White Enclave Research Articles

Complicating the “Suburban Advantage”: Examining Racial and Gender Inequality in Suburban and Urban School Settings

This article investigates the racial and gender dynamics of educational inequality in suburban public schools in the United States during an era of rapid demographic change. As suburban schools transition from predominantly White enclaves to more diverse settings, it is unclear to what extent the popular narrative of “suburban advantage” holds for newcomers. Using a longitudinal data set of majority non-White, lower-income students (the Future of Families and Child Wellbeing Study), we explore how these students fare compared to urban counterparts during this transformative period. Our findings suggest that suburban schools are higher resourced than their urban counterparts, yet there are minimal urban–suburban differences in educational outcomes after accounting for individual and family characteristics. Furthermore, we reveal disparities in urban–suburban differences by race and gender. Our research challenges narratives that treat suburban institutions as monoliths and suggests the purported advantages of suburban schooling are not conferred uniformly to all students.

Her Broken English

Her Broken English Melissa Akie Wiley (bio) Grandma said, “Mr. and Mrs. Wrench live next door.” When I learned to read, I noted the white letters on their mailbox. L-Y-N-C-H Broken English. The term used for the Japanese American accent. And that’s how I saw her then. Broken, embarrassing, simple. “My glass is perspiration from the heat,” she said. “I think you mean condensation,” I said. “No tell me what I mean,” she snapped. In the morning, she took the night’s soaked-rice pot to the backyard and dumped the loosened grains. Then she stretched her arms toward the sun. Her daily rejoicing ritual. To the wonderment of God. Before Buddhism captivated America. Before yoga pants and high-end sushi restaurants signaled the country’s wealthiest white enclaves. I asked her to read to me. “I don’t speak English very well,” she said. Then she turned silent. I apologized. Disconnection from her felt unbearable. [End Page 89] I knew every crack in her dried fingernails, her wispy hair, her wide feet. Our time together long enough to memorize her physicality. But not long enough to know her. “You’re the best person I’ve ever known,” she said and pressed her forehead to mine. Did I love her as much as she loved me? I corrected her. I cowered in embarrassment. I look for her now. I dip my hands into a soaked-rice pot. I rejoice at the morning sky. To have been loved by her. To the wonderment of her God. I want to tell her I’m sorry. [End Page 90] Melissa Akie Wiley Melissa Akie Wiley is a writer, keynote speaker, and nationally-recognized leader in local government. She is the survivor of a facially disfiguring childhood dog attack and creator of an anti-bullying curriculum for children focused on the intersection of storytelling and disability. Her work was most recently published by The New York Times, The Manifest-Station, and Public Management Magazine. She is writing a forthcoming memoir about coming-of-age as a disfigured, bi-racial girl in America. She has traveled throughout the country teaching government officials how to drive innovation, change, and equity in public service delivery. Her mission is to restore faith in government and to redefine beauty for women and girls. She holds a master’s degree from the University of Pennsylvania and lives with her husband, daughter, and dog in Erie, Colorado where she currently serves as the Deputy Town Administrator. Copyright © 2023 River Teeth

Enlivening Gandhi and Sanitary Nationalism: Transmuting Health into Materialization of Swaraj

Health defines the nation—since the nineteenth century, the liberal democratic states in the West had been compulsive about the nation’s health, albeit, at the same time, they were much repulsive towards the health of the colonies, except the white enclaves where sanitary improvement was prioritized more than that of native towns. It was only after the germination of germ theory that colonial states took the health of the ‘colonized’ into account on a serious note. Nevertheless, these whirling ideas, debates, approaches and colonial encounters regarding health and hygiene shaped Gandhi’s perception on body, sanitation and nationalism. The Gandhian way of equating Swaraj with the cleanliness of mind, body and soul, i.e., ‘Constructive Programme’, was in contrast to the ‘Obstructive Programme’ like civil disobedience. To Gandhi, a nation could truly attain Swaraj by cleansing the self and the ‘others’. The bodies, previously ‘colonized’, were now ‘nationalized’ through the Constructive Programme and health directives. This article seeks to explore those Gandhian narratives on sanitation and health and the way in which the notion of Swaraj was enmeshed with the emerging health education.

Colonial Gaze as Reflected in the Narratives of Memsahibs

The article seeks to explore the dimensions of ‘otherness’ in the attitudes of the Memsahibs, that is, how these women who accompanied British men to India perceived the ‘other’ in terms of the physical, cultural and moral attributes of the Indians and more significantly how they negotiate the ‘other’ in terms of language, climate, food, and so on. Do these women strive hard to bridge the gap between the ‘self’ and the ‘other’ or continue to isolate themselves in their white enclaves? Did they try to reach out to the Indians or they deliberately tried to limit the contact zones with Indians? Whether their construction of Indians and Indian society is disparaging, sympathetic or appreciative? The three narratives have been perused to provide insights into these issues. The objective of the article is to deny the meta-narrative and instead present mini-narratives that reflect their plural and diverse experiences.

Dreamin’ California

Dreamin’ California Michael A. Gonzales (bio) When I was a young boy living in Harlem during the early 1970s, I thought of Los Angeles as the Promised Land. It was where Disneyland was located, television and movies were filmed and, I imagined, palm trees grew on every block. L.A. wasn’t a city, but a fantasy—a pleasant dream where the Beach Boys provided the soundtrack and the sun always shined. Staring at the smiling faces of game show contestants on the TV screen, I was convinced that everything in the West was perfect. “If we ever move, can we go to Los Angeles?” I asked my mom when I was about six. “Of course,” she said. I realized her answer was just another parental lie nine years later when mom announced, in the winter of 1978, that we’d soon be moving to Baltimore. We’d visited my Aunt Charlotte and cousin Marie there for years, so I somewhat knew that the spooky industrial southern metropolis by the sea, best known for steamed crabs, the Colts football team, and being the place where Edgar Allan Poe died, was the complete opposite of Los Angeles and the dream city I imagined living in. ________ It was the era of Jimmy Carter in the White House, Three’s Company on television, and disco music taking over America’s airwaves. At my new high school, Northwestern, I became fast friends with Larry Ressin, a jock who played lacrosse and drew as well as anyone at Marvel Comics except Jack Kirby. We met in first period journalism. He and I bonded over rock music, comic books, and movies. After a while I was spending more time at his house than my own. His mother and father were cool, and he had a twin brother named Terry who was in a couple of my classes. Although I made a few white friends the first few weeks of school, I couldn’t help but notice how segregated the city was as opposed to my old New York neighborhood. There was a huge Confederate flag hung in a Dundalk comic book shop I visited and, later, I was warned from venturing into the white enclave of Hampden. Coming from a community that was a melting pot of cultures, races, and religions, I had grown up in a family that befriended, and sometimes married, other races; I rarely thought about race and racism until I moved to Baltimore. [End Page 117] One afternoon, Larry and I were hanging out in the third-floor hallway waiting for our biology teacher, Miss Solomon, when I noticed a tall, stunning blonde wearing blue jeans and a gray Jackson Browne T-shirt. Though it was cold outside, Northwestern was always overheated. Most kids left their coats and sweaters in their lockers. Her Browne tee indicated that she was, like me, a music fan. Unlike some kids today who wear vintage band shirts without knowledge of group, back then who you wore on your T-shirt reflected personal taste. “Who the hell is that?” I asked Larry as we both glanced at the girl leaning against the wall. Larry smirked. “I don’t have the slightest idea, but she’s hot.” Indeed, it was the also the era of Hollywood starlets like Loni Anderson, Suzanne Somers, and Farrah Fawcett—“hot blondes.” The stranger looked as though she’d come straight from central casting. I moved closer to Larry and whispered, “Watch this.” I started speaking louder so the mystery blonde could hear me. “If the teacher doesn’t hurry up, I’m going to cut class and go home and play my Jackson Browne album.” The blonde turned around, looked at me and smiled. “Are you a Jackson Browne fan?” she asked. Truthfully, I knew that Browne was down with the Los Angeles/Laurel Canyon music scene that included Joni Mitchell, The Eagles, Linda Ronstadt, Neil Young, James Taylor, and others who rocked in a folksy/country acoustic guitar way. In the 2018 documentary Echo in the Canyon, everyone interviewed (The Mamas & the Papas vocalist Michelle Phillips, Jackson Browne, and the film’s guide, Jakob Dylan) tells us how much...

Jesus and the Bulldozer: Religion, Suburbanization, and Urban Renewal in a New Jersey Camp Meeting Community

The history of suburbanization in New Jersey is a well-established topic in the scholarly literature. Since the middle decades of the nineteenth century, the state’s northeastern and southwestern areas have become dense with suburban communities tied, culturally and economically, to New York City or Philadelphia. By the early twentieth century, these areas were a mix of middle-class white enclaves, Black towns, immigrant and working-class communities, agricultural hamlets, and industrial suburbs. However, in the late nineteenth century, some suburbs emerged as religious retreats. This article explores how suburbanization and, by the 1960s, urban renewal, transformed the Gloucester County borough of Pitman’s landscape. Founded in 1871 as a Methodist camp meeting resort, the history of Pitman demonstrates ways that religion complemented suburbanization, and suburbanization, amid religious decline and secularization, reshaped the religious landscape of one South Jersey community.

Addressing Racial Injustice in Long-Term Care

Addressing Racial Injustice in Long-Term Care

To Live Here, You Have to Fight: How Women Led Appalachian Movements for Social Justice by Jessica Wilkerson

Reviewed by: To Live Here, You Have to Fight: How Women Led Appalachian Movements for Social Justice by Jessica Wilkerson Laura Visser-Maessen To Live Here, You Have to Fight: How Women Led Appalachian Movements for Social Justice. By Jessica Wilkerson. The Working Class in American History. (Urbana and other cities: University of Illinois Press, 2019. Pp. xvi, 255. Paper, $27.95, ISBN 978-0-252-08390-7; cloth, $99.00, ISBN 978-0-252-04218-8.) This first, award-winning, monograph by Jessica Wilkerson details how working-class women formed the backbone of Appalachia's progressive movements from the 1960s to the 1980s. In foregrounding women's agency, Wilkerson [End Page 757] dispels commonly held myths about the region's working class and convincingly shows how the prevalent narrative of Appalachia as a conservative "white enclave"—captured in the masculine coal miner or racist hillbilly stereotypes—influenced their achievements (p. 34). By illuminating local and national interconnections, the significance of Wilkerson's work belies her narrow topic. Wilkerson's central argument revolves around the ways in which these women's gendered and class experiences as caregivers caught in the system of "coalfield capitalism"—as mothers and wives of men marked by their coalmining jobs and as working women who were themselves in the industry—informed a grassroots feminist tradition that fused caregiving labor with citizenship rights (p. 5). Seeing their fights for health care, environmental justice, and labor, welfare, and women's rights as interrelated, women like Eula Hall and Edith Easterling utilized the federal War on Poverty programs to connect local and outside progressive groups, to build an interracial community health movement, to secure unionized workplaces during the 1974 Brookside strike, and to reshape meanings of democracy. Although the book's primary actors are white, race is omnipresent. Wilkerson underscores the legacy of civil rights organizations like the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, who trained incoming white activists, while simultaneously disclosing how "gendered white privilege often served as a cornerstone" to local women's lives (p. 6). Race-based notions of the so-called deserving and undeserving poor shaped the federal resources around which Appalachian women built their movements. Yet the race-infused strength of conservative and anticommunist organizations, combined with internal strife between grassroots women and white middle-class policy makers, spurred activist organizations' decline; among the most memorable passages is Easterling's defiant testimony before the Kentucky Un-American Activities Committee in 1968. The result is a complex portrait of southern womanhood that adds nuance to existing literature on Appalachia and aligns with growing scholarly and public interest in working-class studies. While recent scholarship on civil rights unionism and working-class feminism already underscores working-class heterogeneity, Wilkerson expands the focus beyond the workplace. Her emphasis on bottom-up leadership, (dis)continuities in activism, and the importance of networks and federal intervention for social change also fits community organizing debates in black studies and analyses of structural inequality under its Black Power studies paradigm; black female-led urban welfare movements, for instance, similarly employed the "ethic of care" to demand citizenship rights (p. 3). More engagement with such works and the parallels of other southern antipoverty movements will sharpen her arguments. Wilkerson's superb oral history usage, inserted to offset working-class women's absence in institutional records, furthers scholars' understanding of intergenerational influences on activism and how women imbued everyday activities, like learning to drive, with political meaning. The personal anecdotes also form the book's most animated prose. Although Wilkerson's overall matter-of-fact narration is laudable, it occasionally leaves the reader desiring more detail. For instance, black activists' voices are limited. While this serves her argument that whites' dominance resulted from structural racism, it inhibits assessments of the inner workings of these alliances. Moreover, Wilkerson [End Page 758] concedes, but does not develop, that white activists' departure from civil rights movements in the Deep South due to black nationalism affected these activists' approach to interracial organizing. Black Power itself is only discussed in relation to the backlash against white progressive activism, which inadvertently plays into earlier views of Black Power as a supposedly tragic epilogue to the movement's perceived glory days...

Suburbanizing Segregation? Changes in Racial/Ethnic Diversity and the Geographic Distribution of Metropolitan School Segregation, 2002–2012

Background While postwar suburban migration established suburbs as relatively affluent, homogeneous white enclaves distinct from the urban core, recent waves of suburbanization and exurbanization have been spurred largely by rapid growth in the nonwhite population. While these increases in suburban racial/ethnic diversity represent a significant evolution of the traditional “chocolate city, vanilla suburbs” dichotomy, scholars have expressed concern that they are worsening racial/ethnic segregation among suburban public school students. Objective In this study, we document shifts in the racial imbalance of suburban schools in terms of several racial/ethnic and geographic dimensions (i.e., multiracial, black–white; between and within suburban districts, among localities). In addition, we extend the urban/suburban dichotomy to provide initial evidence on changes in racial balance in metropolitan exurbs. Finally, we use inferential models to directly examine the impact of changes in racial/ethnic diversity on shifts in racial imbalance. Research Design Using demographic data from the National Center of Education Statistics Common Core of Data on 209 U.S. metropolitan areas, we provide a descriptive analysis of changes in segregation within and between urban, suburban, and exurban localities from 2002 to 2012. We measure segregation using Theil's entropy index, which quantifies racial balance across geographic units. We assess the relationship between demographic change and change in segregation via a series of longitudinal fixed-effects models. Results Longitudinal analyses indicate that increases in racial/ethnic diversity are positively related to change in racial imbalance. However, observed increases in diversity were generally insufficient to produce meaningful increases in segregation. As a result, suburbs and exurbs, like urban areas, experienced little change in segregation, although trends were generally in a negative direction and more localities experienced meaningful declines in segregation than meaningful increases. Findings are less encouraging for suburbs and exurbs than for urban areas and underscore the intractability of black-white racial imbalance and the emerging spatial imbalance of Asians and whites. We also document an important shift in the geographic distribution of segregation, with suburbs now accounting for a plurality of metropolitan segregation. Conclusions Contrary to previous researchers, we do not find evidence that suburban and exurban schools are resegregating, although we fail to document meaningful progress towards racial equity. Moreover, while suburbs are not necessarily resegregating, we find that segregation is suburbanizing, and now accounts for the largest share of segregation of any locality. We conclude with a discussion of recommendations for policy and research.

Public Schools and Ghetto Formation in Interwar New Orleans

In New Orleans, racially segregated schools played a central role in the creation of racially distinct neighborhoods beginning with the school building boom that followed World War I. Focusing on the Tremé, Central City, and Broadmoor neighborhoods, this article demonstrates that schools figured prominently in debates over the future of racially mixed neighborhoods, in the formation of isolated black ghettoes, and in the development of white enclaves. In doing so, the article addresses a gap in the historiography of American metropolitan change, which generally overlooks the impact of schools and school policies upon urban development and residential settlement patterns.

What has Lapland to do with Tshwane? Ethics as the bridge between dogmatics and historical contexts

This article explores the question: what does it mean to do theology in South Africa today? It does so in three parts based on a narrative account of the author’s relationship with Johan Heyns from 1972–1990. In the first, the focus is on the reasons for and the significance of the transition of the Dogmatologiese Werkgemeenskap, in which Heyns played an influential role to the Theological Society of South Africa, of which the author was president from 1987–1992. In the second, the author examines the reason for this transition by comparing the role of Beyers Naudé with that of Heyns in doing theology, the one working outside the white enclave of the DRC, and the other from within. He then examines the criticism of Heyns’s theology which was expressed by J.J.F. Durand and which gave rise to the title of the article. In the final part of the article, the author reflects on the narrative in responding to the initial question on doing theology in context today. He highlights the importance of social location, of the willingness to transcend boundaries, and the need to regard the task of dogmatics and ethics as an integrated whole in responding prophetically to historical contexts.

La frontera que vino del norte (review)

2009Book Reviews12g Lafrontera que vino del norte. By Carlos González Herrera. (Mexico City: Editorial Taurus/El Colegio de Chihuahua, 2008. Pp. 295, notes, bibliography, index. ISBN 9789705804885, 179 pesos, paper.) The title of Carlos González Herrera's book can be translated as The Frontier that Camefrom the North. His overarching thesis can be summed up as the U.S.Mexico border served as a way for the United States, which was in the process of becoming a nation-empire at the end of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, to define itself, culturally, racially, and hygienically against the Mexican "other." The first chapter examines the historiography of both the frontier and the border in American history, particularly dealing with Frederick Jackson Turner. The second chapter, "the slow construction of the border," examines how the U.S. attitude toward the border developed at the turn of the century, and how this project was aimed first not at Mexicans but at other "undesirable" ethnicities who used Mexico as an entry point into the United States. Other chapters describe the use of the theories of eugenics, the concept of public health, and the construction of a legal apparatus along the border, all with the end of defining the cultural and social boundary of the United States as well as its physical border. The fifth chapter, "the indispensable enemy," details the duality of U.S. immigration policy, alternating between "big economic interests (railroad companies , mines, agribusiness) [and] big ideological-cultural projects (nativist, racist, eugenist)" (120). The last two chapters are particularly noteworthy. Chapter seven, "an Anglo society on the border," analyzes a process what the author calls "the racialization of El Paso" (202). By the beginning of the twentieth century, "the Anglo population in El Paso ceased being a white enclave in the area and became a majority, not only demographically, but also as the masters, almost absolute, of the means of obtaining wealth" (167). Chapter eight examines the impact of the Mexican Revolution on both the Mexican population in El Paso and of the treatment of Mexicans there. Returning to the theme of the medicalization of the border, it makes good use of oral history sources to describe die humiliation of being subjected to "sanitation" while crossing the border. This chapter deals with nationalism born out of the tragic explosion of March 6, 1 9 1 6, at an El Paso jail. As the mainly Mexican inmates were being deloused with gasoline, somebody lit a match and at least two dozen people, mainly Mexican inmates, burned alive. Three days later, Pancho Villa's forces invaded Columbus, New Mexico. Residents of El Paso "saw a cause and effect relationship between the explosion and the attack" that was "read in nationalist terms by both groups" (243). Despite the author's pleas for the centrality of the Mexican border in the construction of U.S. imperial-national identity, the book often depicts El Paso as much more marginal. For example, the reader is informed that "the political establishment in Washington continued to conceive immigration as a phenomenon taking place in the ports of San Francisco and New York," while the Southwest "remained a marginal region peripheral to political and cultural center of the nation" (148). The medicalization and ethnic discrimination aimed at 1 30Southwestern Historical QuarterlyJuly Mexicans, though real, were also directed against various other immigrant groups. And much of the reforms of the Progressive Era were arguably directed against these other ethnic groups. González Herrera does not deny this, but he does not connect the discrimination against Mexican immigrants to the broader trends in the United States as a whole. Overall, this book is interesting and useful, especially considering that it has aimed to tell a particular story (of Mexicans in El Paso) to a particular audience (in Mexico) with the implicit goal of shedding light on the current issues of Mexican migration and the treatment of Mexicans in the United States. At the same time, it is weaker in addressing issues in United States, as well as Mexican, history and historiography. City College ofNew YorkJ. A. Zumoff Growing Up Jim Crow: How Black and White Southern Children Learned Race. By...

Georgetown University: A Mostly White Enclave in a Black City

Georgetown University: A Mostly White Enclave in a Black City

Dada Da Da: Sounding the Jew in Modernism

Few would describe The Waste Land as easy to read. And indeed, most critics would agree that noone should find it easy, since, as Ian Hamilton remarked in 1970, wanted poem to be difficult and no doubt conceived of its as an important aspect of its total meaning.' Where New Critics had admired such high-modernist obscurity, Hamilton criticized difficulty of poem's wealth of cultural allusion for its aristocratic aloofness, a determination to keep up of class.2 More recently still, sense of poem's intentional has been identified as mark not only of a selfconsciously high modernism, but of a specifically white modernism, so Eliot's hermeneutic barriers are understood to be not just a class issue, as Hamilton thought, but a racial problem. Houston Baker, Jr.'s Modernism and Harlem Renaissance thus argues that Eliot's functioned as a form of literary segregation, delimiting the tradition as a white enclave. As Baker puts it, the 'tongue' of Eliot's collaged allusiveness was unknown to Harlem audiences of The New Negro writers.3 Baker's general claim, that African-American modernism had little in common with Joycean or Eliotic projects, hinges on his understanding of European avant-garde writing not as a purely formal project, nor simply as a consolidation of what Hamilton calls cultural wealth, but as invention of an alternative language.4 What separates Eliot's modernism from Harlem Renaissance is that Eliot wrote in a tongue that was unknown in Harlem.

Of Mines and Min: Modernity and Its Malcontents in Papua New Guinea

If the narrative of multinational capitalist development has a common plot, its local experience and expression on new frontiers need to be understood in specific terms - what Cardoso and Faletto refer to as a history of diversity (1979:xvii). The expansion of global forces to border zones of imperial conquest has constituted new arenas for local contestation and struggle among men and women variously situated in the modern world. These include overt manifestations such as labor strikes and uprisings; arguments over land ownership, usage, and entitlements; as well as subterranean shifts in ethnic identity, seniority, sexuality, manhood, and social knowledge. Thus, global forces may simultaneously deny and constitute social difference: deny, say, the traditionally sacred relationship between a local people and the home of their ancestors, while constituting a neighboring people as the sole, legitimate occupants of that land, newly defined by the state as an economic item. Meanwhile, local fault lines of gender and generation may emerge in the context of external intrusion, and constitute internal dispute. For Faiwolmin people of the North Fly interior of the Western Province, Papua New Guinea, modernity arrived on a slowly rising tide of Australian colonialism in the 1960s, Quebecois Catholic missionization in the '70s, and the penetration of Ok Tedi Mining Limited, a multinational mining operation in the nearby Star Mountains, in the '80s. The mining company has created a massive new center of power and wealth on a hinterland of colonial and capitalist expansion. It is the source of a labor market, foreign capital and high technology, and imported commodities for domestic consumption by expatriates in the township. It has a virtual monopoly on technological and infrastructural improvements in the region surrounding the rich, white enclave at Tabubil where the mine is located. More than the kiap (colonial patrol officer) or the priest, the gold and copper industrial giant has inaugurated a new terrain on which local constructions of gender, sexual identity, and ethnicity are contested. As Faiwolmin miners sometimes express it. the company is the corporate parent of PNG. This raises important questions about the reorganization of social space by mining capital and about the relationship of Faiwolmin to that space, and to a weak, new nation. In short, changing identities are at stake in the restructuring of local communities and localities (Pred and Watts 1992:14). Since its independence in 1975, with the advice of the World Bank, PNG sought foreign investment in mining as a source of revenue that might enable a road to national development and lighten dependency on Australia. Throughout postcolonial PNG, large-scale, capital- and technology-intensive mining has brought the nation (until recently a backwater of foreign capitalist investment) directly into the global economy (Ogan and Wesley-Smith 1992:56). Mining capital has had internally uneven consequences in PNG and has created social inequalities throughout the country, and in particular in the orbit of mining enclaves themselves (Ogan and Wesley-Smith 1992). PNG welcomed OTML in the Western Province at a time when Bougainville Copper Limited (BCL) in the North Solomon Islands was seen as a pathway to national prosperity. Today, BCL (closed late in the 1980s due to local insurgency) is exemplary of the conflict generated between the state and its subjects over a thicket of issues. This essay concerns the encounter of a specific process of capitalist transformation with a specific people over such a thicket of issues. It considers the various ways Faiwolmin men have confronted, challenged, and consented to a state and multinational development initiative since the end of formal colonial rule, and some of the more salient consequences of these transformations for local lives and livelihoods. Men coming of age over the last two decades have increasingly defined themselves as marginal to this new center of power, but also to older meanings of manhood. …

The Best Law Schools for Blacks

As a partner in the Washington, D.C., law firm of Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer & Feld, Jordan knows whereof he speaks. It's a lonely existence. Among the major law firms in the United States, only one firm ? San Francisco-based Morrison & Foerster ? has as many as five black partners. The codes of race that continue to govern entrance to the legal profession began in the law schools, which were large? ly white enclaves until relatively recent years.* In this issue of The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, we look to the status of black students and black faculty members in some of the largest and most prestigious law schools in the country ? and we also sketch the black presence in the legal profession generally. It is clear that major gains have been made. But it is also clear that much remains to be done.

The Political Jurisprudence of Affirmative Action

The headlines at the outset of 1987 told of Howard Beach, where a group of blacks had been chased, and one killed, because they had unwittingly entered a white enclave in New York City. And they told of Forsythe County, Georgia, where the mere presence of civil rights marchers, in a place from which blacks had been driven three-quarters of a century earlier, brought out depths of antagonism unknown since an earlier era of civil rights marches.Behind both events – indeed, behind almost every question of race to arise in recent years – was the specter of affirmative action. Even as, during the late 1960s, some blamed urban riots on the federal government's failure to achieve equal opportunity between the races by equalizing life outcomes, so in 1987 white antagonisms were regarded in some quarters as a crude reflection of the Reagan administration's hostility towards affirmative action. The rhetoric and the policies of that administration, it was said, contributed to a sentiment that blacks already had their share – indeed, more than their share. Official word and deed contributed also, it was argued, to a resentment against blacks who, because of quotas, had been unfairly advantaged.

Blacks in Appalachia.

Although southern is popularly seen as a purely white enclave, blacks have lived in the region from early times. Some hollows and coal camps are in fact almost exclusively black settlements. The selected readings in this new book offer the first comprehensive presentation of the black experience in Appalachia.Organized topically, the selections deal with the early history of blacks in the region, with studies of the black communities, with relations between blacks and whites, with blacks in coal mining, and with political issues. Also included are a section on oral accounts of black experiences and an analysis of black Appalachian demography. The contributors range from Carter Woodson and W. E. B. Du Bois to more recent scholars such as Theda Perdue and David A. Corbin. An introduction by the editors provides an overall context for the selections. Blacks in Appalachia focuses needed attention on a neglected area of Appalachian studies. It will be a valuable resource for students of and of black history.

Toward ending segregation in the 1980s

The conflict concerning desegregation in the 1970s has roots and implications that extend beyond schooling to all aspects of life in metropolitan America. The issue is whether the ghettoization of blacks in areas distinct and separate from protected white enclaves will continue as the vehicle for imposing caste inequality. The challenge for the 1980s is to develop constructive policies and practices in education and training, jobs and housing, and urban development and taxation that will work to end the mutually destructive process of racial segregation across the national landscape. This article explores a number of control, incentive, market, and cooperative approaches to breaching the color line of racial ghettoization.