WHY DO Research Articles

WHY DO EUROPEANS FLY SAFER? THE POLITICS OF AIRPORT SECURITY IN EUROPE AND THE US

Hitherto, political science has failed to answer a rather simple question: Why do some states provide high levels of airport security, while others fail to do so? Drawing upon a rational choice institutionalist framework, we compare airport security regimes in the US and Europe (in particular Germany) and show that the performance gap before September 11 can be largely attributed to institutional factors. In the US, responsibility was assigned to airlines, whose cost-cutting efforts resulted in lax controls. In Germany, the government shielded the provision of airport security from market pressures. We claim that delegation of responsibility for airport security to the government is a necessary, yet not a sufficient condition for a high security performance. Systems in which responsibility lies with private airlines are doomed to fail, since private markets are ill-equipped to provide a high security performance. While airlines have a long-term interest in safeguarding civil aviation, there exists both a time inconsistency and a collective cost problem that prevents sufficient investment in security in the short run. Thus, US policy-makers are well advised to resist the growing pressures for re-privatization and cost-cutting as well as to eliminate remaining flaws in the current federalized system.

WHY DOES BERENGER ASK: 'MAIS COMMENT PEUT-ON ETRE RHINOCEROS?'? THOUGHTS ON THE SIGNIFICANCE OF IONESCO'S ALLUSION TO MONTESQUIEU

WHY DOES BÉRENGER ASK: ‘MAIS COMMENT PEUT-ON ÊTRE RHINOCÉROS?’? THOUGHTS ON THE SIGNIFICANCE OF IONESCO'S ALLUSION TO MONTESQUIEU Get access GRAHAM TOWNSEND GRAHAM TOWNSEND Brighton Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar French Studies Bulletin, Volume 23, Issue 85, WINTER 2002, Pages 15–18, https://doi.org/10.1093/frebul/23.85.15 Published: 01 December 2002

WHY DO I HAVE TO LEARN THIS IF I'M NOT GOING TO GRADUATE SCHOOL? TEACHING RESEARCH METHODS IN A SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY OF AGING COURSE

This paper provides an overview of the introduction and incorporation of research methods into an advanced undergraduate level course, Social Psychology of Aging. This case serves as an example of the challenges and issues facing those who teach aging courses within a broader discipline to students who enroll in the class with various motivations and levels of expertise. Issues of methodology are incorporated at several junctures, including class lectures, active learning exercises, examinations, a term paper, and critique of journal articles to increase the students' awareness of the relevance of methodology and the benefits of utilizing sound research methods in studying aging. The development and teaching of this course is illustrative because it requires both the incorporation of two disciplines (Sociology and Psychology) as well as an integration of the discipline of the course offering (Sociology) and the study of aging (Gerontology).

FRAMING THE KNOWLEDGE SEARCH PROBLEM: WHOM DO WE CONTACT, AND WHY DO WE CONTACT THEM?

The burgeoning academic literature on knowledge transfer has mainly focused on the obstacles to transferring knowledge from a known source to the desirable destination. There is an underlying assumption in almost all of the knowledge transfer literature that the knowledge source is identified. However, the few academic studies that have broadened their scope in studying the problem have found that lack of management awareness as to whether applicable knowledge already exists in-house is the number one problem precluding knowledge sharing within the MNE. The problem is particularly acute in an MNE as the geographic dispersion and cultural differences among subsidiaries present a worst-case scenario for effective knowledge search. The main contribution of this paper is its theory development to explain the knowledge search process. The paper focuses on the antecedents and results of whom we likely to contact to obtain knowledge. The paper addresses four research questions: 1) what are the determinants of wh...

WHY DO UK ACCOUNTING AND FINANCE ACADEMICS NOT PUBLISH IN TOP US JOURNALS?

In peer reviews of the quality of academic accounting and finance journals, US journals are consistently perceived to be the most prestigious. UK accounting and finance academics share these perceptions, and yet very few of them ever publish in top US journals. A survey of UK accounting and finance academics was undertaken in an attempt to ascertain why this is so. The respondents perceive that the preference of top US journals for a US focus to published articles, reinforced by a strong element of gatekeeping and the need to be able to network with the US academic community, provide major barriers to entry. As a result, there is a strong belief that efforts to publish in top US journals will be unsuccessful and, therefore, publishing in the UK is seen to be easier.

Why Does Puck Sweep?: Fairylore, Merry Wives, and Social Struggle

WHY DOES PUCK SWEEP? At the end of A Midsummer Night's Dream, Oberon and his troupe of fairies enter the Athenian palace to bless the aristocratic newlyweds as they set out to consummate their marriages. After waxing lyrical about screeching predators and demonic spirits, Puck describes his nocturnal mission as an oddly mundane hallowing: I am sent with broom before, / To sweep the dust behind the door (5.1.389-90).1 When the fairies saunter casually into the ducal palace, the magic that had been located specifically within the forest is unleashed onto Theseus's domestic, if hyperrational, human sphere. In this moment, class tensions and marital disputes are also overshadowed by the play's culminating interest in aristocratic reproduction. But why in helping to achieve this closure does the mischievous Puck play the role of housewife? Why does the reproduction of the social world, a goal at the very heart of romantic comedy, rest on a task usually too banal for representation-disposing of dirt left in domestic corners? Why introduce a homey image in a play concerned with the grand affairs of state or the chaotic force of the imagination, one situated, albeit loosely, in the remote world of classical Athens?

Using Data to Improve Medical Practice by Measuring Processes and Outcomes of Care

The purpose of this article is to help clinicians expand their use of data to improve medical practice performance and to do improvement research. Clinical practices can be viewed as small, complex organizations (microsystems) that produce services for specific patient populations. These services can be greatly improved by embedding measurement into the flow of daily work in the practice. WHY DO IT?: Four good reasons to build measures into daily medical practice are to (1) diagnose strengths and weaknesses in practice performance; (2) improve and innovate in providing care and services using improvement research; (3) manage patients and the practice; and (4) evaluate changes in results over time. It is helpful to have a "physiological" model of a medical practice to analyze the practice, to manage it, and to improve it. One model views clinical practices as microsystems that are designed to generate desired health outcomes for specific subsets of patients and to use resources efficiently. This article provides case study examples to show what an office-based practice might look like if it were using front-line measurement to improve care and services most of the time and to conduct clinical improvement research some of the time. WHAT ARE THE PRINCIPLES FOR USING DATA TO IMPROVE PROCESSES AND OUTCOMES OF CARE?: Principles reflected in the case study examples--such as "Keep Measurement Simple. Think Big and Start Small" and "More Data Is Not Necessarily Better Data. Seek Usefulness, Not Perfection, in Your Measures"--may help guide the development of data to study and improve practice. HOW CAN A PRACTICE START TO USE DATA TO IMPROVE CARE AND CONDUCT IMPROVEMENT RESEARCH?: Practical challenges are involved in starting to use data for enhancing care and improvement research. To increase the odds for success, it would be wise to use a change management strategy to launch the startup plan. Other recommendations include "Establish a Sense of Urgency. (Survival Is Not Mandatory)" and "Create the Guiding Coalition. (A Small, Devoted Group of People Can Change the World)." Over the long term, we must transform thousands of local practice cultures so that useful data are used every day in countless ways to assist clinicians, support staff, patients, families, and communities.

WHY DID YOU CHANGE YOUR NAME? Name Changing Patterns and the Life Course in Early Modern Japan

Many legal documents of the early modern period of Japan's history contain references to common people changing their personal legal names. This article is a first report of an effort to discover why men changed their names and the social structures behind this behavior. The study uses the population registries of Nishijo village in Central Japan to trace the name changes of men in the village, and the life courses of men who changed their names and of those who did not. It analyzes the relation of name changers to life events, to their family members, and to family structure. Name changing was strongly related to succession to the headship and inheritance in the stem family. In some families, specific names were inherited together with the headship. However, name changing seems to have been more commonly used to mark heirs and eldest sons who did not inherit and thus reveals the maneuvering within families to ensure the capable lineal continuity of the family. Name changing patterns may be an important tool for understanding the development of the stem family.

Turning about Jim Crow

WHY DOES BLACKFACE PERFORMANCE, WHICH FIRST ENGAGED AUDIENCES at the dawning of modem America, continue to animate and disturb our national culture? In the 1990s, a minstrel song is capable of stirring vigorous debate: witness the Senate's vote to retire Carry Me Back to Old Virginia (written by African American composer James A. Bland) as the state song, finally acceding to protests by black constituents outraged at its textual affection for the slavery era. Not long ago, the Ohio Dance Company received acclaim for its New York revival of Cakewalk, a piece that revisited nineteenth-century dance including steps made famous in minstrel theaters. Likewise, the world of fiction sometimes turns to minstrel characterizations to explore racial identity: Wesley Brown, for example, gives literary life to the fictional source who inspired minstrelsy's Jim Crow in his novel Darktown Strutters. The answer, according to W. T. Lhamon, Jr., may rest with minstrelsy's liberating power as much as with its historical association with racist constraint.1 Scholars, too, have turned to the blackface show in recent years, enriching fields as diverse as musicology, theater history, sociology, folklore, and English. Much of this work advances the postmodernist agenda of destabilizing meanings inherited from both public knowledge and the academy. Earlier interpretations of blackface tended toward the

UNIFICATION: WHAT IS IT, HOW DO WE REACH AND WHY DO WE WANT IT?

This article has three aims. The first is to give a partial explication of the concept of unification. My explication will be partial because I confine myself to unification of particular events, because I do not consider events of a quantitative nature, and discuss only deductive cases. The second aim is to analyze how unification can be reached. My third aim is to show that unification is an intellectual benefit. Instead of being an intellectual benefit unification could be an intellectual harm, i.e., a state of mind we should try to avoid by all means. By calling unification an intellectual benefit, we claim that this form of understanding has an intrinsic value for us. I argue that unification really has this alleged intrinsic value.

Could asynchrony in activity between the sexes cause intersexual social segregation in ruminants?

In many sexually dimorphic mammal species, the sexes live outside the mating season in separate social groups ('social segregation'). Social segregation occurs in a wide range of environmental conditions, but its cause in unknown. I suggest that social segregation is caused by a lower level of activity synchrony between individuals in mixed-sex groups than in single-sex groups, owing to sex differences in activity rhythm. As a consequence, mixed-sex groups are more likely to break up than single-sex groups, resulting in a predominance of single-sex groups at equilibrium. To test this hypothesis in red deer (Cervus elaphus L.), I developed an index of activity synchronization and showed that deer in mixed-sex groups were significantly less synchronized in their activity than deer in single-sex groups. Thus, low intersexual synchrony in activity can lead to social segregation. However, a lower level of intrasexual (female-female and male-male) activity synchrony within mixed-sex than within single-sex groups implies that additional factors (other than sex differences in foraging rhythm) contribute to the higher degree of instability of mixed-sex groups.

Does Cultural Origin Affect Saving Behavior? Evidence from Immigrants

Because efforts to explain international saving differentials using tranditional economic variables have not been very successful (Bosworth, 1993), some economists have proposed that national saving differences reflect cultural differences. We attempt to test that hypothesis by using data from the US Census to examine whether immigrants to the US from high-saving countries tend to save more than immigrants from low-saving countries. While we do find highly statistically significant differences in immigrants’ saving behavior by country of origin, those differences do not match up with the differences in national saving rates. In particular, immigrants from high-saving Asian countries do not save more than other immigrants.

Why Do People Go to the Cinema?

THE QUEST FOR CULTURAL IDENTITY: WHY DO PEOPLE GO TO THE CINEMA? WE ARE currently witnessing an unprecedented wave of international symposia devoted to the attempt to save traditional cinema viewing systems from total industrialisation. In an epoch ever more characterised by a world economy based entirely on profit, and by what I would call a New Pragmatism deriving from the population explosion, it may in fact be understandable that artistic criteria suffer. Centralised, intensive industrial monopolies exist by virtue of a levelling of public taste on a lowest-common-denominator basis, and thus appear to be imposing it. Subsistence of the American movie machine depends on popularising the mediocre. The temptation therefore grows to forego quality simply to maintain the cinema as a form of popular culture. It is overlooked that "popular" and "culture" do not always coincide. Mass acceptance becomes the measure; all other criteria become luxuries....

WHY DO WITHOUT IT?

RETURN TO ISSUEPREVAdvertisementNEXTWHY DO WITHOUT IT?Cite this: Chem. Eng. News 1997, 75, 42, 28Publication Date (Print):October 20, 1997Publication History Published online12 November 2010Published inissue 20 October 1997https://doi.org/10.1021/cen-v075n042.p028-ACopyright © 1997 AMERICAN CHEMICAL SOCIETYArticle Views6Altmetric-Citations-LEARN ABOUT THESE METRICSArticle Views are the COUNTER-compliant sum of full text article downloads since November 2008 (both PDF and HTML) across all institutions and individuals. These metrics are regularly updated to reflect usage leading up to the last few days.Citations are the number of other articles citing this article, calculated by Crossref and updated daily. Find more information about Crossref citation counts.The Altmetric Attention Score is a quantitative measure of the attention that a research article has received online. Clicking on the donut icon will load a page at altmetric.com with additional details about the score and the social media presence for the given article. Find more information on the Altmetric Attention Score and how the score is calculated. Share Add toView InAdd Full Text with ReferenceAdd Description ExportRISCitationCitation and abstractCitation and referencesMore Options Share onFacebookTwitterWechatLinked InReddit PDF (801 KB) Get e-Alerts

Measuring the Mating Skew

Charles Darwin (1871) defined sexual selection as a difference inreproductive success due to competition over mates, a definition that is still valid today. Being able to quantify such differences is thus essential for explaining the consequences of sexual selection, say, the ornamentation rdisplay behavior of males. In the specific ase of lekking (aggregated, non-resource-based display of males), attempts to do so have proven difficult. Any measure that does not take into account the possibility of random mating to produce the observed pattern of mating success is unsatisfactory as a measure of the intensity of sexual selection (Sutherland 1987; Mackenzie et al. 1995b). That variation in male mating success on leks is systematically higher than expected from pure random mating has been verified by Bradbury et al. (1985) and Mackenzie et al. (1995a). However, these studies do not yet provide means to estimate the expected mating success of individuals displaying together. Since a lek is not itself a trait but an assemblage of several males, each trying to optimize their own fitness (Hoglund and Alatalo 1995), fitness considerations of single individuals are required in explaining the evolution of lekking. The skew index, defined as the ratio of observed to maximum skew (Keller and Vargo 1993; Reeve and Ratnieks 1993), has been gaining popularity as a measure of skewed reproductive success (e.g., Bourke and Heinze 1994; Keller and Reeve 1994; Reeve and Keller 1995), and it has also been used to estimate the expected fitness of lekking individuals (Widemo and Owens 1995). However, this measure has been shown to have undesirable discontinuities (Pamilo and Crozier 1996). Moreover, it interprets random variation as real differences in mating success. This is most clearly seen in models of pure random mating, which nevertheless lead to positive values of the skew measure (Mackenzie et al. 1995b). Recently, Keller and Krieger (1996) proposed a method for correcting the skew index for random variation. We shall show, however, that the corrected measure still is not satisfactory, and we suggest a novel, statistically rigorous method. We give two criteria for a proper measure of skewed mating success. First, it should allow determining the most probable underlying distribution of mating

WHY DO WE DO WHAT WE DO?

WHY DO WE DO WHAT WE DO?

IMPOSING ‘NO’ BOUNDARY CONDITION AT OUTFLOW: WHY DOES IT WORK?

In recent work on outflow boundary conditions for Navier–Stokes equations by Papanastasiou et al. (Int. j. numer. methods fluids, 14, 587–608 (1992)) a choice has been proposed which can formally be described as imposing no boundary condition at all. This of course leads to an underdetermined problem at the level of the partial differential equations. However, it yields a well-defined problem at the discrete level and it has been documented that this choice of outflow conditions performs in a way which is superior to more ‘standard’ artificial boundary conditions. In this paper we analyse a one-dimensional model problem. We shall show that the ‘free’ boundary condition of Papanastasiou et al. actually imposes an effective boundary condition. This effective boundary condition is identified and its advantages are discussed. © 1997 by John Wiley and Sons, Ltd.

IMPOSING ‘NO’ BOUNDARY CONDITION AT OUTFLOW: WHY DOES IT WORK?

IMPOSING ‘NO’ BOUNDARY CONDITION AT OUTFLOW: WHY DOES IT WORK?

WHY DO WE NEED AFFIRMATIVE ACTION?

WHY DO WE NEED AFFIRMATIVE ACTION?

Favoritism versus Search for Good Papers: Empirical Evidence Regarding the Behavior of Journal Editors

Journal editors who publish papers authored by colleagues and former graduate students have been charged with practicing favoritism, with the implication that the papers in question are of lower quality than those written by scholars with no ties to the editor. Using citation analysis, the authors find strong evidence that although journal editors occasionally publish subpar papers authored by colleagues and former graduate students, on balance their use of professional connections enables them to identify and 'capture' high-impact papers for publication. This implies that a practice interpreted as favoritism by many scholars in fact serves to enhance efficiency in the market for scientific knowledge. Copyright 1994 by University of Chicago Press.