of May, 1818, less than two months before her son was born. "Ofthe result ofAnna Forster's work in Ireland we have no actual record," writes the biographer ofher son, but "the memory ofthatjourney, undertaken in simple faith and love . . . had throughout his life a great and abiding influence" (Reid 1 :29). William Forster the elder was born in 1784 into the large family of a Quaker land agent living in Tottenham near London. Though he trained as a land surveyor to work with his father, he came to feel that he should work actively as a Quaker minister. At twenty-one, he was acknowledged by the *Jeanne A. Flood is a professor of English at Wayne State University. The Forster Family and the Irish Famine1 17 Tottenham Monthly Meeting as an approved minister. Very soon afterwards , he became convinced that he should "give himselfup to the service ofthe Lord wherever he might be pleased to send him under the anointing guidance of the Holy Spirit" (Forster 1 :45). Accordingly he set out on a series ofjourneysthroughoutthe British Isles. Inthe course ofthese travels, he spent fourteen months in Ireland in 181 3-1814.' For four years after his marriage, WilliamForsterlived in Bradpole in Dorset inretirementwithhis wife and son. However in April of 1820, when William Edward was less than two years old, William Forster set off on a religious mission to America, which was to last five years until June of 1825 (Reid 1:31). This was the first of the three religious journeys he would make to the United States. In 1845^16, he served as part of a deputation carrying an Epistle from the London Meeting to Quakers who had recently withdrawn fromthe Indiana Yearly Meeting (Forster 2:193-206). In 1853, he set out again for the United States as part of a deputation carrying an anti-slavery address from the London Meeting to President Franklin Pierce and various state governors. On thisjourney, he became ill, and on January 27, 1 854, he died in Tennessee and was buried in a Quaker cemetery in Friendsville (Forster 2:386-91). William Edward Forster did not follow his parents into the life of a Quaker minister. When he left school in 1835 at the age...

‘Missionary Regiments for Immanuel’s Service’: Juvenile Missionary Organization in English Sunday Schools, 1841-1865

Juvenile associations in aid of foreign missions made their appearance both in the Church of England and in the Nonconformist churches in the wake of the successful campaign in 1813 to modify the East India Company charter in order to open British India to evangelical missionary work. The fervour which the campaign engendered led to the formation of numerous local associations in support of the missionary societies. In some cases these associations had juvenile branches attached. However, until the 1840s children’s activity in aid of foreign missions was relatively sporadic. Children’s missionary literature was almost non-existent. Such children’s missionary activity as did take place was confined largely to the children of church and chapel congregations; before the 1840s there was little perception of the vast potential for missionary purposes of the Sunday-school movement.

Thomas Aquinas: An Evangelical Appraisal by Norman L. Geisler

BOOK REVIEWS 529 Thomas Aquinas: An Evangelical Appraisal. By NORMAN L. GEISLER. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House, 1991. Pp. 195. $12.95. The avowed aim of this hook is to win for Aquinas a more sympathetic hearing in evangelical circles. An evangelical who has himself been an admirer of Thomas for many years and has made extensive use of thomisitc writings, Geisler is keenly aware of the immensity of his task. Prominent evangelicals have manifested a pronounced hostility towards Aquinas, accusing him of a variety of sins, from being a proto-humanist to reducing Christian faith to a faulty Aristotelianism. Geisler nevertheless believes the rehabilitation of Thomas worth the effort and offers in this hook ample testimony to the ways in which Aquinas is in accord with the best of evangelical thought. Geisler appears to have adopted a threefold strategy. He begins hy rehearsing the odd ideas about Aquinas that evangelicals such as Francis Schaeffer have advanced; Geisler successfully demonstrates that the most serious charges made by evangelicals against Thomas are groundless. Geisler also devotes considerable effort to establishing Thomas's own credentials as an ' evangelical '; here, he argues in particular for Thomas's fidelity to scripture, and his concern for some epistemological and metaphysical issues of significance for evangelicals. Finally, Geisler occasionally highlights the contribution that Thomas can make to contemporary evangelical work. Not only would Thomas aid in the encounter with process theology (pp. 114ff.) ; hy his teaching on the difference between the preambles and the articles of faith, as well as by his nuanced ways of figuring the relations of faith and reason, Thomas can help to overcome the present impasse between presuppositionalists and evidentialists (pp. 20-1; p. 69) (for a more complete list of the possible contributions of Aquinas to evangelical thought, see pp. 21-2). While few would doubt the nobility of Geisler's ambition, the hook is flawed in several respects. Most notably, the presentation of Thomas's thought falls short of Geisler's purpose. Geisler is basically content to summarize Thomas's positions on certain issues, often merely stringing together quotes from Thomas or offering paraphrases of Thomas's ideas. Evaluated as a simple summary of these issues, the hook is for the most part satisfactory, although hy bringing together discrete claims from remote and disparate parts of (especially) the Summa theologiae, Geisler may be guilty of imposing an order foreign to the thomistic original. Only occasionally does Geisler slip, changing or distorting Thomas's thought in the reporting. For example, in pro- 530 BOOK REVIEWS viding an overview in the third chapter of Thomas on revelation, he writes (pp. 37-8) : "The Bible is inspired and inerrant, even in matters that are not essential to our redemption. No other Christian writing, neither the fathers nor the creeds, are inspired or revelatory. They are only human interpretations of God's revelation in Scripture." Even apart from the anachronistic introduction of the language of evangelical orthodoxy to frame Thomas's position ("The Bible is ... inerrant, even in ..."), the rendering can be questioned on two counts. For one thing, in support of his first claim, Geisler refers in a note to ST I l, 10 ad 3. As another use of that reply discloses (on p. 47, when he returns to the closer examination of the inerrancy of scripture) , what has caught Geisler's eye is the declaration there that 'nothing false underlies the literal sense of scripture'. Yet, Geisler ignores the context of this declaration. Thomas's concern is with the character of the parabolic sense of scripture: does parable convey literal or spiritual meaning? There is, in fact, a rich tradition of speculation on the matter , beginning with Origen, that informs Thomas's own analysis. Geisler leaves Thomas's main point unconsidered and thus misses the real novelty of the reply, that Thomas sees parable as functioning at the literal, not the spiritual, level. In fact, in the light of what he says elsewhere (p. 50), it is quite possible that Geisler has misunderstood Thomas's teaching about the parabolic sense (the choppiness of that rendering, however, makes it difficult to be certain of Geisler's point). Geisler's slip in...

The African Orthodox Church: An Analysis of Its First Decade

The African Orthodox church, an expression of religious autonomy among black Americans, had its genesis in the work and thought of George Alexander McGuire, a native of Antigua, whose religious journey and changing ecclesiastical affiliation paralleled his deepening interest in and commitment to the cause of Afro-American nationalism and racial consciousness. Born in 1866 to an Anglican father and a Moravian mother, George Alexander McGuire was educated at Mico College for Teachers in Antigua and the Nisky Theological Seminary, a Moravian institution in St. Thomas, Virgin Islands (then the Danish West Indies). In 1893 McGuire, having served a pastorate at a Moravian church in the Virgin Islands, migrated to the United States, where he became an Episcopalian. In 1897 he was ordained a priest in that church and, in the succeeding decade, served several parishes, including St. Thomas Church in Philadelphia, which was founded by Absalom Jones. His abilities and skills were recognized, and in 1905 he became the archdeacon for Colored Work in the Episcopal Diocese of Arkansas. Here he became involved with various plans—none of which bore fruit—which would have provided for the introduction of black bishops in the Episcopal church to assist in that church's work of evangelization among black Americans. It is believed, however, that McGuire was influenced by the different schemes which were advanced, and that he “almost certainly carried away from Arkansas the notion of a separate, autonomous black church, and one that was episcopal in character and structure, as one option for black religious self-determination and one avenue for achieving black independence.”

Las Yslas de Esperar en Dios: The Jesuit Mission in Moro 1546–1571

The numerous and voluminous reports and letters which the Jesuits wrote on the Moro mission, as on all their missions in Asia, are perhaps of less interest to us now for what they reveal of the methods adopted by the Society of Jesus in this remote corner of their mission field or the details they contain about the successes and failures of individual missionaries, than for the wealth of information they provide on the islands where the Jesuits lived and the indigenous societies with which they came into contact through their work of evangelization. In other words, it is not theprimary purpose of this essay to analyse the Jesuit documents with a view to reconstructing the history of the Moro mission in narrative form but rather to glean from them some of the informationthey contain about the social and political conditions in Moro during the forty years or so in the sixteenth century when both the Jesuit missionaries and the Portuguese were active in the regio Because the Jesuits were often in close touch with local rulers and notables, whether or not they succeeded in converting them to Christianity, and because they lived among their subjects for long periods, depending upon them for the necessities of life and sharing their hardships, their letters and reports often show a deeper understanding of the social, economic and political conditions of the indigenous societies and, one suspects, give a more accurate and measured account of events and personalities than do the official chroniclers and historians of the time, most of whom never ventured further east than Malacca and who in any case were chiefly concerned to glorify the deeds of the Portuguese and justify their actions to the world.

A View from the Shadows: The Ministry of the Solicitor General of Canada and the Making of the Justice for Victims of Crime Initiative

This work is a detailed empirical study of the evolution of the Canadian Solicitor General's Justice for Victims of Crime initiative, an ethnographic study of policy-making in a justice ministry. The book traces the beginnings of the initative in the American victims' movement and academic victimology; it discusses the evangelical work of senior civil servants who introduced ideas about victims into the Ministry; and it proceeds to discuss the way in which those ideas took form in the context of debates about capital punishment, the reform of policing, and violence against women. Although the book focuses on the complexity of policies for victims, it is also concerned with the more general problems of the policy-making process in a federal government.

Missionaries and Revolutionaries: Moravian Perceptions of United States Foreign Policy in Nicaragua, 1926–1933

German Moravian missionaries came to Nicaragua's east coast in 1849. They built churches, schools, and hospitals for the native Miskitu, Sumu, and Rama Indians. Their teachings stressed a Christian communal life, frugality, and the importance of work. In 1917 the headquarters of the mission moved to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Today most Miskitu Indians are Moravian. Some scholars have blamed the present conflict between Nicaragua's Sandinista government and the east coast Indians on traditional Moravian pro-American political bias. Yet documents in the Moravian Church Archives clearly show that during the period when Sandino was active fighting the U.S. presence in Nicaragua (1926–1933) the American missionaries in Nicaragua were hardly sympathetic with U.S. political goals which often conflicted with the mission's evangelical work.

On the Details of the Yonezawa Eiwa Girls' School

Since the Yogakusha, a foreign language school, was founded in Yonezawa in 1871, Charles Henry Dallas and five other foreign masters taught successively at the Yonezawa Middle School till March in 1880.During the 1880's when Westernism was overwhelming throughout the country, the Yonezawa Middle School was taking a leading role in the spread of new progressive Western ideas among the people of Yonezawa, a rural town in the Tohoku districts, and among the graduates and students of this school were many devotees of democratic rights.It was in 1887 that a church of Methodist communion was founded for the first time in Yonezawa and J. C. Cleaveland was sent there as a missionary. He complied with the request to teach English at the Yonezawa Middle School as well, which started working in accordance with the new ordinance concerning middle schools promulgated the previous year by the Government.On the other hand, Mrs. Cleaveland, with the assistance of her interpreter, opened the class of the English language and knitting for women at the parsonage. This class was up-to-date and so attractive that it was not long before it gained much popularity among young women and girls there.In the same year, Julius Soper, the missionary of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Tokyo, visited Yonezawa, and lectured on the necessity of woman's education and insisted upon the need of foundation of a girls' school. It was true that his lecture left a deep impression on the minds of audience, but there were no reactions among the native men of importance to build one immediately.The Woman's Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Japan sent Miss R. J. Watson in order to investigate whether the foundation of a girls' school there would be within the bounds of possibility. Miss Watson, knowing the popularity of Mrs. Cleaveland's class of the English language and knitting, started the invitation for the new school.The opening ceremony of the Yonezawa Eiwa Girls' School took place in the Assembly Hall of Commerce and Industry in January, 1889, with many guests and men of importance there in attendance.The number of pupils was favorably increasing and the school was well under way, and Miss R. J. Watson, Miss Mary E. Atkinson, Miss G. Baucas and Miss A. M. Otto were appointed in succession to principal of this school, and Miss M. B. Griffiths, Miss L. Imhof and Miss B. J. Allen cooperated with them in evangelistic work. Nevertheless this school was to be closed in 1895, only seven years after its opening.In this paper I want to consider the details of this school, chiefly through the minutes of the Woman's Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Japan, in which the reports of each principal and missionary in charge of evangelistic work were recorded, and to inquire into the unavoidable circumstances that must have obliged them to close the school in such a short period of time.

Area-Based Positive Discrimination and the Distribution of Well-Being

This paper examines the distribution of well-being among a number of ecological type areas in Dundee. Comparisons are made between the results produced by using 'object-related' and 'subjective' social indicators. In calculating summary level of living scores for individuals, an attempt is made to take into account variations in personal priorities. The extent to which the ecological structure of the city provides a useful framework for area-based interventions to relieve deprivation is assessed. By the early years of the 1960s it was becoming increasingly apparent that full employment together with the universalistic provisions of the welfare state had failed to eradicate poverty in Britain (see Harvey, 1960; Wedderburn, 1962; Townsend, 1962). From that decade, areabased approaches became an essential tool of social policy. Programmes were devised which would allocate special resources to people living in designated localities to help fulfil their 'distinctive' needs (see Holtermann, 1975a; Mason et al., 1977; Edwards and Batley, 1978). The late 1960s therefore witnessed the establishment of General Improvement Areas, Educational Priority Areas, Community Development Projects and the Urban Programme, followed in the next decade by Housing Action Areas and the Inner Area Studies. Their historic origins can be traced to the 'active slumming and evangelical work of the Charity Organization Society' and Octavia Hill's housing visitors (Townsend, 1976, p. 169), and more recently to the same concern with the imbalances in the operation of the space-economy which led to the development of regional policies. However, the immediate forerunners of the British area-based policies were the American Headstart, Model Cities and the Community Action Programs (see Edwards and Batley, 1978). The adoption of area-based approaches in Britain was, perhaps, inevitable. There existed clearly recognizable areas of physical decay within cities. 'Common sense' suggested that other problems such as educational disadvantage were also geographically concentrated (Gray, 1975). Moreover, local authority officers tended to view deprivation in terms of area rather than class (Stewart, Spencer and Webster, 1976). The policies rested upon the assumptions that: i) there existed small identifiable areas where a high proportion of the population was deprived, ii) that the deprived were concentrated into such areas, iii) that deprivation could be alleviated by action taken within the areas themselves and iv) that because of a neighbourhood or multiplier effect, the same resources could alleviate more deprivation when the target population was geographically concentrated than when it was scattered (Holtermann, 1975a). Trans. Inst. Br. Geogr. N.S. 6, 53-67 (1981) Printed in Great Britain This content downloaded from 40.77.167.81 on Mon, 12 Sep 2016 04:11:07 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Edward Warren Clark and Early Meiji Japan: A Case Study of Cultural Contact

Protestantism in the early Meiji era has long interested Western students as an aspect of the encounter between Japan and expanding European culture in the nineteenth century. Edward Warren Clark (1849–1907) and other American laymen, who went to Japan as teachers and not society missionaries, played a significant role in the process during the 1870s. Edward Warren Clark is known to Western scholars of the Meiji period for his contribution to the development of English-language education and as the author of books based upon his experiences in Japan. In his letters to William Elliot Griffis (1843–1928), Clark reveals opinions concerning Japan and Japanese acquaintances, and the hopes and tribulations of teaching Western studies. These are interesting in themselves as one American's views, and they also shed more valuable light upon Japanese attitudes toward the West between 1871 and 1875. In this study of cultural contact, particular attention will be paid to Clark's evangelistic work in Shizuoka and later in Tokyo, and the influence of his Christian ideas and misconceptions upon certain Japanese, especially Nakamura Masanao (Keiu, 1832–91).

Bemba Chiefs and Catholic Missions, 1898–1935

The attempt to introduce an element of Indirect Rule into Northern Rhodesia after 1930 highlighted the extent to which the prestige and local influence of chiefs had been reduced by the loss of political and economic power and religious control. In Bembaland the evangelical work of the White Fathers, who were established in the centre of the area from 1898, contributed to the decline of the chiefs' spiritual authority. The principal mission station of the area was separated from the local Bemba chiefdom of Ituna by a grant of concession from the British South Africa Company, and up to 1914 the religious superior was given the powers of a native chief over the inhabitants of the mission. Within the concession, the economic, political and religious association between villagers and missionaries paralleled the network of relationships which had existed in the chief's capital village. In other missions in Bembaland, chiefs were obliged to admit the establishment of mission stations as a result of a Company policy of granting zones of influence with rights of evangelization to individual missionary societies. The influence of these missions was propagated mainly through the work of itinerant catechists who entered into dialogue with village headmen and established a chain of prayer houses and regular instruction throughout the woodland communities. Attempts at resistance by both chiefs and headmen were largely ineffectual, and by 1930 the White Fathers had, with government approval, achieved considerable influence in Bembaland. During the next decade, this influence was to diminish as colonial policies brought about political and social changes in which the mission had only an ancillary part to play.

Significance of the Lausanne Covenant

In his long address called “Why Lausanne?” Dr Billy Graham clearly stated the reason and purpose to have the International Congress on World Evangelization by saying that “we are met to pray, talk, plan and to advance the work of evangelism ,” and he adds: “This is a conference of evangelicals. The participants were asked to come because you are evangelical-concerned with evangelism and missions; and we here tonight stand firmly in the evangelical tradition of Biblical faith.” Here we can find two specific reasons for the congress: to discuss for furtherance of world evangelism and to bring evangelicals together for a united front of the world evangelization. For this purpose the invitations were sent to all over the world. According to statistics published officially by the congress six continents sent their representatives to the congress responding to the invitation though it was sent on individual basis: 458 from Africa, 729 from Asia, 1 115 from North and Central America, 777 from Europe, 180 from South America and 150 from Oceania. Literally it was a world-wide congress. There was never such a large gathering before on a single purpose.

Portuguese Priests and Soldiers in Zimbabwe, 1560-1572: The Interplay between Evangelism and Trade

When, David Livingstone pronounced his famous maxim in 1857 regarding the mutual coexistence of evangelical work on the one hand and the promotion of trade on the other,1 he was in fact reinforcing a trend that had long been implicit in missionary enterprise. Although Livingstone's narrow view of the nature of precoloni,al trade in Africa is arguable,2 there is little doubt that the Portuguese seaborne empire combined trade with evangelism throughout its colonial history; an aphorism attributed to Vasco da Gama, I seek Christians and spices, contains a good measure of truth. This interplay between material and spiritual pursuits in the Lusitanian colonial empire has led an eminent scholar to conclude:

The Family of Love and the diocese of Ely

Few of the major heretical movements of continental Europe have found permanent homes in England. One of the periods when it seemed most likely that they might do so was the years between the Henrician reformation and the growth of native separatism towards the end of the sixteenth century. The persecution of continental anabaptists, sectaries and spiritualists in their native lands forced many of them into exile in England; an exile which they often used to continue their evangelistic work, as well as to maintain their own versions of the radical reformation. They found a ready reception for their beliefs among certain sections of the population of south-east England; notably, but not exclusively, the artisans. Devout but ill-disciplined study of the Bible, the lack of protestant preachers, and the social dislocation of Tudor England, all facilitated the missionary work of the radicals. A majority of the preachers were Netherlandish by origin, and continued to look to the Low Countries as the source of their inspiration; none more so than one of the most interesting of the spiritualist sects, the Family of Love.

Developing Indigenous Leadership in Miskito Evangelization

The author describes an approach to evangelization motivated both by the shortage of priests and by the need to be relevant in the Miskito setting. Native lay evangelizers, democratically selected by their own peoples, were given training in an institute to become leaders of local groups of believers. Because the men who merited and gained the respect of the group were often older and illiterate, they were usually assisted by younger, literate aids. Periodic meetings of a day or two, and annual sessions for further training became occasions also for development of esprit de corps and for group planning of the pastoral ministry. Priests spend most of their time in the training program, while the native evangelizers carry on most of the day-to-day evangelization and parish work. Other ingredients in this effective, culturally relevant program include frequent youth conferences, and a cooperative program for mutual help in agriculture, health, and other aspects of human welfare. The entire approach is genuinely indigenous and effectively integrated, and is on the whole quite successful, though there are problems.

Zenas L. Martin, Quaker Pioneer in Cuba

ZENAS L. MARTIN, QUAKER PIONEER IN CUBA By Hiram H. Hilty* Zenas Lindley Martin was bom in Yadkin County, North Carolina, September 27, 1855, but moved with his family to Iowa at the age of four; his father was one of the many Quakers in the South who, being opposed to slavery, decided to emigrate rather than continue to live in a slave-holding society. Even into the 1890's the activities of the "Freedmen's Society" were reported in the minutes of the Iowa Yearly Meeting, reflecting the interest of Iowa Friends in the Negro. Though reared on a farm, Zenas Martin developed a preference for business. By the age of forty, in 1895, he was a successful druggist in the tiny village of Hubbard, Iowa. He had married and was the father of a maturing daughter, Evalyn. He and his wife, Susie Janeway Martin, were active members of the Hubbard Friends Meeting. In 1891 Susie was named president of the Women's Foreign Missionary Association of Iowa Yearly Meeting.1 Correspondence with daughter Evalyn between 1894 and 1898 reveals that the local meeting in Hubbard absorbed much of the time and interest of the entire family.2 In 1895 the Iowa Yearly Meeting of Friends entrusted Zenas Martin with the important task of developing a newly acquired property in Jamaica into a mission compound-community, and he made two extended visits to the island.3 In 1895 Zenas Martin was also named General Superintendent of Pastoral and Evangelistic Work of the Iowa Yearly Meeting.4 This work involved much travel, visiting meetings in Iowa, Nebraska, and Minnesota. Susie sometimes went with him, but usually she was left at home with a companion. Her health was delicate at this time and further declined to the point where she was finally unable to * Professor of Spanish, Guilford College 1 Minutes of Iowa Yearly Meeting, 1891 (Oskaloosa, Iowa), p. [69]. 2 Evalyn Martin was with an uncle at Argonia; Kansas, during most of this period. The correspondence between Zenas and Susie Martin and their daughter is now in the Quaker Collection of the Guilford College Library. 8 Foreign Mission Work of American Friends (Richmond, Ind., American Friends Board of Foreign Missions, 1912), p. 98; The American Friend, VII (March 29, 1900), 295. 4 TL· American Friend, II (Sept. 19, 1895), 914; see also Minutes of Iowa Yearly Meeting, 1899, p. 7. 81 82QUAKER HISTORY attend the sessions of the Women's Foreign Missionary Association in 1900.6 For nine years she had presided over its meetings. Although his wife's infirmity was a source of constant anxiety to him, it did not keep Zenas Martin at home. In 1897 he returned to Jamaica in the course of his duties as general superintendent. It proved to be a fateful journey. On his first visit he had become acquainted with Captain Lorenzo D. Baker of the Boston Fruit Company, and as he returned from Jamaica On a boat of that company in 1897 the two friends had leisure for long conversations. The coast of Cuba came in sight, and Captain Baker spoke of plans which his company had to open banana plantations on that island. He urged Iowa Friends to undertake missionary work on the Boston Fruit Company plantations in Cuba, as they had in Jamaica, and offered $1,000 of his own money to help.* When he returned to Iowa, Zenas Martin reported on his Jamaica visit and conveyed to Friends the invitation and offer of Captain Baker. As it happened, the matter was not left to Zenas Martin alone. When Captain Baker returned to Boston he called on the eminent Benjamin F. Trueblood7 and pressed his invitation to Friends on him. Trueblood immediately became interested and began to propagandize for the Cuban undertaking. Meanwhile, quite independent of all this, E. M. Sein, a Mexican Friends leader, was soliciting aid from American Friends to meet a request from "a Cuban pastor" for literature to use in Tampa "and at Santiago."8 A few weeks later, an American Friends missionary in Mexico, J. S. Turner, reported to Friends in Indiana that "our representative, a native minister in Havana, is now ready to put...