Western Efforts Research Articles

АNALYZING THE COPENHAGEN CRITERIA AND REFORMS IN THE CONTEXT OF TURKEY’S ASPIRATION FOR EU MEMBERSHIP

This study provides a scholarly overview of Turkey's political landscape , especially in the context of its aspirations for European Union (EU) membership and its commitment to the Copenhagen Criteria. The article describes the historical trajectory of Turkey's Westernization efforts, dating back to the period of Tanzimat and thereforms of Ataturk. The author emphasizes that EU membership is a strategic imperative for Turkey.The author highlights the path of Turkey's reforms since 2001, paying special attention to significant achievements in the field of human rights and fundamental freedoms, which are a constant reason for rejecting Turkey's application for membership. However, the author highlig hts the continuing problems, in particular restrictions on freedom of expression and assembly, exacerbated by Turkey's withdrawal from international conventions (Istanbul Convention) protecting marginalized groups, especially women affected by gender-based violenc e . Emphasizing the urgent need to address these issues, this article highlights the path of the Republic of Turkey towards concerted efforts by domestic and international stakeholders to strengthe n democratic principles and protect human rights in a changing political environment. The article presents a scientific discourse aimed at promoting a detailed understanding of the trajectory of Turkey's accession to the EU and its broader implications for democratic governance and huma n rights in the region. For a more detailed study of the issue under study, government reporting documents were used: the Report of the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights andFreedom of the United States and the Report of Turkey on the fulfillment of criteria

The security of the eastern flank states in the light of Russia's military operations in Ukraine

The article focuses on the security of the eastern flank countries in the light of Russia's military operations in Ukraine, including: the security of the eastern flank in respect of military operations in Ukraine, Western efforts to secure the eastern flank, the challenges for the security of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in relation to refugees and migration. In the search for an answer to the question: What impact does Russia's military operations in Ukraine have on the security of the eastern flank countries? the literature on the subject was studied, Russian normative acts were analysed and official statements of experts in the media were quoted, as well as the views of specialists dealing with the security issues of the countries of this region. Directions of actions improving the security of these countries were presented. The results of the conducted research indicate that the eastern flank countries alone would not be able to repel a possible Russian aggression against any of these countries at the current stage of modernization of their armies. Only close cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the deployment of more American troops on the territory of the eastern flank countries guarantee security. The content cited in the article aims to update opinions on the level of security of the eastern flank countries.

A Chronological Study of the Evolution of the Turkish Accounting Profession from the Ottoman Period to the Present

Synopsis The research problem This paper aims to reveal the transformations that the Turkish accounting profession has gone through since 1839 when the modernization efforts of the Ottoman Empire started. At this point, the transformation covers the final period of the Ottoman Empire governed by the sultanate (1299–1923), and the Turkish Republic that adopts a democratic governance style (1923–present). Having a static economic structure, the Ottomans tried to gradually adapt to western style governance and practices, and they decided to quit the Stairs method that used to be a state accounting method in the accounting system (750–1879) and transit to the double-entry bookkeeping method (1879). Within the framework of westernization efforts in the republic period, the accounting systems were based on the double-entry bookkeeping method, and they adopted tax-based accounting approaches previously. They moved toward development, professional organization, and international system integration in the process. Motivation The study aims to present the changes in the Turkish accounting profession in the last 200 years. The Ottomans had governmental and economic changeovers with the Tanzimat Reform. We deemed it to be a basic need to reveal the influences of demolishing a feudal state and founding a new state on the accounting profession and practices, and the developments of the accounting profession in the republic period. This study examines the period between 1879 and 2022 by dividing it into terms on the basis of significant changes in accountancy and the accounting profession. Target Population Accountant historians, finance analysts, shareholders of companies engaging in stock exchange deals, finance managers of companies, independent auditors and shareholders. Adopted Methodology Accounting historians’ documents, score matching analyses for robustness. Analyses All documentary analyses are composed to the results in different periods. The development of the accounting profession has been evaluated within economic and political processes. The effect of wars in Turkey and in the world on the accounting profession has been analyzed. The standards required for the merger of the accounting profession with the international practices in Turkish republic period were mentioned. They were analyzed by comparing the international and domestic companies. The international standards are required to evaluate the stock exchange movements of the public companies. Findings The trials for Fabrika-i Hümayun factory at the Ottomans in the 1840s showed that the economic structure and the accounting systems must be consistent; otherwise, the accounting, which is the decision support system, would not be utilized well enough. At this point, the need to transit to the double-entry bookkeeping and reporting systems compatible with the capital and profit motivated commercial and industrial operations arose, and the Ottomans quit the accounting method (Stairs) that had been used until that time in 1879, and they transited to the double-entry bookkeeping method. In order to overcome the issues that occurred within this transition process, several different organizations and bodies needed to be established, and a new republic devolved from a demolished state was founded. In the republic period, the changes were embraced by the professional stakeholders, and improved significantly in terms of institutionalization by attaining its legal organization (TÜRMOB). The profession has come a long way in terms of what had been a profession focused on bookkeeping only, having added reporting, professional organization, international cooperation and integration, adaptation to independent audit issues, and global system.

Russian influence, anti-Western sentiments and African agency: The struggle for influence in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Russia has been trying to extend its influence over Africa over the last years; a process which became intensified due to the Russia-Ukraine war. Through the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article shows that although Russia plays an active role in this quest for influence by offering incentives (such as those shipments of weapons), anti-Western sentiments in the DRC are at least as important. These sentiments have been magnified by the M23 rebellion and perceptions of Western complicity in this crisis. This has resulted in pressure within the Congolese administration, particularly from the security forces, to “shift to Russia,” as well as Western efforts to counter this influence. At the same time, this ‘neo-Cold War’ has offered opportunities for political leverage by the Congolese government, to exercise pressure on Western governments – something which has not always been successful.

EU의 공동외교안보정책과 우크라이나 전쟁

This paper seeks to anlayze whether the Capability-Expectations Gap (CEG) of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy has been narrowed after the War in Ukraine broke out on 24th February 2022. It compares in the components of the CEGs before and after the war. Christopher Hill defines the capability as being composed of the resources (economic and diplomatic), policy instruments and policy cohesiveness.
 Before the war, Brexit left the EU’s economic power dwindled by 2.17% point from 15.7% to 13.62% in world output. Policy instruments have seen some changes, as the EU could manage to give military as well as economic aid to Ukraine for the first time. Although the EU is not a military alliance, EU leaders could reach agreements on sending military equipments in the face of Russian aggression. Policy cohesiveness refers to the ability to reach agreements and implement such ones among differing national policy preferences. Hungary remained opposed to banning Russian oil and gas imports to the last moment, thus gaining exemption from the EU’s sanction until the end of 2023, at least a year later after such sanction entered into force.
 With regard to expectations from within and without of the EU, citizens in Europe have wanted the bloc to play a more active role in major international affairs such as in the Ukraine War. The EU also could follow through many sanctions in close consultation with the United States, which has led Western efforts in giving aid to Ukraine.
 EU’s international role is likely to grow in the process of mediating the war, as the war is probably to last another a year or two. It will also shoulder significant burden to help Ukraine reconstruct after the War.

상위가치로서 ‘전략적 자율성’과 통상정책을 통한 구현

This paper seeks to anlayze whether the Capability-Expectations Gap (CEG) of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy has been narrowed after the War in Ukraine broke out on 24th February 2022. It compares in the components of the CEGs before and after the war. Christopher Hill defines the capability as being composed of the resources (economic and diplomatic), policy instruments and policy cohesiveness.
 Before the war, Brexit left the EU’s economic power dwindled by 2.17% point from 15.7% to 13.62% in world output. Policy instruments have seen some changes, as the EU could manage to give military as well as economic aid to Ukraine for the first time. Although the EU is not a military alliance, EU leaders could reach agreements on sending military equipments in the face of Russian aggression. Policy cohesiveness refers to the ability to reach agreements and implement such ones among differing national policy preferences. Hungary remained opposed to banning Russian oil and gas imports to the last moment, thus gaining exemption from the EU’s sanction until the end of 2023, at least a year later after such sanction entered into force.
 With regard to expectations from within and without of the EU, citizens in Europe have wanted the bloc to play a more active role in major international affairs such as in the Ukraine War. The EU also could follow through many sanctions in close consultation with the United States, which has led Western efforts in giving aid to Ukraine.
 EU’s international role is likely to grow in the process of mediating the war, as the war is probably to last another a year or two. It will also shoulder significant burden to help Ukraine reconstruct after the War.

Skirting the abyss: Eastern European space and the limits of German Holocaust memory

ABSTRACT This article discusses some of the ambivalences that arise in Western efforts to represent Eastern Europe in the context of Holocaust memory. Focusing on German-language literature, I examine how tropes of boundlessness, violence and contamination derived from the pre-WWI colonialist vision of 'the East' reassert themselves in various eras of representation, including recent works inspired by contemporary historiography. While the embrace of 'discoveries' about the history of the Holocaust in Eastern Europe signals an appetite among the German-speaking public to do away with historical ignorance, these discursive continuities suggest that the appetite for alterity is undiminished. The adoption of the term “Bloodlands” from Timothy Snyder's book of the same name is a case study in how fresh perspectives on Holocaust history can be decontextualized and co-opted, contributing to an imaginary landscape that is remarkably unchanged in the German context.

Did Germany Contribute to Deterrence Failure against Russia in Early 2022?

With signs of Russia’s aggressive intentions mounting since Fall 2021, Ukraine and NATO allies criticised Germany for not sufficiently contributing to Western efforts at deterring a Russian invasion. The article evaluates this claim by applying deterrence theory and using congruence analysis on foundational policy documents, expert literature and interviews of Russian and Western policymakers. It establishes that states contribute to collective extended deterrence the more they have the capabilities to harm assets that are highly valued by the revisionist and the more the revisionist has reasons to believe that these capabilities would be used if it enacted aggression. The article then evaluates Germany’s potential deterrence contributions, establishing that Germany’s vast arms industry and economic clout allowed it to significantly threaten the Russian regime through economic destabilisation and prospects of high-casualty fighting. It then gauges Germany’s actual deterrence contributions, finding them to have been significantly smaller: Germany deliberately avoided military threats and deliveries of arms to Ukraine. And while Germany did early on threaten to use its significant economic clout against Russia, it remained vague and non-committal over core issues of Russian economic interests, such as the Nord Stream 2 pipeline system. The results provide and inform further hypotheses on the causes of German behaviour and indirect influences on deterrence against Russia. They also urge reconsiderations of strategic thinking in Berlin and elsewhere.

The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue: The West's Response to China in the Indo-Pacific

As China’s actions have become increasingly aggressive in the Indo-Pacific, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue’s (Quad) growing interconnectedness reveals the West’s desire to preserve the liberal order. The Quad-- composed of the United States, Australia, India, and Japan-- was revived in 2017 amidst China’s encroachment on the sovereignty of Indo-Pacific nations and international waters. Through increased activity in infrastructure development, military interoperability, and key resource networks, the Quad’s renewal marks an acceleration of Western efforts to counter China’s growing threats to Western hegemony. By distilling the Quad’s activity into these three areas of cooperation, this paper examines the grouping’s actions and their implications for Western-China relations. In the area of infrastructure development, the Quad has emphasized a diversification of funding and high-quality practices to reduce reliance on China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and has promoted democratic priorities through the formation of the Blue Dot Network (BDN). Within military interoperability, the expansion of Exercise Malabar to include all Quad nations and the decision to host the exercise in the Bay of Bengal reveals the Quad’s increased challenge to China’s encroachment on Indo-Pacific oceans. The Quad’s desire to reduce Indo-Pacific nations’ reliance on China is evident in its efforts to exert influence over key resource networks such as undersea communication cables, Covid-19 vaccines, and global supply chains. The Quad’s increased activity within these three sectors represents the grouping’s elevation to an increasingly concrete alliance, emerging as one of the West’s primary measures to counter China’s growing influence in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.

Social Structures of Accumulation in a Semiperiphery Country

This article claims that the world-system approach can serve as a mediating force in understanding the social structure(s) of accumulation (SSA) dynamics in Turkey. The argument for using the world-system approach has two complementary supports. First, the Turkish SSAs are driven by the capitalist world economy. As such, the author focuses on Turkey’s Westernization efforts and dependency on core countries and international organizations under their control. Second, domestic struggles and political decisions related to the Turkish SSAs are not limited to the main variables of the SSA theory, such as labor-capital conflict, profit rate, and economic crises. Thus, the author shows that phenomena such as the religion-secularity conflict, the struggle between anti-imperialism and anticommunism, and military interventions are crucial in SSA formations. In support of this argumentation, the author discusses the regulationist and neoliberal SSAs in Turkey. JEL Classification: J50, J08, B51, P16

What Putin Fights For

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has reignited debate over the role of NATO expansion in producing the current crisis. Robert Person and Michael McFaul dismiss Russian President Vladimir Putin’s NATO concerns as a ‘fiction’, arguing that it was actually the expansion of democracy that threatened his autocratic regime. This argument draws a false distinction between trends Russians view as deeply entwined. Democracy and NATO expansion were not separate issues for Putin and the Russian elite, but mutually reinforcing elements of a concerted Western effort to contain Russia’s ambitions as a great power. Putin’s distaste for democracy does not overshadow but rather reinforces his objections to NATO. Because NATO expansion played an important role in producing the invasion, halting that expansion might have persuaded Putin to pursue his goals through less violent means.

THE BIRTH AND LIFE OF THE DEFINITION OF MILITARY OBJECTIVES

AbstractThe forgotten story of the birth and life of the definition of ‘military objectives’ is relevant to the ongoing discussion about the need to adapt the law to asymmetric warfare. This definition, authored by a West German law professor and former member of the Nazi party, was driven by a Western effort to privilege regular armies while curbing the actions of guerrilla fighters and exposing their civilian supporters to harm. The Non-Aligned Movement turned the tide by burdening regular armies while exempting irregular combatants from the consequences of disregarding the law. It was only through judicial intervention—grounded in an imagined history of the linear progress of humanity—that civilians on both sides of asymmetric conflicts would ultimately become entitled to receive adequate protection.

Security and Trade in African Borderlands – An Introduction

The goal of this special issue is to explore the relationships that bind trade and security in African borderlands. Examples from the Horn, North, and West Africa suggest that African countries are in the difficult situation of having to pursue their regional integration efforts without having the resources or the willingness to control their borders. In other words, the process of regional economic integration is rarely accompanied by an effective securitization of borders, despite Western efforts to establish new border regimes. Technological transfers have marginally improved the ability of African states to monitor the transnational circulation of goods and people. Imported technologies have been instrumentalized by political elites and contested by border communities when they threatened local livelihoods. This integration process differs greatly from the model developed in Europe and North America, where a balance has been found between the opening of markets and control of mobility. It is increasingly challenged by violent religious groups who argue that modern nation-states are incompatible with religious law and that their borders are irrelevant to the community of believers.

RUSSIA: THE CYBER GLOBAL PROTAGONIST

Russia has discovered by trial and error one of the most economical ways to assert foreign policy goals, conduct espionage, inflict economic loss, and conduct destabilization through disinformation on its rival powers. Although western and European cyber efforts in this regard are more covert and protected by legislation such as Official Secrets Act’s, it’s apparent that Russia has – more than any other nation – publicly engaged in cyber operations in direct support of military operations. For the Russians, cyber is a Hammer (& Sickle) and everything standing in Russia’s way is a “Nail”. The transformation of traditional Russian organized crime into sophisticated cyber-criminal gangs and their subsequent rapid accumulation of wealth deeply illustrated the potential of political and later in the evolution military cyber operations. In a very real way this set the stage for the Russians to invest, explore and trial cyber at a political and then military level over the past two decades. Due to a “cosy” relationship between Russian politicians, Oligarchs, and some - but not all - cyber-criminal groups there was a large talent pool of offensive cyber skills to leverage in Russia. Russian military and political cyber operations are both overt and covert and are very intertwined. They include some of the most sophisticated espionage campaigns ever discovered to globally destructive cyber-attacks. More recently, the information security research community has observed precision and persistent capabilities unleashed on unsuspecting organizations. This paper charts a course of Russian cyber capability development and explores the application of those cyber capabilities in both a strategic policy level to application on a tactical battlefield.

The New Sykes-Picot: Imperial Geographies, Economic Violence and the Occupation of Northern and Eastern Syria

This article quantifies the socio-economic impact of Syria’s territorial fragmentation, framing western efforts to partition Syria against the backdrop of a broader campaign designed to achieve regime change using economic violence. While some have attempted to quantify the impact of sanctions and trade restrictions on Syrian civilians, much of the extant literature fails to address the illegal occupation of Syrian territory north and east of the Euphrates River. Critically, the direct seizure of geographic space through the occupation of Syrian territory facilitates economic violence far more effectively than sanctions alone. In western capitals, the tacit embrace of such methods indicates a re-discovery of old-line traditional territorial imperialism and the rhetorical devices needed to promote it: advocating the illegal seizure of Syrian territory demands a reinvigorated orientalist public discourse designed to promote western saviorism and the moral necessity of western interventionism. Using a hybridized research methodology incorporating qualitative and quantitative analysis, this study appraises the tangible consequences of Syria’s territorial fragmentation as experienced by Syrians while simultaneously appraising the role of orientalist, liberal-interventionist discourse in the promotion of empire.

İttihat ve Terakki Dönemi İktisat Politikası Tartışmaları

Osmanlı Devletinin son dönemine damgasını vuran İttihat ve Terakki’nin ortaya çıkmasında, Batılılaşma hareketleri ile Fransız İhtilali’nin ortaya çıkardığı milliyetçilik akımlarının önemli etkileri olmuştur. Siyasal düşüncelerinin şekillenmesinde, Avrupa’da ortaya çıkan meşrutiyet yönetimlerinin, ekonomik sistem düşüncelerinin şekillenmesinde de Osmanlı Devleti’nin Batı karşısındaki ekonomik gerilemesinin etkileri görülmektedir. Bu reel duruma bir tepki olarak Milli İktisat daha doğru bir ifade ile korumacı iktisat politikalarına yönelmişlerdir. Batı ile ilgili düşüncelerinin oluşmasında, Harbiye, Tıbbiye ve Mülkiye mekteplerinde görev yapan yabancı hocaların önemli etkilerinin olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Ancak referans kabul ettikleri batılı düşünce ve değerler sistemi konusunda derinlikli bir bilgiye sahip olamadıkları gibi bu değerler ile geleneksel değerler arasındaki çatışmadan kurtulamamışlardır. Bu nedenle bütün idealist kaygılarına rağmen önerdikleri fikirler eklektik ve pragmatik olmaktan öteye gidememiştir. Bu çalışmada İttihat ve Terakki döneminde ülkenin ekonomik açıdan kalkınması ile ilgili olarak ileri sürülen iktisat politikaları incelenmiş siyasal, sosyal ve felsefi konulara ekonomi politikalarını etkilediği ölçüde değinilmiştir. İttihat ve Terakki’nin ekonomi politikalarına ilişkin düşüncelerinin iktidara gelene kadar olgunlaştığını söylemek zordur. İttihat ve Terakki içinde ekonomik sistem tercihleri açısından liberal iktisat ve milli iktisat taraftarları olmakla beraber uygulamada milli iktisat politikaları daha etkili olmuştur. Sosyalist iktisada yönelik düşünceler toplumun sosyo-ekonomik yapısı itibariyle gelişeceği uygun bir zemin bulamamıştır. İttihat ve Terakki dönemi boyunca ekonomi yönetimi açısından tek bir uygulamadan ziyade günün şartlarına uygun farklı politikalar ve uygulamalar geliştirilmiştir. Özetle ekonomik sistem ve politika tercihlerinde derinlikli bir bakış açısından ziyade, konjonktüre uygun olarak pragmatik ve eklektik bir yol tercih edilmiştir.

Brazilian historiography on the participation of the USSR in the Second World War

The article deals with the evolution of views of the Brazilian authors on the role, played by the Soviet Union in the WWII and its contribution to the victory of the anti-Hitlerian coalition. It contains a historiographical review of the works, written by the Brazilian authors on the theme, beginning from 2004. One follows the process of their growing interest towards clarifying the real contribution of the Soviet part to the common victory, along with the rise of the international authority of Brazil and strengthening of the Russo – Brazilian ties. One reveals the modern attitude of Brazilian authors towards such dubious or scarcely known themes as the Molotov – Ribbentrop pact, the battles for Smolensk and Rhzev, town–bound fights in Stalingrad, liberation of the Baltic republics, the Soviet war with Japan, etc. The author comes to conclusion, that in spite of the Western efforts to infuse the people`s conscience with the elements of the “post – truth” in this respect, the correct treatment of those events acquires priority even in such a far off from Russia state, as Brazil.

Standardization of Domestic Space in Printed Media in Early Republican Period Turkey

This study aims to analyse how Western efforts on standardization of domestic life reflected on home sphere and women’s role in the household in Early Republican period Turkey (1930-1950). Transformation of domestic space was a central discussion within the modernization agenda of the Early Republican period in Turkey. In parallel, women had a crucial role at home, as the maker of a well-functioning and “rational” space and daily life. Therefore, popular media and architectural magazines targeted women and gave examples of a new house to be organized within this regard. These journals mostly published household goods, furniture or scenes of interiors from Europe and the U.S, which were far from the traditional meaning of the house in Turkey. The proposed house was divided into sections and standardized, “comfortable” and “simple” were the keywords, and women were the administrators of “order” and “science” in the rationalization of domestic space. This study, as a method, evaluates the standardization studies about domestic space with examples from architectural or popular media and aims to reveal the reflections Western modernization efforts in Early Republican period Turkey.

Revisiting international human rights treaties: comparing Asian and Western efforts to improve human rights.

This paper presents a review of existing literature to understand the effects and effectiveness of human rights treaties in the Asia Pacific region, particularly in Southeast Asian countries, in contrast to Western nations. The review argues that factors at the international/treaty level and factors at the domestic state level increase the difficulty of implementing effective international treaties on human rights. At the international level, the treaties and organizations to which states belong suffer some weakness as discussed in international relations theories, while seven factors are particularly important for promoting effectiveness of international human rights treaties at the domestic level: political capacity, economic development, national human rights institutes, regional human rights courts, regional intergovernmental organizations, strength of civil society, and political stability. Although the number of international human rights agreements signed and ratified by Asia Pacific states is increasing following the trends of Western states, less research focuses on the implementation and effects of these institutions. Asia Pacific nations face vastly different conditions than Western nations, such as more complicated security environments, larger cultural and religious differences, and less development and democratic values in some cases. Due to these differences, it is important to consider other potential variables that influence efficacy of treaty instruments for non-Western nations. What are the differences between implementation of human rights treaties in Western and Asian nations? How do they affect the efficacy of international agreements on individual human rights?

Discourses on Hamlet's Journey in Turkey

This study seeks to scrutinize extratextual discourses which frame the Turkish translations and post-translation rewritings of Hamlet as an instrument of national self-imagining and projecting Turkey’s self-image in different socio-political and historical contexts. The study points out that various discourses see image construction as the major motive behind the different versions of Hamlet in Turkey. It also underlines that the extratextual material surrounding the retranslations and rewritings focus on various contextual dynamics that reveal how Turkey is torn between dualities that frame its image in line with the narratives of modernity and tradition, secularism and religion, easternness and westernness. In this context, the study emphasizes that theatre translation, and particularly the translations of Hamlet, formed significant part of the late Ottoman Empire’s and modern Turkey’s westernization efforts. Ultimately, the study concludes that discourses on the Hamlet renderings have foregrounded what is and what is not part of Turkey’s historically constructed self-image by bringing the West alongside the East, centering on how the retranslations and rewritings promote Turkey’s Western (secular and modern) identity against a largely negative representation of its eastern cultural identity.
 
 Key words: Hamlet, Turkey, retranslation, post-translation rewriting, image