Public Role Of Women Research Articles

Why Veil? Religious Headscarves and The Public Role of Women

Why Veil? Religious Headscarves and The Public Role of Women

The Role of Fishermen's Wife in Increasing Family Income

The uncertainty of the income that the head of the fisherman's household in Namlea Village encourages his wife to work to meet family needs. The role of the fishermen's wife is needed because it affects the level of family income. This is what encourages researchers to conduct research with the aim of knowing how the role of fishermen's wives in increasing family income in Namlea Village, Buru Regency. The method used in this research is a survey method, which is an investigation that obtains facts from the existing symptoms of the role of fishermen's wives in Namlea Village, Namlea District, Buru Regency and analyzed by descriptive method. Sampling in this study using a purposive sampling method. This type of research is descriptive qualitative. Respondents taken in this study amounted to 18 people or 25% of the total population of 72 fishermen's wives. The domestic role of women, which are all activities carried out by fishermen's wives in maintaining fishermen's households, which consists of jobs such as cooking, washing, ironing, cleaning the house, and childcare are priceless. The public role of women is all the activities of fishermen's wives that generate income outside of their homes. Fishermen's wives are required to play a role in making a living by being involved in earning a living. The work that is done by the fishermen's wife is like selling fresh (raw) fish and processed fish (smoked fish). The results of this study indicate that 18 fishermen wife respondents show a contribution or proportion that affects the total income of the fishermen's family with the criteria classified as moderate, which means that it is quite influential in increasing family income and can meet family needs. This research can assist local governments in formulating policies related to improving fishermen's welfare through the active role of family members.

¿Dónde está el cordero? Cinco poemas de Adriane Garcia

The five poems translated here are part of A bandeja de Salomé [Salome’s tray], Brazilian poet Adriane Garcia’s unpublished book. These poems let know some of its most important characteristics: irony, subtlety and intertextuality when the author rewrites different stories of the Holy Bible. For example, as the reader will notice, Garcia’s critical vision emphasizes on public roles of women in those stories. Therefore, publishing these poems in bilingual, Garcia’s work increases the scene of Brazilian poetry and literature in United States.

MENELUSURI KONSEP GENDER DALAM AL-QUR’AN

This paper examines gender in an Islamic perspective. In Islam there are several controversy issues related to gender relations, including the origin of the creation of women, the concept of inheritance, witnessing, polygamy, reproductive rights, the rights of female divorces, and the public role of women. This fact will be very interesting if it is related to the Koran as the main source of Islamic teachings. Al-Quran does not deny the existence of differences (distinction) between men and women but these differences are not differences (discrimination) that benefit one party and harm the other party. By basing on the main sources of Islamic teachings, namely the Koran and Hadith, it was found some disclosures of the meaning of words related to gender such as al-rajul wa al-nisa, al-zakar wa al-untsa and al-mar'u and al-mar'ah. Various explanations in detail and globally regarding the position of men and women in accordance with their respective nature. They are created in pairs, like two sides of a coin that cannot be separated in an effort to expand their duties as khalifatullah fil ardi.

MENELUSURI KONSEP GENDER DALAM AL-QUR’AN

This paper examines gender in an Islamic perspective. In Islam there are several controversy issues related to gender relations, including the origin of the creation of women, the concept of inheritance, witnessing, polygamy, reproductive rights, the rights of female divorces, and the public role of women. This fact will be very interesting if it is related to the Koran as the main source of Islamic teachings. Al-Quran does not deny the existence of differences (distinction) between men and women but these differences are not differences (discrimination) that benefit one party and harm the other party. By basing on the main sources of Islamic teachings, namely the Koran and Hadith, it was found some disclosures of the meaning of words related to gender such as al-rajul wa al-nisa, al-zakar wa al-untsa and al-mar'u and al-mar'ah. Various explanations in detail and globally regarding the position of men and women in accordance with their respective nature. They are created in pairs, like two sides of a coin that cannot be separated in an effort to expand their duties as khalifatullah fil ardi.

“The Reasonable (Wo)man”: Physicians, Freedom of Contract, and Women's Rights, 1870–1930

This article examines how ideals of contract freedom within the women's rights movement challenged medical and medical jurisprudence theories about women between 1870 and 1930. Throughout this period, medicine linked women's intellectual incapacity with problems rooted in their physical bodies. Doctors opined that reproductive diseases and conditions of pregnancy, childbirth, menstruation, and menopause rendered women disabled, irrational, and inherently dependent. Yet at the same moment, the elimination of the legal disability of coverture, and new laws that expanded women's property and earnings rights contributed to changing perceptions of women's public roles. Courts applied far more liberal understandings of sanity and rationality in property and contract cases, even when the legal actors were women. Seizing this opportunity, reformers made powerful arguments against doctors' ideas of women's “natural” mental weakness, pointing out that the growing rights to contract and transact illustrated women's rationalism and competency for full citizenship. Most significantly, these activists insisted that these rights indicated women's right to total bodily freedom—a concept that would become crucially important in the early birth control movement.

Sisters in Arms: Ireland, Gender and Militarisation, 1914–1918

Remembering the 1914–18 War has a complex and contentious history in Ireland. Recent scholarship has re-examined the complexity of the Irish experience during this period, both by addressing the place of Irishmen in the Allied Forces and by retrieving the contribution of women towards the formation of the Irish Free State. However, the reinstatement of the female experience within the nationalist narrative has overlooked other female experiences of wartime in Ireland which were significantly different from those of their British counterparts. This essay examines an aspect of the ‘Home Front’ in Ireland when women's involvement in war industries, particularly in the Dublin munitions factories, are seen as crucial to the European war effort. Though the revolutionary, armed female volunteer is recognisably a figure of modernity, the female munitions worker, operating within the technological machinery of warfare, is also one. This essay explores the mobilization of women within the Irish war industries and suggests that there is still much work to be done in uncovering the extent of Irishwomen's contribution to the military war effort. Considering the complexities and contradictions of these parallel frameworks for modern Irish womanhood, this essay addresses how the Irish case adds important new dimensions to our understanding of the war's wide-ranging impacts on concepts of gender and the public roles of women that continue to resonate as the twentieth century unfolds.

The Rhetoric of Ellen Terry's Alter Ego: Lessons From Nance Oldfield

While Ellen Terry's Shakespearean roles are commonly discussed in considerations of her work, the actress's involvement with the comic play Nance Oldfield is glossed over if not entirely overlooked. However, Terry bought the rights to this play, revised the script with Bram Stoker, performed the leading role, and invoked this semi-fictional figure across the latter part of her career. This essay examines public theatrical ephemera in conjunction with personal photographs of Terry dressed up as Oldfield at home and the extensive marginalia on Terry's copy of the script to argue that Terry's assumption of ‘Nance Oldfield’ was a rhetorical performance. Terry's alliance with this character, as an on-stage character and an off-stage alter ego, led her to speak with greater confidence about her own professional life and about women's public role in nineteenth-century England.

Implementing the Women, Peace and Security agenda? Somali debates on women’s public roles and political participation

ABSTRACTIn conflict and post-conflict settings, the international community operates with the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda supporting gender equality. During and after war, gender roles are often deeply contested as part of larger societal transformations and uncertainties. In Somalia since the 1960s, gender identities and roles have undergone substantial changes, influenced by contemporary political systems, the women’s movement, civil war and religious transformations. The international community’s role in these societal transformations should not be over-estimated. Life history research with Somali women shows that debates on women’s roles in the public sphere are taking place irrespective of the international agenda. Somali women have, at least since the 1960s, held civil-political leadership positions, despite substantial disagreements on the public role of women in Somalia. Furthermore, the “international” and “local” are difficult to disentangle. The Somali female elite have often spent years abroad and introduced new gender perspectives from places as divergent as Egypt, Russia and the United States. Global cultural and religious trends are influencing post-war Somalia, Somaliland and Puntland. In this complex socio-cultural landscape, the international WPS agenda can support – but also risk delegitimizing – Somali processes and perspectives. The article illustrates the gap that exists between global norms and local realities by focusing on Somali discourse on women’s public roles and political participation.

Reading Publicity Photographs through the Elizabeth Robins Archive: How Images of the Actress and the Queen Constructed a New Sexual Ideal

In this article, I trace the origins of the normalization of pornographic tropes as the new sexual ideal in contemporary visual culture to late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century publicity photos of actresses and monarchs by examining one prominent transatlantic actress's collection of publicity photos, the Elizabeth Robins Papers at the Fales Library at New York University. As I show, around the turn of the twentieth century, a new standard of idealized feminine beauty was produced by the combination of two contradictory images of celebrity: the distant decorum of the monarch and the perceived erotic sexuality of the actress. The mass production of publicity photographs, which took the form of cartes-de-visite in the 1860s and cabinet photos in the 1870s, broadened the spectrum of sexuality by positioning these two quintessential celebrity types—the actress and the monarch—in relation to the tableau vivant and to existing and emerging tropes of portraiture. The image of the actress existed in relation to several mutually dependent discourses in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries: the rise of photography in relation to other art forms; the rise of theatrical spectacle in relation to advertising, consumerism, and fashion; the rise of women's public role in relation to sexuality, the body, and beauty culture; and the paradoxical democratization of celebrity culture as related to the monarchy. All of these factors center on a figure who lived so vividly in the public imaginary that she could be found in multiple spaces: on the stage, in stationers’ shops, on postcards, in newspapers, in photograph albums.

The Republican Court and the Historiography of a Women’s Domain in the Public Sphere

One of the more useful recent developments in feminist historiography has been the turn away from the simple binarism of public/ private in discussions of the social activities of early modem women in western cultures. In particular Dena Goodman's work on the salons of ancien regime France has recovered the public work of women in the private institutions of sociability that operated in distinction to court and state.1Goodman's understanding of the public sphere is Habermasian in that it understands the public to have been a highly ramified ideal, entailing the antique concept of publicum as the depersonalized authority of state, the idea of public as a discursive space in which the vox populi can speak in distinction to the dictates of the state, and as an array of private institutions-clubs, coffeehouses, tea tables, salons-that constituted an autonomous region of political and cultural power. Women operated differently in light of the different forms of public in which they participated. One could make a quick and crude distinction: Women of the court in the absolutist public sphere exerted influence through secrecy, intrigue, and deception; one might say they were feminized and privatized. The salonnieres, in contrast, molded public opinion by sponsoring and participating in a liberty of conversation; they were publicizers of philosophy and maimers.What does Goodman's renovation of the understanding of women's public roles in France have to do with the historiography of the early republic? It permits us to question the all-powerful dominion of the domesticity thesis in the historiography of women.2The domesticity thesis holds that republican ideology entirely constrained woman's work within the world of the private household. Goodman's work permits us to imagine for early America a fully formed woman's domain in the public sphere, an arena of expression where domesticity does not restrict communication, or republican ideology limit women's roles to virtuous daughter, wife, and mother. She gives us as an alternative to the practice of the salon. The great salons were superintended by women who set mies for conversation, enforcing politeness by wit and quashing incivility with charm. The salonnieres promoted a colloquy between persons of state, savants, artists, and women of taste. The company was exclusive, but not so much in tenus of class or nationality as in terms of talent and conversational skill. The conversation of the salon became the crucible in which the ideas of politicians and philosophers were tried.Let us imagine for early America a space where femmes savantes might speak freely about politics with politicians, art with artists, gentility with gentlemen, and even the theory and practice of domesticity if they so chose. It should have the cosmopolitanism of the French salon-with its +heterosociability-yet there should be something more, an interest in forming a civil sorority found in certain British women's circles. We can visualize a domain of private society that, while permitting mixed conversation, also enabled women to project public concerns-to reform manners, cultivate taste, and critique culture. For the sake of argument, let us also conceive that this domain, or community, is organized so that it can project its views throughout the continent, say by means of a network of subsidiaiy provincial salons. Or let us be more concrete: Let us imagine Abigail Adams not in the meditative solitude of her household in Braintree, but at the center of a metropolitan company of men and especially women of learning, sensibility, and taste. And let us imagine this company actively publicizing an ideal of civility.Such an institution did exist during the final decade of the eighteenth century in America. It was called the Republican Court. Until the rise of the progressive historians early in this century, the Republican Court and its doings were matters of common knowledge among literate Americans. …

Del ‘Hernán Cortés del género femenino’: Imperial and Other Conquests in Cartas Marruecas

In this essay the metaphorical linkage of femininity with national decay in Cartas marruecas is examined as a reaction to women's unprecedented involvement in contemporary Spanish public life and as a precursor to their consignment in the next century to the private arena as a result of the ideology of separate spheres. The study shows that Cadalso shared the ambivalence of his peers among Spain's reformist elite towards women's public role in Enlightenment Spain. The narrative of Cartas marruecas conveys this sense, on the one hand, by shutting women out of its construction of contemporary Spanish society and, thus, effacing their agency in national life, and, on the other, by representing women and the broader conceptual category of femininity through metaphors that equate women with an uncivilized Other and imply that their public activities imperil national progress.

Pakistani Conceptualization of Shari'a and Support for Militancy and Democratic Values: A New Empirical Approach

In this paper, we argue that empirical studies of the relationship between popular support for Islamism and support for democracy and violence have yielded inconclusive results, largely because scholars inadequately operationalize respondent support for sharia. Focusing on Pakistan, we demonstrate how using different conceptualizations of sharia has direct impacts upon the observed correlation between such support and support for democratic values and Islamic militant groups. We use data derived from a carefully designed survey instrument that offers unique insights into how Pakistanis define a sharia-based government. We find that formalizing an Islamic government as one that implements sharia by providing services and security for the people is associated with increased support for democratic values, whereas conceptualizing an Islamic government as one that implements sharia by imposing hudud punishments and restricting women's public roles is associated with increased support for militancy. These results suggest that depending on how individuals within a particular context and time period construe a

Peran Perempuan dan Era Baru di Nangroe Aceh Darussalam

In the midst of prolong conflict and the delay of reconciliation, Indonesian government provides a special autonomy to the Aceh people to implement Islamic laws ( sharia' ) in the sociopolitical realms. Yet, for Aceh women the implementation of sharia' creates discriminative regulations such as enforcement to wear jilbab and curfew for them. Many recent political policies are totally disregarding Aceh women as part of the Aceh society. Various local regulations (qanun) that proposed by local government are not gender-sensitive and put forward violence in doing conflict resolution. Local autonomy brings the oppression of women's roles in the society. Historically, Aceh women have significant roles in shaping cultural identity of Aceh society. In the past, the interpretation of sharia' recognized and supported women's leadership in the society. Hence, a new approach to put back women's public roles in order to participate in reconciliation process of the Aceh society is needed. Key words: Aceh special autonomy; Islamic laws; women's role; gender inequality

“I Like to Get Around”

This article examines the previously unstudied history of Chicago’s nineteenth-century music saloons, tracing their development from transplanted German beer halls to Americanized entertainment resorts to commercial dance halls. Drawing on evidence from scattered newspaper sources, the article documents women’s ubiquitous presence in music saloons as waiters, performers, prostitutes, and patrons and then interprets what their presence reveals about the public role of women in nineteenth century American cities. The women in music saloons asserted considerable social freedom, articulated a public identity that emphasized sexual expressiveness, and helped create a morally ambiguous environment that defied the prevailing Victorian distinctions between respectable and disreputable. In doing so, they helped define what it meant to be a modern city girl. The article also examines the affect that municipal regulation had upon the operation of Chicago’s music saloons. City officials restricted the presence of music and women but only periodically enforced the restrictions. The sporadic enforcement never removed women or music for long but nonetheless structured the social and cultural environment of the city’s music saloons.

<i>Islam in Contention: Rethinking Islam and State in Indonesia</i> ed. by Ota Atsushi, Okamoto Masaaki, and Ahmad Suaedy (review)

Reviewed by: Islam in Contention: Rethinking Islam and State in Indonesia ed. by Ota Atsushi, Okamoto Masaaki, and Ahmad Suaedy Iqra Anugrah (bio) Islam in Contention: Rethinking Islam and State in Indonesia. Edited by Ota Atsushi, Okamoto Masaaki, and Ahmad Suaedy. Jakarta: Wahid Institute; Kyoto: Kyoto University Center for Southeast Asian Studies; Taipei: Academia Sinica Center for Asia-Pacific Area Studies. 2010. 468 pp. Islam in Contention covers recent developments concerning Islam in Indonesia's political processes, with a particular focus on state-Islam relations, the strategies Islamic groups pursue to gain political influence, and how such dynamics shape the discourse about the proper role of Islam in Indonesian society. In the introduction, the three editors state that the primary aim of the book is to "reveal the dynamism and diversity of the current thoughts and movements surrounding Indonesian Islam," (p. 12) rather than to provide a comprehensive theoretical monograph of Islam and politics in Indonesia. The book also tries to bridge the gap between activists and scholars, and, consequently, the editors have included the works of members of non-governmental organizations as well as academics in this volume. The first part of the book, "Islam and Social Justice," juxtaposes normative and empirical approaches to state-Islam relations. In the first essay, Masdar F Mas'udi discusses the compatibility between Islam and modern societal institutions, such as democracy, a market economy, human rights, and social welfare. He argues that the Islamic conception of an ideal state is a democratic welfare state. In the second essay, Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao responds to Mas'udi's Islamic political vision by contrasting the gap between that vision and political realities. Hsiao highlights the challenges and difficulties of translating Islamic political ideas into modern state institutions. Hsiao also points out the need for Islam-inspired political ideas to deal with the diversity of society. In part two, "Contemporary Contentions over Islam," the authors, who are mostly activists, share their insiders' perspectives to shed light on issues that have generated considerable controversy in Indonesia over the past years, such as the adoption of shari'a regulations, the writing of a counter legal draft of the Islamic law compilation, the pornography bill, and violations of minorities' religious freedom. In chapter three, Abubakar Eby Hara discusses the changing context in which debates about shari'a regulations occur, highlighting how groups that are advocating shari'a regulations now invoke freedom of speech and freedom of religious practices to support the implementation of shari'a regulations. In chapter four, Marzuki Wahid, a member of the team that proposed the counter legal draft of the Islamic law compilation (Counter Legal Draft-Kompilasi Hukum Islam, CLD-KHI), describes controversies surrounding CLD-KHI, especially from the mainstream Islamic perspective of Indonesia's established religious institutions like Indonesian Council of Clerics (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI). Abdur Rozaki writes in the fifth chapter about the politics of the pornography bill as expressed in the views of supporters and opponents of the bill, from both the national parliament and society. In chapter six, Ahmad Suaedy shares his experience from being personally involved in various movements promoting [End Page 181] cultural pluralism and freedom of religion in Indonesia against an increase in violence against minorities perpetuated by Islamic fundamentalist organizations. The third part of the volume shifts to the role Islamist social movements and political parties have played in influencing politics since 1998. In "Strategies in Struggle," Fahlesa Munabari discusses the rhetoric of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), whereas Okamoto Masaaki underlines the Islamist Partai Keadilan Sejahtera's (Justice and Welfare Party, PKS) pragmatic strategies in local politics through a case study of Banten province. In chapter nine, Sasaki Takuo's essay shows how the Indonesian government—particularly under the Yudhoyono administration—projects itself as the promoter of moderate Islam in the midst of anti-Ahmadiyah sentiments. In the collection's fourth section, "Discourse and Practice of Islam in Society," Kobayashi Yasuko presents an essay on the changing perspectives of Nahdlatul Ulama's (NU, the Awakening of Religious Scholars) discussion forum for legal issues (BM, BahtsulMasa'il) with regard to women's public role. In chapter eleven, Syuan-yuan Chiou explains the politics of "Chinese theory," which...

Gender-Based Political Harassment and Violence: Effects on the Political Work and Public Roles of Women

This article shows the significance of the problems of political harassment and violence against women in positions of political responsibility in Bolivia. This phenomenon is seen in both rural and urban areas and transcends borders. It has been shown that these attacks constitute a violation of women's civil and political rights and a threat to the physical and mental health of women leaders in Bolivia. Furthermore, there is no punishment of guilty parties, reparation, or moral or material compensation for the women who are affected. In Bolivia, gender-based harassment and violence is a fundamental barrier to women's political participation. However, this phenomenon is still not addressed by government programs and is not part of the public discourse and debate. In spite of the measures taken to promote women's political participation, several different administrations have been unable to guarantee women the capacity to occupy positions of responsibility without being threatened or harassed. The results of our research led to a bill addressing this problem. Subsequently, Ecuador took this bill as an example and replicated it in a legislative initiative. These results show the importance of research by organizations that represent women in preventing unjust situations and health problems.

Disappointments and New Directions: Women, Partisanship, and the Regime in Yemen

AbstractYoung women activists in Yemen today often express a profound disappointment over the process of partisan competition, even as they continue to show a commitment to public service and civic engagement. This undoubtedly stems from nearly two decades of slowly receding rights, as the logic of multiparty competition has led political parties across the political spectrum to articulate an increasingly narrow set of views regarding the public roles of women and to allocate fewer resources to support their female members. This essay details the trajectory of these disappointments and shows how the interrelated processes of encroaching authoritarianism and cross-ideological opposition have come to position women as the objects of partisan debate, while simultaneously limiting their opportunities to directly shape Yemeni politics through partisan institutions. In response to a system that has valued their votes more than their voices, women have increasingly invested their energies in the associational sector, a choice that runs the risk of exacerbating some of the limits that they encounter under prevailing political conditions.

Gender and post-conflict civil society

Women have historically participated in revolutionary/liberation movements. A consensus among scholars working in the field suggests that once the broader aims of the movement have been achieved, women's public role and the concern for gender differentiated interests diminish in the post-conflict society. The aim of this study is to apply this hypothesis using the case study of Eritrea. Eritrea offers an opportunity to study a modern, successful revolutionary movement that relied heavily upon women's contributions both as support personnel and as front-line soldiers. Preliminary evidence suggests that Eritrea is following the pattern of many other post-conflict societies. Several questions are addressed here: Does the hypothesis which suggests women's participation is welcomed during a revolutionary struggle, but discouraged in post-conflict society, hold true in the Eritrean case? What role did women play in Eritrean independence and what role do they currently play? Have the reforms enacted by the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) carried forward under the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ)? What role does women's inclusion play in creating a viable civil society? How has the generational aspect of women's military service affected society's overall perception of women?

Nobility, women and historical narratives of the crusades and the latin east

Historical narratives of the crusades and Latin settlement in the Levant, like other medieval literature, provide slim details about women. In medieval society Latin literary education was dominated by a predominantly male and ecclesiastical hierarchy, which reflected the views of a patriarchal social system and marginalised the public role of women. Crusade narratives in particular have been criticised for their negative attitude towards women, mirroring a lack of ecclesiastical enthusiasm at their involvement in the crusade movement. Histories about crusading and events in the Latin East were often written for, and in some cases by, the lay nobility who took part in crusades and settled in the holy land. These texts were sometimes used as propaganda to encourage nobles to take the cross, and much of the imagery within them had didactic elements. In the case of women, they provided models for behaviour according to social and marital status. A consistently negative portrayal of women was doubtless impossible due to the number of important noblewomen who took the cross, and their value in cementing political alliances between western Europe and the Latin East through marriage. This article contends that it is the complex links between crusade narratives and the nobility, in terms of participation and patronage, audience, subject matter and values – crusade as a “noble” pursuit – which helps to explain the discrepancy between established ecclesiastical views and the portrayal of women in historical narratives about crusading and settlement in the East. In order to establish this idea effectively, several main themes must be addressed, including the role of crusade texts within the context of contemporary noble culture, and crusade narratives as source material for noble values concerning women. To begin, however, it is necessary to provide some background on attitudes towards women and crusade, as well as the concept of nobility and the noblewoman's place in medieval society.