Women's Organizations Research Articles

Женское движение в России в 1907–1914 гг.

The article examines the women's movement in Russia in 1907–1914. The author studies, what is the women's movement; its causes (discrimination and legal inequality of women in all spheres of life); women's issue (a whole complex of problems related to the unequal position of women in society, economy and family) and the problem of emancipation (liberation) of women. The article also considers the impact of the First Russian Revolution of 1905–1907 on the women's movement, features of the women's movement in 1907–1914 (the stage of formation of a mass women's movement with an extensive infrastructure, integrating various social strata of women). The author shows that the number and diversity of women's organizations continued to increase, which contributed to the formation of a broad social base of the women's movement; presents the classification of women's associations by spheres of activity, by ideological orientation: conservative, liberal (including feminist) and socialist. The article demonstrates the main activities of the women's movement: the struggle for education, for access to professional work, charity, the struggle for civil and political rights, including electoral rights and mentions women's parties, organizations, such as Russian Women's Mutual Charitable Society, Women's Progressive Party, Women's Equality Union, Workers' Mutual Aid Society and three All-Russian women's congresses. It shows participation of various segments of the population in the women's movement. The author analyzes government policy on the women's issue and concludes about the results and significance of the women's movement.

Modernisasi dan Penguatan Perekonomian ‘Aisyiyah Pada Masa Kepemimpinan Siti Baroroh Baried 1965-1985 M

This study discusses the organization of 'Aisyiyah during the leadership of Siti Baroroh Bared, in which in her leadership she succeeded in making 'Aisyiyah known and collaborating with international organizations. This article will reveal the condition of 'Aisyiyah before the leadership of Siti Baroroh Bared and how the development of 'Aisyiyah during her leadership. The method used in this research is the historical method. Siti Baroroh Bared has a high intellect so that she can create superior and new programs in an 'Aisyiyah organization including the development of the Bustanul Athfal Kindergarten, establishing a school for midwives and nurses, conducting recitations by traveling outside the Kauman village, the existence of an Economic Business Entity program The 'Aisyiyah family (BUEKA), conducts regeneration and leadership coaching and training programs, organizes compensation programs for orphans and the poor, in addition to cooperating with various parties or organizations and establishing several federations of women's organizations

Aisyiyah dan Peranannya dalam Meningkatkan Derajat Kaum Perempuan

ABSTRACT
 This study aims to describe the role of Aisyiyah in improving the status of women in Indonesia from 1917-1945. This study uses a library research method using a philosophical approach and a historical approach. The results of this study indicate that Aisyiyah is a Muhammadiyah women's organization which was founded on 27 Rajab 1335 H, coinciding with 19 May 1917 M. The embryo of the establishment of Aisyiyah has been started since the Sapa Tresna association was held in 1914, namely an association of educated girls around the village of Kauman. . Nyai Dahlan's attention to Islamic education is very large. Like Ahmad Dahlan, Nyai Dahlan agreed on a formal term known as "Catur Chess", namely: Education in the family environment; school environment; community environment; and places of worship. The conclusion of Aisyiyah's role in increasing the status of women in Indonesia is that in its development, the Aisyiyah movement from time to time continues to increase its role and expand its work in the context of increasing and advancing the dignity of Indonesian women.
 Keyword : Aisyiyah, Degrees, Women 

Solidarity with the Fulfillment of Women's Political Representations in Indramayu Regency

In this study, it can be seen that the role of fellow women in supporting women to be involved in the political realm is a factor that can increase the value of women in women's involvement in politics in the Indramayu Regency. This research is descriptive qualitative research by describing the findings from various literature and previous studies in answering the research results. The survey results show that solidarity among women in increasing women's political participation in Indramayu Regency comes from a sense of unity among women who are members of a young women's organization called Fatayat Nahdlatul Ulama in fighting for women's rights. Friendship among women in Indramayu Regency is a form of strength between women who support politics by empowering women in the Indramayu Regency. Mutual trust among women in Indramayu Regency is an essential point in women's courage to join the world of politics. The interests that are fought for by women in Indramayu Regency are to advance women in various fields, including education, health, economy, social welfare, legal awareness, political education, and women's empowerment in Indramayu Regency. Empowering women can develop their potential and change a healthier political climate, and prepare women who are strong in politics, culture, economy, and education. This research limit is only looking at women's solidarity in supporting women's representation in politics in Indramayu Regency.

The General Zionists and the WIZO party, 1948-51

ABSTRACT In the first elections for the Israeli parliament (January 1949) WIZO ran as a women's party seeking equal rights for women. It won enough votes for a parliamentary seat – highly unusual in that day and age. WIZO was unique in that it started out as an apolitical women's organisation aligned with the mid-stream Zionist consensus and redefined itself as a party fighting for gender equality.This article examines the developments in the General Zionist Party that led WIZO, founded as a women's philanthropic organisation, to run as an independent political party on its own platform on the eve of the establishment of the State of Israel. It will also look at the impact of WIZO party on Israel's center-right - the General Zionists, the Progressive party and Herut - in the context of the Constituent Assembly elections. The establishment of a women's party in 1948-49 was a unique phenomenon with no equal anywhere in the world at the time.

Service and Life of British and Soviet Women in the Navy during World War II

Comparative studies on the experiences of female representatives of different countries in WWII remain relevant today. They not only deepen our understanding of the life of women at war, but also allow us to explore the power regimes of different states at one stage or another. After all, the government organized the activities of various groups of the population aimed at winning the war. Women were no exception in this respect, regardless of whether they worked in the rear or defended their homeland with weapons in hand. For centuries, the navy for the most part represented a purely masculine environment, and the presence of a woman on a ship was considered a bad omen. However, the scale of hostilities during the world wars and, as a consequence, the need for a constant supply of personnel to the armed forces made their adjustments – states began to gradually recruit women to serve in the navy. The article compares the experiences of Great Britain and the USSR in attracting women to serve in the navy during WWII. The countries were chosen not by chance, as they represent democracy and totalitarianism, respectively, and studying their practice of involving women in the navy can deepen our knowledge of these regimes.
 After analysing the experience of women’s service in the navy in 1939-1945, the author concludes that their recruitment to the navy in Great Britain took place through a special organization – the Women’s Royal Naval Service (WRNS). Its personnel were trained mostly separately from men and then sent to military units of the navy. The USSR did not create separate women's organizations for this purpose; women served in the same bodies as men. The main purpose of mobilizing women to the navy in both the USSR and Great Britain was initially to replace men in positions on land to release the latter for service at sea. However, in both countries there were cases when women also served at sea. The range of positions available to them in the navy expanded during the war, and in the USSR reached its apogee in the form of admission of women to combat positions. In Great Britain, women in the navy did not officially perform combat roles, and there was a ban on them from using lethal weapons.

„Uz Tita i Partiju“. Djelatnost Antifašističkog fronta žena Bosne i Hercegovine i njihove reakcije na propagandu Informbiroa tokom 1948. i 1949. godine

During the Second World War, the Anti-Fascist Women's Front (AFŽ) was formed in 1942 in Bosanski Petrovac. The outcome of the formation is an attempt at long-term mobilization and organization of women within the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. The women's anti-fascist front was organizationally on the path of anti-fascism and sacrifice in achieving the military, political and other goals of the revolution. At the First Congress of the AFŽ of Yugoslavia, which was held in 1945 in Belgrade, Josip Broz Tito stated the tasks of women, which were crucial for the new state. These were the preservation of brotherhood and unity, the continuation of the fight against the enemies of the new state, preparations for the constitution elections, work on rebuilding the country, enlightening women, humanitarian work with soldiers killed in the war, parents of children killed orphaned and raising children in in the spirit of the People's Liberation Struggle. Also, after the Second World War, the International Democratic Federation of Women was established, which was founded on the initiative of women from the Federation of French Women, and which dealt exclusively with women's issues and issues of interest to women. The women of Yugoslavia, who participated in the congresses in Paris and Budapest, also played a significant role in the establishment and operation of the International Democratic Federation of Women. With the outbreak of open conflict between the countries of Informbiro and Yugoslavia in 1948, and the action of Informbiro's propaganda, it also affected the Bureau of the French Women's Union, which prevented women from Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina from attending the 1949 plenary session of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. This attitude led to women's organizations in cities, villages, peasant labor cooperatives, labor collectives and institutions throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina holding meetings, rallies and conferences, where they openly criticized and protested through letters against the decision and the revocation of calls for women's presence. Of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina at the meeting of the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow. The women of Yugoslavia / Bosnia and Herzegovina also had their position after the publication of the Informbiro Resolution on the situation in the CPY in 1948, where they rejected the resolution and sent and expressed their commitment to the CPY and Tito. In this regard, the paper, based on first-rate sources and relevant literature, seeks to present the activities of the Anti-Fascist Women's Front of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the years after World War II, both domestically and internationally (preparation of the International Women's Exhibition, signature collection, with the support of the proposal of the Soviet Alliance on Arms Reduction, etc.), as well as the views on the Informbiro Resolution of 1948 and the reactions of women's organizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Informbiro's propaganda during 1949, due to the impossibility of women's attendance at the International Democratic Federation of Women in Moscow.

TasminBradleyGlobal Perspectives on Violence against Women and GirlsZed Books, 2020, 208 p., £65.00

TasminBradleyGlobal Perspectives on Violence against Women and GirlsZed Books, 2020, 208 p., £65.00

OPRA: Gerakan Perempuan Adat pada Suku Bangsa Namblong di Lembah Grime di Kabupaten Jayapura

This article aims to describe and analyze the social movements carried out by the OPRA (“Organisasi Perempuan Adat” or Indigenous Women's Organization) in the Namblong Tribe in the Grime Valley, Jayapura Regency, Papua. This research is a qualitative research with an ethnographic approach. Determination of selected informants by snowball involving key informants from OPRA. The data collection techniques used were in-depth interviews and observations, as well as FGD (Focus Group Discussion). Data analysis includes the stages of data reduction, data exposure and data interpretation. The results showed that the OPRA organization in the Namblong ethnic group was born because it was initiated by a group of women who were dissatisfied with the placement of women in the customary structure. The increasing number of women from the Namblong tribe who became victims of violence and unfair treatment, raised a collective awareness among them to rise up against and fight for their rights and demand justice and equality for Namblong women. The formation of the ORPA shows how customary identities are used and institutionalized not only as an effort to maintain power against the State and companies in matters of rights to land, natural resources and culture but also to fight for women's rights in the Namblong community

Ladina Social Activism in Guatemala City, 1871–1954

In her beautifully researched Ladina Social Activism in Guatemala City, 1871–1954, historian Patricia Harms opens the windows wide on the world of ladina women's organizations from the outset of the Liberal Party's consolidation of power to the overthrow of the October Revolution's reformist government. The book is primarily an analytical narrative that restores to the historical record the ideas and actions of urban, mainly middle-class ladina women who created maternalist feminist circles. The book, in its introduction, seven chapters, epilogue, informative notes, and useful appendixes with brief biographies of the largely unknown women who formed the core of the women's movement, looks at Guatemala City's ladina women–centered literary circles, journals, and organizations. Above all, Harms examines the intense dynamics of ladina women's mobilizations and ideologies during the period of the reformist October Revolution, from 1944 to 1954. In her introduction, Harms underscores that knowledge of women's history—making visible the invisible—is a prerequisite to, not a substitute for, gender analysis.Harms looks at three broad periods: the development of the Liberal Party and its discourses of progress, order, and secularism between 1871 and 1930; the Jorge Ubico dictatorship between 1930 and 1944; and the ten years of the October Revolution, from 1944 to 1954. The first of these periods saw the birth of a protofeminist consciousness that was articulated in two journals, La Voz de la Mujer and El Ideal, directed to literate urban ladina women and edited by the Lappara sisters, two fascinating women from a poor ladino family in Quetzaltenango. They advocated for a reimagined Liberal Party modernization that included women, poor people, and Catholic workers, and they created a space in which women intellectuals were legitimized to speak and write about civic issues. This important legacy surfaced after the fall of the Manuel Estrada Cabrera dictatorship, when in the 1920s women formed an overtly feminist group, the Sociedad Gabriela Mistral. Although gender roles were not challenged and maternalism remained the unquestioned avenue for women's roles outside the home in moral education and social welfare, the 1920s had many dynamics. Alberto Masferrer's social justice Vitalism and Mistral-inspired theosophy joined in the ideological crucible of maternalism, Catholicism, and liberalism. Out of this came women educators such the remarkable and prolific Luz Valle, who even under the Ubico dictatorship pushed maternal feminist thought to make materialist critiques of social and economic structures.The bulk of the book is devoted to the intense reform years of the October Revolution. The male leadership of the revolution marginalized women, and so has most literature on this period. Harms's important intervention demonstrates women's centrality in the trajectories of both reformism and its opposition. On the progressive side, gains that women made were largely the result of their own activism. They created communal kitchens and day-care centers vital to women workers even before Juan José Arévalo's election, they advocated for and won suffrage for literate women, and in 1947 they organized the first Inter-American Congress of Women, which drew the US State Department's direct attention because of its outspoken opposition to Cold War politics. Harms fascinatingly casts new light on the initiatives of the Alianza Femenina Guatemalteca, known primarily as a women's group formed in 1951 by socialist-leaning urban ladina professionals and artists who supported the revolution. Harms shows that the Alianza Femenina Guatemalteca tried to radicalize the revolution in ways that other progressive groups did not. The group initiated a cross-class alliance that came to include thousands of mainly poor rural and working-class women. Its members sought—without success—to extend suffrage to illiterate Guatemalans, amend the 1947 Labor Code to include domestic workers and pieceworkers, alter the 1952 land reform in the interest of landless rural workers, and arm themselves against the 1954 coup. The Alianza Femenina Guatemalteca stands as a tribute to what could have happened.Sidelining women was the Achilles' heel of reformism, and the absence of a feminist challenge to gender roles left maternal feminism vulnerable to the opposition. The counterrevolutionary movement, and especially the Catholic Church hierarchy, paid close attention to urban women and sought their support as a key part in its strategy. The movement animated a conservative maternalism by claiming that under communism the state would replace the family and the church. Its unmatched hymn was the protection of the traditional woman and of God.Ladina Social Activism in Guatemala City, 1871–1954 is an important book full of exciting information. What Harms leaves unexplored are the serious implications of her observation that ladina feminists turned a blind eye to ethnicity. Throughout these over six decades Mayas formed the demographic majority in Guatemala, the discourse of “el problema del indio” was current, and Mayas worked in the city. Urban ladinas no doubt saw Maya women who worked as maids everyday. Harms's work invites us to consider how feminism can square with racism.

Sewing Machines for Socialism?

AbstractThis article examines negotiations on aid, scholarship provision, and a hoped-for visit by former cosmonaut Valentina Tereshkova, that took place between the Committee for Soviet Women (KSZh) and the Organization for Mozambican Women (OMM) as a lens into Soviet-African interaction in the late twentieth century. Women's organizations offer a unique perspective as women's rights occupied a central place in socialism, conceptions of modernity, and African nationalist organizing. Drawing on archives, interviews, and organizational publications, the article highlights how the symbolic and pragmatic politics of these connections were woven together through the circulation of gifts. At the same time, the article draws attention to fundamental misalignment in the groups' conceptions of gender and in their ambitions for the relationship. Bound by institutional norms, the KSZh consistently offered OMM the same set of items year after year, while OMM women asked for alternative forms of support with higher material and symbolic value because they believed their relationship should be mutually determined and relevant for local conditions.

Survive, Revive, Thrive: Chapter 8: Trade Winds

Aging is not lost youth, but a new stage of opportunity and strength. - Betty Friedan, American feminist, 1921-2006 (Cofounder of the National Organization for Women) Where Are We Going? If one does not know to which port one is sailing, no wind is favorable. - Lucius Annaeus Seneca, Roman statesman, 4 BC-65 AD The most challenging aspect of creating a monthly column is to try to balance mission (i.e., long-term strategy), contemporary events (i.e., things happening now), and the urgent (i.e., news you need to know). This column will have a bit of all three. I chose “trade winds” as the theme for this article. As every sailor knows, you must tack to where the wind is, not where you want it to be. I know that every student and Young Professional is waiting for the wind to align with their path. Frankly, I cannot promise that will happen anytime soon, but I can promise it will happen. To borrow a phrase, “patience or pivot” is on everyone’s mind right now. What I would point out is that we have already done both; we have been patient and we have pivoted. I believe that our pivot has been to see the strength and missions of our industry as never before. This is not just in terms of the financial recovery that will significantly enhance activity across all sectors of our industry, but also the impact of having secure and cost-effective energy to power that economy and to provide so many direct benefits to society. My goal as SPE President is to ensure that every initiative that can be considered is considered, that every member feels valued, that their voice is heard, and most of all, that we collectively and proactively work to build the future of our industry. As an adolescent, a family member once told me that “sentimentality is the worst investment advisor.” Obviously, this advice was given as I was about to invest in something stupid and my family member used it as a moment to educate me. I confess it took a while to sink in, but it is true. We must be realistic about the value generated by our investments in life (e.g., time, education, personal relationships, and of course, money). SPE must make investments to remain relevant, and frankly, I need your support to ensure those investments are both wise and appropriate.

The History and Function of Sisterhood in Turkey: Bacıyan-ı Rum Organization in Medieval Era

Bacıyan-ı Rum (Anatolian Sisters Organization) is known as the world's first women's organization in history, but very few pieces of literature exist about this medieval organi­zation. Thus, the aim was to reach up to all available historical documents about the topic and systematically analyze the nature and function of such an organization in the medieval era. Preliminary findings show that no written documents existed in English nor other languages except the Turkish language. It was also observed that this topic has emerged as an exciting area for many disciplines in recent times, leading to a sudden develop­ment of recent write-ups on such a topic. Therefore, this paper aims to introduce and explore the historical antecedent and functions of Bacıyan-ı Rum Organization to readers and other professionals interested in history, ethics, women, and gender studies. Kinds of literature were reviewed across history, eco­nomics, politics, travelogues, art, sociology, and anthropology to provide an extensive and detailed understanding of such a remarkable phenomenal women organization that existed in the Islamic world of the Medieval Era in Anatolia, Turkey.

Economic Aspects of Women's Empowerment Program in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia


 
 
 The goal of this research is to see how successful the Women's Empowerment Program is at improving the economy in Poso Regency. With the aim of answering research questions, such as how to motivate women in improving the economy in Poso district, the research approach used qualitative research and data processing with descriptive analysis methods. Data was gathered through library analysis and recording, observation, and in-depth interviews with a variety of informants, including Poso, Observers of Women, Women's Organizations, and three Home Industry Entrepreneurs from the Office of Women's Empowerment and Child Protection (DP3A) district. According to the findings of this report, the Women's Empowerment Program at DP3A Poso Regency is not succeeding. Since the program being introduced is not on track, implementation times are often late, there is a lack of executive engagement, there is no bureaucratic structure or standard operating procedure, and there are insufficient human resources. There is also a lack of communication both internally (inter-coordination) and externally (external coordination).
 
 

Between Gender and Kinship: Mediating Rights and Relations in North Indian NGOs

ABSTRACT Over the past three decades, transnational women's rights discourse has promoted the category gender as a universal tool to evaluate questions of inequality. Building on fieldwork in Jaipur, India, this article argues that the discursive economy of women's rights renders gender global by framing kinship as a local, harmful element of women's social worlds. Mid‐level staff at women's rights organizations, called “family counselors,” demonstrate the complexities of kinship in women's rights institutions. Counselors work with the constraints and possibilities of north Indian kinship systems to support female clients. Yet globally circulating representations of gender inequality as a problem of “Indian patriarchy” present them with a dilemma. Relying upon kin relations marks their work as inexpert, even as such interdependent relations are crucial to both the families they support and the women's rights institutions they serve. By analogizing kinship with local and backwards and gender with global and progressive, women's rights discourse provokes counselors to reimagine the possibilities of kinship, and then erases their efforts. [gender, kinship, women's rights, interdependence, India]

ЗМІСТ ТА НАПРЯМКИ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ ЖІНОЧИХ ОРГАНІЗАЦІЙ ВОЛИНІ (друга половина 1940-х – початок 1950-х років)

Анотація. Мета дослідження – розкрити специфіку формування жіночих організацій у формі “жінвідділів”, “жіночих делегатських зборів”, “жінрад” у Волинській області в перші повоєнні роки, показати зміст їх діяльності крізь призму політико-пропагандистської роботи та участі в процесі становлення в регіоні колгоспної системи. Методологічною основою дослідження є принципи історизму, науковості, поєднання системного та регіонального підходів, авторської об’єктивності, поміркованого наративного конструктивізму, а також використання загальнонаукових (аналіз, синтез, узагальнення) та спеціально-історичних (історико-генетичний, історико-типологічний, історико-системний) методів. Наукова новизна полягає у тому, що вперше в історіографії українського жіночого руху на основі невідомих раніше архівних документів з’ясовано тему участі жінок в процесах радянізації західних областей України у перше повоєнне десятиліття, зокрема на Волині, розкрито політику використання більшовицькою владою жінок як дієвого інструменту насадження в регіоні колгоспної системи, динаміку кількісного росту учасників жіночих організацій. Показано конструювання сталінською пропагандою образу жінки-активістки; керованість процесу активізації жінок з боку партійних структур; масштаб роботи “жінвідділів” та “жінрад” через організацію жіночих форумів, зборів; риторику виступів жінделегаток. Висновки. Після звільнення Волинської області від німецьких окупантів тут було розгорнуто кампанію з відновлення інститутів радянської влади. У 1945 р. в структурі обкому КП(б)У було створено жінвідділ, а в райкомах – призначені жіночі організатори. Ці органи координували та курували роботу жіночих організацій, які в обов’язковому порядку масово створювалися в установах, організаціях, селах, а згодом – і в колгоспах області. Основне їх завдання полягало в мобілізації жіночого ресурсу на процес відбудови та розбудови господарського життя області. Крім того, вони частково опікувалися соціальними проблемами регіону – ліквідація без- та малограмотності жінок, шефство над сиротами, інвалідами, багатодітними матерями, благоустрій сіл і містечок тощо. 
 Ключові слова: жінки, жіночі відділи, жіночі ради, Волинь, радянізація.

The Use of ‘woman/female’ and ‘man/male’ as a specific gender markers in Albanian language in light of society changes

Gender issues in Languages are very sensitive and interesting, especially in the societies making effort to empower the presence and the role of women in respective society. Kosovar society is one of the examples of such efforts and debates initiated by women's rights groups and organizations. The situation has changed rapidly in some senses of the use of different linguistics markers regarding the use of respective terms that are considered more appropriate or politically correct than the traditional ones. For example, the terms 'gender' and 'sex' are alternating each-other, not only to denote biological distinctions but also cultural ones. The most rapid changes have been noticed in the use of the term 'woman' instead of the traditional term 'female', which in the perception of the average speakers was not an offensive term for women. But, there is still in use the term 'female' to denote the person of certain gender or sex, especially in informal and social use and in instant messaging. One of the issues identified during the monitoring of media for this paper, was the use of masculine plural to cover also the feminine members of certain groups, especially while naming occupations and this situation is unavoidable because the gender in Albanian has clear grammatical features in the plural as well. To complete this research, I monitored media in different formats (newspapers, online media, social media, radio, and television, in Albanian, Serbian and Macedonian), and also I did a focus group with youngsters on instant messaging platforms.

DELIVERED BY WOMEN, LED BY WOMEN: THE FUTURE OF GLOBAL HEALTH LEADERSHIP

AbstractThe authors note the disparity between leadership roles of men and women in global health and its effect on the response to COVID‐19. The work of their organization Women in Global Health is described, including “launching a Gender Equal Health and Care Workforce Initiative in 2021 in partnership with the Government of France and World Health Organization, convening governments and international organizations to leverage commitments for safe and decent work, equal pay and an equal say in leadership for women in health and social care.” They note that women are “80 percent of the world's nurses and 90 percent of the frontline health workers.” Yet the reality is that “women still deliver health systems led by men.” The authors outline their vision for global health leadership; in brief, and in their words: First, we must change the narrative and see women as drivers of global health, not solely as users of health systems…. Second, women in health and social care need a new social contract… Third, COVID‐19 showed that viruses do not respect national borders and we live in an interconnected world… Fourth, beyond gender parity in global health leadership, we need leaders of all genders to be gender transformative leaders.

Deportation as Rescue: White Slaves, Women Reformers, and the US Bureau of Immigration

In the spring of 1914, the US Bureau of Immigration sent Kate Waller Barrett, a well-known American medical doctor, social reformer, and suffragist, on a three-month trip across Europe to study the sources of the "white slave traffic." Although Barrett stressed her interest in protecting the victims of white slavery, her report focused on the power of the US government to deport noncitizen women for their postentry sexual conduct. Barrett argued that sexually immoral immigrant women could be redeemed through the process of deportation if they were cared for by women immigration officers with the cooperation of women's voluntary organizations around the world. This article examines how Barrett and the Bureau worked together to reconfigure deportation as a protective rather than a punitive act. In doing so, they expanded the authority of white maternalist women's organizations to police poor migrant women and women of color domestically, and to pursue US government interests in the international arena.

Fanny Edelman and Jewish Argentine Antifascist Women, 1930–47

Fanny Edelman and Jewish Argentine Antifascist Women, 1930–47 Sandra McGee Deutsch (bio) Keywords Anti-fascism, Argentina, Jewish women, Latin America Fanny Edelman's Story illustrates the women of Jewish origins who were key players in Argentine as well as Uruguayan antifascism. As described largely in her autobiography, Banderas, pasiones, camaradas,1 Edelman's fascinating trajectory sheds light on the significant yet largely unexplored topic of Jewish women's participation in Latin American antifascist movements. It also suggests avenues for research. Fanny Edelman was born in 1911 in Argentina, the daughter of impoverished Jewish immigrants from the Russian Empire. She grew up in a secular socialist household that prized reading and learning. When Edelman finished primary school, she entered the labor force. The poverty around her, the Socialist and Communist events she attended, the progressive cultural circles in which she circulated, and her future husband's influence led her into the Communist Party in 1934. From the beginning, her Communism intertwined with antifascism. From 1930 to 1932, a military dictatorship brutally repressed union, anarchist, and Communist militants; expelled foreign-born leftists; and endorsed fascist groups. Successive fraudulently elected governments kept some of these policies and, in Edelman's view, increased Argentine dependency on Britain and the United States. Edelman defined fascism expansively to include imperialism, exploitation, authoritarianism, and antisemitism. During her earliest days in the party, she participated in what became known as the Liga Argentina por los Derechos del Hombre, which defended liberal freedoms and helped political prisoners and their families. A Liga publicist and fundraiser, Edelman admired the bold women—many of them Jews—who took food and supplies to incarcerated militants and confronted prison officials. She also joined the Unión Argentina de Mujeres, whose main [End Page 517] goal was to fend off Nazi-like attempts to limit women's rights. Edelman helped usher women workers into this group's orbit. Imprisoned briefly for her Liga activities, the day she left jail in 1936 marked the start of Francisco Franco's uprising against the Spanish Republic. She connected the two in her mind: solidarity with political prisoners and the Spanish people lay at the heart of her identity. Edelman served as assistant secretary of the Comité Argentino de Mujeres Pro Huérfanos Españoles, a large women's organization providing clothing, shelter, and food for Republican children. In Spain she worked in Socorro Rojo, gathering provisions and garments for Republican troops and their families and manifesting, as she put it, her "profound love for the cause." When the Francoists took over, Edelman was back in Argentina, working from afar for Spanish political prisoners and refugees. After Germany invaded the Soviet Union, Edelman affiliated with the Junta de la Victoria (JV), a Popular Front movement that sent aid to the Allies, supported democracy at home, and advocated for women's rights. It was perhaps the largest and most diverse Argentine women's political organization until this time. The JV organized numerous chapters around the country; its members made garments and hospital supplies day and night. The military coup of 1943 drove the JV underground but could not halt its activities. The JV had mentored a sister organization, the Uruguayan Acción Femenina por la Victoria (AF). Clandestinely, the JV sent funds to AF so that the latter could continue to ship goods to the Allies. In her words, Edelman "worked without pause, without rest, in the Junta de la Victoria."2 As the JV faded by 1947, she transferred some of her energies to the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF), founded by veterans of the French Resistance, which continues to labor for peace, antifascism, women's and children's welfare, and women's rights today. As WIDF secretary general, Edelman contested what she considered fascist: U.S. Cold War militarism and the Chilean dictatorship's (1973–90) human rights abuses. Edelman was far from the only Argentine woman of Jewish origins to take part in antifascism. Several others went to Spain; one of them became a captain in the Trotskyite militia. Many engaged in solidarity with local political prisoners and the Spanish Republic and joined the JV. In neighboring Uruguay, a Jewish women...