White Face Research Articles

Cosmetic Differences: The Changing Faces of England and France

Cosmetic Differences: The Changing Faces of England and France LYNN FESTA In his Characteristics of Men, Manners, Opinions, Times (1711), Shaftesbury invites us to imagine that "a native of Ethiopia were on a sudden transported into Europe and placed either at Paris or Venice at a time of Carnival, when the general face of mankind and almost every creature wore a mask." Under these circumstances, Shaftesbury notes, "it is probable he would for some time be at a stand before he discovered the cheat, not imagining that a whole people could be so fantastical as, upon agreement at an appointed time, to impose on one another by this universal confusion of characters and persons."1 The Europeans might laugh at the Ethiopian's simplicity in taking masks for faces, Shaftesbury notes, and once his eyes cleared and he recognized the true situation, the Ethiopian might join in the laughter. But all laughs here are not created equal, and the absurdly clad Europeans do not laugh best, "for," Shaftesbury reminds us, "he who laughs and is himself ridiculous bears a double share of ridicule."2 But Shaftesbury does not allow the Ethiopian to escape scot-free either, for the Ethiopian falls from one error into another. What if, Shaftesbury asks, 25 26 / FESTA in the transport of ridicule, our Ethiopian, having his head still running upon masks and knowing nothing of the fair complexion and common dress of the Europeans, should upon the sight of a natural face and habit, laugh just as heartily as before, would he not be in his turn become ridiculous, by carrying the jest too far, when by a silly presumption he took nature for mere art and mistook perhaps a man of sobriety and sense for one of those ridiculous mummers?3 In taking the joke too far, this improperly distanced spectator mistakes not art for life, but life for art. Shaftesbury's Ethiopian reveals how cultural blindness shapes and limits epistemological insight. The misleading frame created by the Carnival and the Ethiopian's (contrived) ignorance (he has never seen a white face) lead him to project his own experience of black faces onto the world as a whole: he renders the white face a mask in order to preserve a universal principle of sameness based on his own visage. Metaphorically speaking, Shaftesbury points out, the Ethiopian is quite right: "the general face of mankind" does wear a mask. But the seeming universality of disguise is itself deceptive. In our haste to peer beneath the mask, Shaftesbury warns, we may fail to recognize that sometimes a face is just a face. The failure to know that a mask is a mask (the Ethiopian's initial mistake) is an error as grave as the mistaking of a true face for a mask (his second mistake). Indeed, the one who takes face for mask is more ridiculous than the naive dupe who mistakes mask for face. For Shaftesbury, the task of the philosopher is not to unmask or see beneath the vizard, but rather to sort counterfeit from real face.4 Yet this distinction is by no means easy to discern. For how does one know when one has arrived at the true face? When does the presence or absence of color become a superadded layer, a mask?5 It is not, perhaps, a coincidence that Shaftesbury sends his Ethiopian to two cities, Paris and Venice, where, according to eighteenth-century observers, a semblance of carnival went on all year long in the lavishly made-up countenances of the women and, at times, the men.6 The broader questions Shaftesbury poses about the nature of masks are posed on a more banal register in a set of conundrums—aesthetic, philosophical, and, as I will argue below, national—unleashed by the use of cosmetics in the eighteenth century. "The French women," Ange Goudar's Chinese spy announces in 1765, "wear no veils, yet one part they carefully conceal, and that is their face. They cover themselves with a white mastich, extremely thin, and over it they lay on a red colour, with the help of a pencil. These Cosmetic Differences I 27 masks are so ingeniously made, as...

H. Rider Haggard's Nada the Lily : A Triumph of Translation

H. Rider Haggard's Nada the Lily. A Triumph of Translation Gerald Monsman University of Arizona ARTICULATING THE SIGNIFICANCE of African life before missionary conversions, imperial trade, technology, and annexation had effaced mystery and heroic romance, H. Rider Haggard's Nada the Lily (1892) enthralled Victorians with striking episodes from the precolonial empire of Zululand. Currently emerging as a controversial text of imperialism —recently, even more problematic than King Solomon's Mines ( 1885) or She (1887)—Haggard's saga recounted the bloody reign, assassination , and aftermath of Shaka KaSenzangacona (otherwise in colonial orthography: Chaka, Tyaka, T'shaka, 1780s-1828), the greatest African ruler of the nineteenth century.1 Here also Haggard devised a fictional "prequel" for his near-mythical warrior from Allan Quatermain (1888), Umslopogaas, son of Shaka, who in this narrative is entangled in a doomed love for Nada, a visionary figure of quasi-mystical purity and the "lily" of the Zulus. Fred Fynney, Haggard's campfire buddy from his Natal period, had noted in Zululand and the Zulus (1880), two lectures published a dozen years prior to Nada, that in the popular press in the wake of the Zulu War (1879) "the word 'Zulu' has become almost a household word" but "though we have heard so much of the Zulus, as a matter of fact, little is actually known of their history."2 Quite simply, Haggard's romance was the first popular account of the early Zulu kingdom—that is, before the British partitioning of Zululand in the wake of the Zulu War—and the novel had an immense impact on British perceptions of the native peoples. Probably the proximate origin ofNada lay in the remark of Haggard's friend and collaborator, the anthropologist Andrew Lang, two years before its publication: "How delicious a novel all Zulu, without a white face in it, would be!"3 Accordingly, Haggard produced a fictional biography of Shaka by a Zulu narrator—with no white face except Haggard's 371 Umslopogaas from a photograph taken the day before his death 23 October, 1897 H. Rider Haggard From The Days of My Life: An Autobioraphy. Longmans, Green, 1926 MONSMAN : HAGGARD authorial persona, an outer-frame chronicler, conceivably an unnamed Allan Quatermain from King Solomon's Mines, who observes that he himself "plays no part in this story."4 Haggard's "double-I" narrative device possibly looks forward to Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness (1899). But of course the white trader who publishes Shaka's history hears it not from a Charlie Marlow-type adventurer but from a native witch-doctor , a prosopographic (because historical data are so scant) Mopo living under the alias of Zweete near Shaka's grave. In the writing οι Nada, Haggard drew extensively on Fynney's pamphlet for scenes that characterized Shaka; particularly, the material of Fynney's first lecture, "The Rise and Fall of the Zulu Nation," became the fictional content of Haggard 's novel, though this was undoubtedly supplemented with an account by his mentor, Theophilus Shepstone, "Early History of the Zulu-Kafir Race," in John Bird's Annals of Natal (1888).5 Also in his preface toNada, Haggard cites the works of Bishop Henry Callaway and David Leslie as principal sources. From Callaway's The Religious System of the amaZulu (1870) Haggard took material on native weapons, on Mopo's powers as a "diviner," and on Zulu religion, particularly Zulu cosmogonie myths and the deus ex machina figure of Umkulunkulu, Queen of Heaven.6 From Leslie's Among the Zulus andAmatongas (1875), he took the concept of Nada herself ("a Zulu Venus"), material on native "doctors," and borrowed from two Zulu narratives, one literally true ("the artifice by which Umslopogaas obtained admission to the Swazi stronghold") and one fictional ("the fate of the two lovers at the mouth of the cave") which he combined to create the love-story subplot.7 Umslopogaas himself was modeled on a Swazi camp assistant of Shepstone who had told Haggard stories of his people.8 For Shaka's successor , Dingane, Haggard repeats a sinister anecdote: "Of the incident of the Missionary and the furnace of logs, it is impossible to speak so certainly . It came to the writer from the...

Patterns of antral follicular wave dynamics and accompanying endocrine changes in cyclic and seasonally anestrous ewes treated with exogenous ovine follicle-stimulating hormone during the inter-wave interval.

In the ewe, ovarian follicular waves emerge every 4 to 5 days and are preceded by a peak in FSH secretion. It is unclear whether large antral follicle(s) in a wave suppress the growth of other smaller follicles during the inter-wave interval, as is seen in cattle. In this study, anestrous (n = 6; experiment 1) and cyclic (n = 5; experiment 2) Western white face ewes were given ovine FSH (oFSH) (0.5 microg/kg; two s.c. injections, 8 h apart) during the growth phase (based on ultrasonography) of a follicular wave (wave 1). Control ewes (n = 5 and 6, respectively) received vehicle. In oFSH-treated ewes, serum FSH concentrations reached a peak (P < 0.05) by 12 h after oFSH treatment, and this induced FSH peak did not differ (P > 0.05) from the endogenous FSH peaks. In all ewes, emergence of follicular waves 1 and 2 was seen (P > 0.05). However, in oFSH-treated ewes, an additional follicular wave emerged approximately 0.5 days after treatment: during the interwave interval of waves 1 and 2 without delaying the emergence of wave 2. The growth characteristics and serum estradiol concentrations did not differ (P > 0.05) between oFSH-induced waves and waves induced by endogenous FSH peaks. We concluded that, unlike in cattle, the largest follicle of a wave in sheep has limited direct effect on the growth of other follicles induced by exogenous oFSH. In addition, the largest follicle of a wave may possibly not influence the rhythmicity of follicular wave emergence, as it does in cattle.

Ultrasound and endocrine evaluation of the ovarian response to a single dose of 500 IU of eCG following a 12-day treatment with progestogen-releasing intravaginal sponges in the breeding and nonbreeding seasons in ewes

A standard dose of 500 IU of eCG is commonly given to progestogen pre-treated anestrous ewes for induction of estrus. Twelve seasonally anestrous and 12 cyclic Western White Face ewes were treated for 12 days with intravaginal sponges impregnated with medroxyprogesterone acetate (MAP). In trials in both the breeding and nonbreeding seasons, six randomly selected ewes were given 500 IU of eCG at sponge removal to determine the effects of low dose of eCG on ovarian antral follicular dynamics and ovulation. Ultrasound scanning and blood sampling were done daily. Treatment with eCG did not have marked effects on antral follicular growth. All ewes ovulated, except for five of six control anestrous ewes. Luteal structures and progesterone secretion were confirmed in all but the control anestrous ewes. In the breeding season, peak progesterone concentrations were greater ( P<0.05) in eCG-treated compared to control ewes. Daily serum estradiol concentrations were greater in the periovulatory period in eCG-treated compared to control ewes (treatment-by-day interaction; P<0.05), particularly in anestrus. Progestogen-treated ewes ovulated follicles from several follicular waves, in contrast to ovulations of follicles from the final wave of the cycle in untreated, cyclic ewes. Anestrous ewes exhibited more frequent follicular waves and FSH peaks compared to cyclic ewes after a progestogen/eCG treatment. In conclusion, 500 IU of eCG given after 12 days of progestogen treatment had limited effects on the dynamics of ovarian follicular waves. However, eCG treatment increased serum concentrations of estradiol during the periovulatory period, particularly in anestrous ewes; this probably resulted in the synchronous estrus and ovulation in anestrous ewes.

Automatic stereotypes vs. automatic prejudice: Sorting out the possibilities in the weapon paradigm

Payne (2001) has documented that African-American faces automatically facilitate the categorization of handguns, relative to White faces. We suggest that these provocative results could derive from either the automatic activation of prejudice (negative evaluations) or the automatic activation of stereotypes (both positively and negatively valenced associations). In an extension of Payne’s procedure, we show that African-American faces facilitate the categorization of both handguns and sports-related objects, but not the categorization of insects or fruits. Additionally, both handguns and sports objects are more likely to be miscategorized following a White face prime than an African-American one. These results suggest that when perceivers are attempting to identify objects, automatic stereotypic associations, both positively and negatively valenced ones, are more influential than general negative sentiments towards African-Americans.

Urban Middle‐Class Japanese Women and Their White Faces: Gender, Ideology, and Representation

There are multiple gender discourses and gender representations in contemporary Japan, but a "traditional" gender ideology—men working soto (outside the home) and women managing uchi (home)—keeps its dominant position among them. Japanese women care about their compleochon and put foundation on their faces when they go outside (soto). This article illustrates how the women's white faces serve as a symbolic language, which communicates gender relations. Women present the white face in public, performing the subjectivity of ideal women based on the gender ideology. The practice of face whitening enacts the gender ideology of the tradition and the past, and this bodily practice itself is a mode of knowledge about the gender ideology. In other words, the gender ideology is authorized through the public representation of "ideal" gender relations.

Use of high-resolution transrectal ultrasonography to assess changes in numbers of small ovarian antral follicles and their relationships to the emergence of follicular waves in cyclic ewes

Transrectal ovarian ultrasonographic studies have shown that, in cattle, follicular wave emergence is associated with a large increase in the number of small antral follicles (4–6 mm in diameter); an analogous association has not been found for small follicles (2–3 mm in diameter) in the ewe. In previous studies in ewes, accurate assessment of the number of follicles has been limited to follicles ≥2 or 3 mm in size. Newer, high-resolution equipment allowed us to identify follicles ≥0.4 mm and to quantify all antral follicles ≥1 mm in diameter in seven cyclic Western White Face ewes. This allowed us to expand the small follicle pool examined, from 1 to 4 follicles/day (2–3.5 mm in diameter) in earlier studies, to 8–18 follicles/day (1–3 mm in diameter). Total number of small follicles (≥1 and ≤3 mm in diameter) increased between Days −1 and 0 (Day 0=day of ovulation), and declined between Days 1 and 3 ( P<0.05). There were no significant changes in the number of small or medium (4 mm in diameter) follicles around days of follicle wave emergence (±2 days). The 1–3 follicles in the 2–3 mm size range, which constituted a follicle wave (i.e. grew to ≥5 mm in size before regression or ovulation), were the only small follicles to emerge in an orderly succession during the estrous cycle, approximately every 3–5 days. Thus, unlike in cattle, there is no apparent increase in numbers of small follicles at follicle wave emergence in cyclic sheep, and little evidence for selection of recruited follicles and follicular dominance.

Doing Race with a White Face

Doing Race with a White Face

The memory of the women's white faces: Japaneseness and the ideal image of women

During the Meiji period, the white face became the woman's face, whereas in the pre-modern period, certain men needed to put white powder on their faces every day. An examination of changes in clothing and fashion in relation to the Meiji state's policies on gender reveals that representations of the man's face and of the woman's face have been differently modernized and Westernized since the encounter with Western culture. The division by gender along the lines of Western clothing/unmade-up face/men and kimono/white face/women relates to the formation of a national identity in the course of the Japanese nationalist project. An ideal image of middle-class women became a symbol of tradition and native culture, and it still survives as such in contemporary Japan. A woman can experience and express Japaneseness through the representation of the ideal image of women by using the white face in public. There is a pivotal link between femininity and Japaneseness. This article explores both why it should be the ideal image of middle-class women that has come to represent tradition and national culture, and how the link between the representation of the ideal womanhood and of Japaneseness continues in contemporary Japan.

Allele distributions of two novel SNPs within the sheep Cyp19 gene

SummaryOestrogen is an important regulator of reproduction and growth. The key enzyme of oestrogen biosynthesis, aromatase cytochrome P450, is encoded by the Cyp19 gene. In order to generate genetic markers for the sheep Cyp19 gene, two novel single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), one located in promoter 2 (P2), the other one in intron 9 (I9), were identified by a comparative sequencing approach. The allele distributions of both SNPs were investigated by means of Polymerase chain reaction‐restriction fragment length polymorphism analysis (PCR‐RFLP) in five economically relevant sheep breeds (British Milk Sheep, Carranzana, Latxa Black Face, Latxa White Face, Merino) and three ancient Hungarian breeds kept as gene reserves (Cikta, Racka, Tsigai). In British Milk Sheep, only the intronic SNP was present whereas in Merino, Cikta, Racka, Tsigai, Carranzana, Latxa Black Face and Latxa White Face, both SNPs could be found. This indicates that the newly identified SNPs can be used as markers for the Cyp19 locus in various sheep breeds.

Ovarian follicular development and endocrine function in non-prolific Western White Face ewes with early or late onset of seasonal anestrous

The aim of this study was to see if there were differences in antral follicle development and endocrine profiles among non-prolific Western White-Faced ewes entering anestrous early (January–February; n=6) or late (March; n=6), using daily transrectal ultrasonography of ovaries and hormone measurements, over a 17-day period during mid-anestrous (May). The ovarian follicles were measured and categorized by size (1-2, 2, 3, 4 and ≥5 mm in diameter). For determination of the patterns of FSH and LH secretion, a 12 h intensive bleed, with blood samples taken every 12 min, was carried out 2 days after the end of the scanning period. A bolus injection of GnRH (250 μg per ewe) was given 6 h into the period of intensive blood collection. The ewes entering anestrous early had significantly lower numbers of 2 and ≥5 mm follicles when compared with ewes entering anestrous late. Similar results were observed for the numbers of all follicles >1 mm in size, total and maximum follicle diameters of all follicles ≥2 mm in size, and the number of ≥5 mm follicles growing by ≥1 mm each day. In contrast, significantly more 4 mm follicles were recorded in ewes entering anestrous early. Daily serum concentrations of FSH and estradiol as well as the peak concentration increases in daily serum FSH concentrations and duration of successive estradiol fluctuations, were greater ( P<0.05) in the early compared to late anestrous ewes. Various parameters of the GnRH-induced surges of FSH and LH did not differ ( P>0.05) between ewes entering anestrous early or late. We concluded that the timing of the onset of seasonal anestrous in Western White-Faced ewes affected the number and size of ovarian antral follicles as well as circulating levels of FSH and estradiol, but not pituitary responsiveness to GnRH at mid-anestrous.

Ultrasound and endocrine evaluation of the ovarian response to PGF 2α given at different stages of the luteal phase in ewes

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the ovarian response of ewes to two treatments with PGF 2α using transrectal ovarian ultrasonography and hormone measurements. Fifteen milligrams of PGF 2α was given to six cyclic Western White Face (WWF) ewes early in the estrous cycle (Days 4 to 7) and to six late in the cycle (Days 10 to 12 after ovulation), and a second treatment was given 9 days after the first. Ultrasound scanning and blood sampling started 7 days prior to the first PGF 2α treatment and ended 10 days (scanning) or 19 days (blood sampling) after the second PGF 2α treatment, for both groups of ewes. Mean ovulation rate (2.6±0.7) did not differ significantly between the ewes first treated early or late in the cycle, or after the first or second treatments with PGF 2α. The time from treatment to ovulation was longer in ewes first treated early (4.0±0.3 days) compared to late (2.8±0.4 days) in the cycle ( P<0.05). Both the number of ovulations (range: 0–7) and time from treatment to ovulation (range: 1–9 days) were highly variable. This variability appeared to be due to the extension of the life span of ovulating follicles that emerged prior to PGF 2α administration and also ovulation of some follicles that emerged after treatment. When results for first and second treatments were pooled, the total number of follicles ≥5 mm in diameter on the day of treatment that failed to ovulate in response to PGF 2α was higher in ewes first treated early (0.8±0.2/ewe) compared to late (0.3±0.2/ewe) in the cycle ( P<0.05). The proportion of detected luteal structures relative to the number of ovulations was lower in ewes first treated early compared to late in the cycle (60 and 86%, respectively; P<0.05). Disruption of ovulatory follicle dynamics and normal luteogenesis, and variability in the timing of ovulation after PGF 2α treatments could all contribute to poor or variable fertility when prostaglandins are used for estrus synchronization.

Emily Bront�'s Homesickness

she was six years old, she followed her older sisters Maria, Elizabeth, and Charlotte to the Clergy Daughters School at Cowan Bridge in nearby Kirkby Lonsdale. After about six months Elizabeth and Maria contracted typhoid, and Emily went home. Ten years later in 1835, she accompanied Charlotte on her first teaching position to Roe Head, a boarding school; and for some months between 1837 and 1839, Emily herself taught briefly at Miss Elizabeth Patchett's school at Law Hill near Halifax, eight miles from Haworth. Again she accompanied Charlotte to Brussels in 1842, intending to prepare herself to run a boarding school with her sisters, but she returned to England only nine months later when her aunt, Elizabeth Branwell, died. She was then twenty-four years old, and she did not leave Haworth again. In accounts of her life, Emily Bronte did not adapt to the regimen of the school day away from home, and at the time Charlotte blamed most of her declining health on overwork and exhaustion; homesickness was a posthumous diagnosis.' Of her sister's white face, attenuated form, and failing strength during the sojourn at Roe Head, Charlotte remembered, in 1850, Nobody knew what ailed her but me [...] I felt in my heart she would die if she did not go home, and with this conviction obtained her recall (473). Charlotte did not use the current medical term for homesickness, nostalgia. Nor did Emily or many English persons; sometimes called the Wasting Disease (Hofer 380), nostalgia was not considered a condition to which the English, a notoriously melancholic people, were susceptible. (In works by both

"Black Metal is for white people"

"Black Metal is for white people"

Use of naloxone challenge to predict sexual performance of rams before the fall breeding season

Serving capacity tests (SCT) identify rams as sexually active, sexually inactive, or low sexual performers. Labor and time requirements make SCT impractical and expensive. Therefore, a hormone-based test for libido was developed using the responses of LH and testosterone (T) after naloxone. This test effectively identified sexually active and inactive rams during the breeding season (November and December). The current study evaluated the effectiveness of this method at a different time of the year. Objectives were to determine if the blood test can detect differences in libido during late July and August, and to characterize LH and T profiles up to 120 min postnaloxone treatments at this time of year. Two experiments were conducted using i.v. naloxone at 0.75 mg/kg BW. Sexually active (SA) and sexually inactive (SIA) rams were identified using SCT. In Experiment 1, 16 SA and 18 SIA rams of several breeds were identified based on SCT conducted before naloxone tests. In Experiment 2, 72 Suffolk×white face rams were given SCT after naloxone tests and were of unknown sexual activity at the time of the naloxone tests. Mixed model analyses for repeated measures with repeated factors (month and sample time) and a covariate for mean LH or T before naloxone treatment were used for LH and T data. Proc Logistics modeled probabilities that rams were sexually active. The LH response to naloxone increased but did not differ ( P>0.09) by ram class (SA or SIA) or month. The T response peaked 75–90 min after naloxone treatment and was still elevated at 120 min. Testosterone differed ( P<0.03) for ram class by month by time in Experiment 1 and differed ( P<0.01) between months in Experiment 2. Proc Logistics incorrectly indicated that SA and SIA rams were all sexually active. This study indicates that the naloxone challenge test cannot discriminate between SA and SIA rams during July and August. Further research is required to determine the time of year when this sire identification test for libido has significant accuracy.

Categorical perception of race.

Traditionally, research demonstrating categorical perception (CP) has assumed that CP occurs only in cases where natural continua are divided categorically by long-term learning or innate perceptual programming. More recent research suggests that this may not be true, and that even novel continua between novel stimuli such as unfamiliar faces can show CP effects as well. Given this, we ask whether CP is dependent solely on the representation of individual stimuli, or whether stimulus categories themselves can also cause CP. Here, we test the hypothesis that continua between individual faces that cross the categorical boundary between races show an enhanced CP effect. We find that continua running from a black face to a white face do, indeed, show stronger CP effects than continua between two black faces or two white faces. This suggests that CP effects are enhanced when continua run between two distinctly represented individual stimuli, and are further enhanced when those individuals are, in turn, members of different stimulus categories.

Powers of Blackness: Africanist Discourse in Modern Concert Music

War, said Carl von Clausewitz ([1832] 1984, 87), is the continuation of politics by other means. My aim in this essay is to propose a pair of Clausewitzian theses about the encounter between a diversity of black American music--ragtime, blues, and jazz--and white modernist concert music in the United States and France, circa 1909-1931, with a later codicil from England. The encounter was both rich and strange, and it produced a large handful of now canonical or near-canonical concert works. During the interwar period, it was crucial to the definition of musical modernism itself, especially in the United States, though that is not the story usually told about it. It was also, and this virtually at every turn, haunted by ambivalence about the musics on which it drew, with which it mingled on terms compounded of pleasure, envy, condescension, anxiety, and celebration. Mention of this ambivalence leads me to my theses. The first is that the encounter in question was the continuation of race relations by other means. In this capacity, it addressed issues of subjectivity and cultural identity. The second thesis is that the same encounter was a continuation of blackface minstrelsy by other means. In this capacity, it addressed issues of pleasure as a socially and racially marked force. It is, of course, always possible to dismiss theses like these as tendentious. They can be discarded as attempts to impose social relations on the terrain of a purely stylistic problem, the reconciliation of high-art form and technique with an expressive vernacular. The high-low opposition that grounds this objection, however, is itself a vivid expression of social relations both real and imaginary. And it should surprise no one that those relations, which involve domination and desire, purity and danger, have a long history of racial encoding. My first thesis makes the simple, unpretentious assumption that whenever a dominant social group begins to appropriate the expressive idioms of the group it dominates, the process of appropriation bears traces of the social circumstances that ground it. This assumption becomes mischievous only when the messy, ambivalent process of social domination itself is misconstrued as a simple, unconflicted, unproblematic structure. My second thesis is admittedly more problematic. Blackface minstrelsy, after all, was crude, obscene, and egregiously racist, a carnivalesque debasement of the black male as other, the social site where the racial anxieties of nineteenth-century white Americans became (their) self-pleasuring. None of this can be said of black-inflected modernist concert music. On the contrary, the encounter of musical modernism with jazz and blues in particular might be said to have produced a site at which dominant white cultures were unusually hospitable to African-American cultural energies, and this well in advance of parallel encounters in popular music, which would not fully accomplish the same thing until the 1960s. My thesis, however, is concerned not with what minstrelsy signified but with what it did, not with its perpetuation of racist stereotypes but with its deployment of racial positions. Toni Morrison similarly abstracts the function from the content of minstrelsy in order to delineate a permanent racial subtext in American literature: In minstrelsy, a layer of blackness applied to a white face released it from law. Just as entertainers, through or by association with blackface, could render permissible topics that otherwise would have been taboo, so American writers were able to employ an imagined Africanist persona to articulate and imaginatively act out the forbidden in American culture. (Morrison 1992, 66) What Morrison presents as rhetoric also scans as history; to give the high-low formula one more turn of the screw, her analogy tacitly recognizes a kind of Africanist continuum running from the vernacular of minstrelsy to the high art of literary form. …

Ovarian activity during sexual maturation and following introduction of the ram to ewe lambs

The aim of this study was to assess the applicability of transrectal ovarian ultrasonography in quantifying ovarian antral follicles during the sexual development of ewe lambs, from 4 to 31 weeks of age. Also to record how the introduction of a ram at 25 and 29 weeks after birth affected ovarian function in peripubertal ewe lambs. Suffolk×Western White Face ewe lambs born in April underwent ultrasonography every 2 weeks (from 4 to 24 weeks of age; n=27) or weekly (from 26 to 30 weeks of age; n=14). When the ewes were 25 weeks old, a vasectomised ram was placed in the pen next to the ewes for 1 week, and at 29 weeks of age, the ram was placed with the ewes for another week. One week after second contact with the ram, estrus was synchronised by a 12-day treatment with intravaginal sponges containing medroxyprogesterone acetate (MAP). Ovarian ultrasonography was done every 6 h, from 0 to 96 h after sponge removal, and then daily for three more days, to determine the number of ovulations and the time at which they occurred. The mean number and total diameter of all follicles ≥3 mm increased from 14 to 16 weeks, declined between 16 and 18 weeks, and then increased between 22 and 24 weeks after birth. All these changes in total follicular number and diameter were significant. Maximum follicular diameter increased from 8 to 16 weeks of age ( P<0.05). The first fence-line contact with a ram resulted in increases ( P<0.05) in follicular diameters (from 25 to 26 weeks of age), the number of luteal structures per ewe, the percentage of ewe lambs with luteal structures, and mean serum progesterone (P 4) concentrations (from 1 to 2 weeks after the contact began). The second, full ram contact increased ( P<0.05) the number of luteal structures per ewe, the proportion of ewe lambs with luteal structures, and serum P 4 concentrations, from 29 to 30 weeks of age. Subsequent treatment with MAP sponges was followed by estrus, ovulations and full-length luteal phases in all ewe lambs studied. In summary, there were two phases of increased antral follicle development during the post-natal period in ewe lambs, with peak follicle numbers at 16 and 24 weeks of age. Fence-line contact with the ram at 25 weeks of age resulted in increased follicle size and stimulated the formation of some luteal structures, and subsequent full ram contact at 29 weeks of age markedly enhanced the number of luteal structures. Transrectal ovarian ultrasonography has proven to be a valuable tool in the study of ovarian function in ewe lambs from 4 weeks of age onwards.

Permission to Hate

On June 15, 1903, authorities in Wilmington, Delaware, apprehended a Black man named George White for the assault and rape of Helen S. Bishop, a White woman. The following afternoon, the charges against White were upgraded to murder after the victim expired due to injuries she sustained during the attack. White was found guilty the same day by a coroner's jury, which committed him to the newly erected state workhouse to await a formal trial in September. Despite demands that White face immediate sentencing, authorities decided that there was no need to call for a special session of the court. Over the next several days, a lynching hysteria began to build in the city. At the height of the tumult, on Sunday, June 21, the Reverend Robert A. Elwood of the Wilmington Olivet Presbyterian Church delivered an ominous sermon. Brandishing blood-stained leaves from the site of the Bishop assault, the reverend declared the city deficient in its responsibility to protect its citizens from such criminal atrocities and dilatory for not delivering speedy justice onto White. The next evening a mob stormed the workhouse. They marched White to the scene of his alleged crime, demanded a confession, and then lynched him by burning him alive. The lynching of White in Wilmington, Delaware, was typical of such occurrences in the early 20th century. Between 1882 and 1921, the United States was the scene of more than 3,405 lynchings. Most of the victims were African American men, women, and children. Described alternatively as unofficial executions, the

Prejudice and perception: the role of automatic and controlled processes in misperceiving a weapon.

Two experiments used a priming paradigm to investigate the influence of racial cues on the perceptual identification of weapons. In Experiment 1, participants identified guns faster when primed with Black faces compared with White faces. In Experiment 2, participants were required to respond quickly, causing the racial bias to shift from reaction time to accuracy. Participants misidentified tools as guns more often when primed with a Black face than with a White face. L. L. Jacoby's (1991) process dissociation procedure was applied to demonstrate that racial primes influenced automatic (A) processing, but not controlled (C) processing. The response deadline reduced the C estimate but not the A estimate. The motivation to control prejudice moderated the relationship between explicit prejudice and automatic bias. Implications are discussed on applied and theoretical levels.