Western International Relations Research Articles

Is Chinese IR Scholarship White? A Non-Dichotomous Critique of ‘The International as Singular, Enlightened and Sanitised’

Most Western IR theories – mainstream and critical alike – share an implicit Western-centric belief of the constitution and drivers for global development (towards modernity), whereas an emerging trend of literature criticizes such an assumption as epistemic whiteness. Examining global IR knowledge production beyond the Euro-American academia, this article proposes a non-dichotomous framework of critique. It centres around three interrelated conceptual modes of dichotomy, linearity and denialism, which correspond to three epistemological markers as the logics of existence, development and resistance. Mainland Chinese Sinophone International Relations (IR) scholarship on Sino-African relations is examined against this framework. The analysis demonstrates that, under the heavy influence of modernist worldviews, Sino-centric versions of dichotomy, linearity and denialism can be reproduced among academic works that are intentionally produced to resist epistemic whiteness. This poses critical questions on the applicability of epistemic whiteness as a term to capture the full dynamics. This article thus proposes an alternative term, the international as singular, enlightened and sanitized, to represent this problematic ontological imagination of the international. It calls for global IR scholars to exercise greater reflexivity towards an unproblematic acceptance and internalized appreciation of modernity as the endgame of history.

The Use and Misuse of East Asian History in IR Theorizing

Abstract The past two decades have witnessed a wave of research into the history of East Asian international relations (IR). Scholars seek to broaden the historical frames of reference in IR for both theory testing and theory generation. The article reviews this recent trend, examining its limitations and exploring future agenda. In studying historical East Asian IR, scholars have different expectations regarding whether their research would support, complement, or undermine mainstream Western IR. The spatial and temporal scope of their historical inquiries, as well as theoretical ambitions, therefore, differ significantly. Scholars no longer treat all East Asian history as simply one case, but as multiple cases with divergent patterns, and they recognize that the system consisted not solely of China but of multiple actors. In addition to contrasting East Asia with Western Europe, they explore also the similarities between East Asia and other non-Western regions. To advance the agenda, however, scholars must scrupulously navigate three tensions. They are: the tension between the “East” and “West”; the tension between the two disciplines of history and IR; and the tension between past and present. Future studies, therefore, must broaden their horizons in order to better transcend ethnocentrism and exceptionalism, refine their methodology both to avoid selection bias and conduct more sophisticated comparisons, and to maintain a proper distance from contemporary politics. Most importantly, they should combine high-quality historical research with cutting-edge IR theoretical trends to construct dynamic theories that could be applied to other regions.

Images of a Statist Ethic in “Western” and Chinese IR Theory: Locating (and Deciphering) the “Moral Realism” of the Tsinghua Approach

Abstract In this article, we identify—and interrogate—one thematic thread that is intricately woven through prominent positions within classical realism, normative international relations (IR) theory, and what Zhang Feng (2012) has called Chinese IR’s “Tsinghua approach.” This thread is the often-controversial notion of a statist ethic for international politics or an ethical perspective that grants priority to one’s state, fellow citizens, and the national interest. Positions within each of these theoretical traditions—what we label “egoistic realism” and “responsible realism” within the classical realist tradition, “communitarian realism” and “impartialist statism” within normative IR theory, and what others have described as “moral realism” within the Tsinghua approach—share a commitment to an ethical approach variously defined in terms of the protection of, and preference for, one’s state and compatriots. We take this rich collection of positions, and the points of comparison that it affords, as an opportunity to better understand the possibilities and limits of a statist ethic for international politics. Specifically, we endeavour to illustrate four points: (1) that a morality defined in terms of the priority of the state, one’s fellow citizens, and the national interest is neither impossible nor a contradiction in terms; (2) that such a perspective can constitute a sophisticated theoretical position; (3) that it can be conceived in radically different ways, including with respect to the source of value to which it appeals and who it deems to matter; and (4) that these differences have profound practical consequences. In terms of contributing to a conversation between Western and Chinese IR theory, this analysis helps us not only to explore how the “moral realism” of the Tsinghua approach relates to positions within classical realism and normative IR theory but also to evaluate the practical implications of its points of theoretical convergence and divergence.

(En)Countering epistemic imperialism: A critique of “Westsplaining” and coloniality in dominant debates on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine

ABSTRACT On February 24, 2022, the world was surprised by Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine and, perhaps even more so, by Ukraine’s fierce resistance to it. In this article, we examine mainstream and feminist International Relations (IR) debates that have emerged in response to Russia’s invasion, as well as the older debates revived through them. Building on decolonial and feminist scholarship, prominently centering feminist debates from Europe’s East and Central Asia, we argue that dominant Western IR debates on Russia and Ukraine are shaped by inter-imperiality. We trace issues of epistemic injustice, epistemic imperialism and coloniality of knowledge production in mainstream IR and see them replicated in feminist debates, including from global South perspectives. We conclude with a contemplation on the structural changes warranted across academia to eliminate the coloniality of knowledge production about Ukraine and fellow societies as well as Indigenous nations affected by Russian colonial and imperial violence.

Decentring the Western Gaze in International Relations: Addressing Epistemic Exclusions in Syllabi in the United States and Canada

Over the past few decades, International Relations (IR) scholars started to acknowledge the field’s racist and colonial legacy. However, only a few studies examined ethnocentricity in the Western IR classroom, and whereas most studied textbooks and graduate training, they seldom looked at undergraduate courses. This article demonstrates that the discipline is taught to IR scholars-to-be by centring Western experience, epistemes, history and agency. After defining the Western gaze of IR, I explore ways to decentre syllabi in the presentation of (1) world history, in (2) reading lists and in (3) the minds of Western IR instructors. This article is based on a qualitative analysis of 50 ‘Introduction to IR’ undergraduate syllabi in the United States and Canada. Décentrer le regard occidental en relations internationales : Les exclusions épistémiques des plans des cours aux États-Unis et au Canada

Russian realism: defending ‘Derzhava’ in International Relations

In light of E. H. Carr's brutal dismissal of International Relations (IR) as ‘simply a study of the best way to run the world from positions of strength’ and Stanley Hoffman's damning 1977 article, ‘An American social science: International Relations’, the discipline has been embroiled in a series of somewhat defensive and introspective debates. Initially, the discussion centred on the value of IR theories, whereas more recent conversations have focused on whether western-centric assumptions underpin much of the (western) IR scholarship (see John M. Hobson's The Eurocentric conception of world politics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012; reviewed in International Affairs 88: 5, September 2012, and Amitav Acharya and Barry Buzan's The making of global International Relations, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019; reviewed in International Affairs, 96: 4, July 2020). Given the growing interest in non-western IR contributions, and the current challenges to western hegemony, Andrei Tsygankov's Russian realism is a welcome addition to Routledge's series ‘Worlding beyond the West’.

The Dislocation of LGBT Politics: Pride, Globalization, and Geo-Temporality in Uganda and Serbia

AbstractScholars consider the translatability and efficacy of “western” LGBT politics as they diffuse, but pay little attention to the role of its histories and cultures as geo-temporal phenomena. Focusing on Pride events, this article demonstrates how such oversights inhibit a full account of the widely diverse impacts of similar actions in different places. We explore the ways in which Pride events, as a mode of activism, go global and integrate in vastly different contexts: Serbia and Uganda. Paying particular attention to acts of violence and the instrumentalization of Pride as geopolitical, we argue that divergent outcomes connect to the diffusion of Pride as creative of geo-temporal dislocations of politics and history. Incorporating the concept of extraversion, we demonstrate that the intertwining of the domestic and international facilitates the transformation of politics in terms of foreseen outcomes and unintended consequences. Overall, we propose a framework that advances an understanding of homophobic and homophilic politics as instrumentalizations of geo-temporal dislocations that underpin the global fight for LGBT rights. As a challenge to the progress narrative nearly intrinsic to western international relations, this approach is useful to explore processes that shape other types of transnational politics, such as democracy, climate change, and peace movements.

Manunggalism: Paradigm, Philosophy, and Theory to View the World Relations (WR) Belong to Indonesian School (Mazhab Indonesia) in Manunggalian Era 21st Century

Understanding the world order and the world phenomenon can be divided into two main of grand-paradigm, namely “international relations” which is rooted in Western traditions and “world relations” which is rooted in Eastern traditions. The Western World sees the world order through the Discipline of International Relations (IR) which focuses on the study of the interaction of Materialism States as World-States. Furthermore, the Discipline of International Relations has produced various paradigms, philosophies, and theories about organizing the world through “Western International Relations Theory (IRT)”. Meanwhile, the Eastern World in viewing the world order has not been well codified. Therefore, the Eastern World continues to introduce new ideas on the Discipline of World Relations (WR) which focuses on the study of the interaction of Geometricalism Worlds “Tata Bawana” as World-Nations. As an effort to present a balance of studies and disciplines regarding ways to view the world, this paper would like to offer a new way of understanding the world order from the Eastern World by explaining: (1) Manunggalism as a paradigm, philosophy, and theory; (2) Indonesian School (Mazhab Indonesia) as a world political thought movement in organizing and theorizing the world relations with the spirit of “gotong royong” and its variation; (3) Introducing briefly “Eastern World Relations Theory (WRT)” to understand the world order in Manunggalian era of the 21st century, and (4) Classifying World Relations System to defining the world order in past, now, and future.

Manunggalism: Paradigm, Philosophy, and Theory to View the World Relations (WR) Belong to Indonesian School (Mazhab Indonesia) in Manunggalian Era 21st Century

Understanding the world order and the world phenomenon can be divided into two main of grand-paradigm, namely “international relations” which is rooted in Western traditions and “world relations” which is rooted in Eastern traditions. The Western World sees the world order through the Discipline of International Relations (IR) which focuses on the study of the interaction of Materialism States as World-States. Furthermore, the Discipline of International Relations has produced various paradigms, philosophies, and theories about organizing the world through “Western International Relations Theory (IRT)”. Meanwhile, the Eastern World in viewing the world order has not been well codified. Therefore, the Eastern World continues to introduce new ideas on the Discipline of World Relations (WR) which focuses on the study of the interaction of Geometricalism Worlds “Tata Bawana” as World-Nations. As an effort to present a balance of studies and disciplines regarding ways to view the world, this paper would like to offer a new way of understanding the world order from the Eastern World by explaining: (1) Manunggalism as a paradigm, philosophy, and theory; (2) Indonesian School (Mazhab Indonesia) as a world political thought movement in organizing and theorizing the world relations with the spirit of “gotong royong” and its variation; (3) Introducing briefly “Eastern World Relations Theory (WRT)” to understand the world order in Manunggalian era of the 21st century, and (4) Classifying World Relations System to defining the world order in past, now, and future.

Understanding of democracy and peace Gershon H.Gordon Faculty of Social Sciences, Tel Aviv University

One of the great changes in the world situation after World War II was the long period of peace without war between democracies and even great powers. However, the world is not easy in the halo of peace. The smoke of local wars such as the Iraq war has not yet dissipated, and frequent terrorist groups is worrying. In Asia, Japan's military influence, which is second only to the United States, cannot be underestimated. Its defense strategy changes from specialized defense to outward defense. This situation brings a new threat to the security of all countries in the Asia-Pacific region. The problem of the "security dilemma" remains one of the major issues in international politics today. In this regard, realism puts forward the theory of potential equalization and deterrence, while liberalism puts forward the theory of world government, collective security, economic interdependence, and democratic peace. Among them, democratic peace theory, as a popular theory in the field of western international relations research, has aroused wide controversy in the academic circles. "Democratic peace theory" believes that there is no or little war between democratic countries, and "non-democratic countries" are the root cause of war, and expanding democracy is the inevitable requirement for maintaining peace. "Democratic peace theory" does not conform with historical facts, it is the theoretical basis for neo-interventionism in promoting human rights diplomacy. The relationship between democracy and peace is complex: peace between international society and international relations requires not only a domestic democracy, but also in international life; democracy is only one of the many reasons affecting international peace, It has limited impact on peace; the "democracy peace theory" advocates established peace is essentially local peace between western countries based on unreasonable international political and economic order, the consolidation of overall world peace and the establishment of just and reasonable new international order call for new democracy.

A crítica ainda é possível na Teoria das Relações Internacionais? Um engajamento crítico com a vocação de RI

Abstract The article offers a critique of recent efforts to read international relations theory – and its theorists – as especially positioned to offer a critique of international politics. It does so by engaging Daniel Levine’s claim that international relations theory has a special vocation for critique which is unparalleled by other disciplines. By problematizing Levine’s political, ethical and epistemological approach to sustainable critique, I argue that international relations theory has been particularly engaged with a politics of crisis that centers Western modes of subjectivity as the only frame of reference for thinking about politics and history. As a consequence, Western international relations theory has become both inadequate and dispensable for many critical theorists of international politics in much of the world, even when it comes to its most critical approaches. By way of conclusion, I offer an approach to critical international relations theory that starts from the politics of colonialism, instead of crisis.

The Dao in China's Growing Presence in the South Pacific

The rise of China as one of the great powers in the international politic has been the hottest topic in the 21st century. Following the economic reform led by Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China re-emerges stronger than ever with its influences covering major parts of the world. One region particularly stands out since the prior dominance of United States therein, the South Pacific. The study of this research will be limited to 10 PICs recognising China, Vanuatu, Cook Island, FSM, Fiji, Niuee, PNG, Samoa, Tonga, Solomon Islands and Kiribati. Under the Western International Relations Theory (IRT) however, the rise of China is always seen in a rather malign manner. This research, therefore, contends that in order to fully understand China’s behaviour in the international community, we need to know how China perceives itself. By applying one of the most famous Chinese traditional school of thought, Daoism, this research aims to examine the strategy used in the expansion of China’s influence in the South Pacific. Daoism is symbolised with yin and yang, where the two elements are contradictory, yet they complement each other. Under the Dao dialectics, this research argues that China has been utilising a combination of two contradictory elements of power—soft and hard power—in expanding its prominence in the South Pacific region.

The false promise of global IR: exposing the paradox of dependent development

AbstractConcerned about the continued dominance of Western International Relations (IR) theories, the global IR community has proposed various measures to address disciplinary hierarchies through encouraging dialogue and pluralism. By investigating the pedagogical preferences of instructors from 45 countries, this paper questions the global IR initiative's emancipatory potential, arguing that disciplinary practices in IR resemble those of dependent development. The study develops a new typology of IR theoretical (IRT) scholarship and examines the readings assigned in 151 IRT syllabi worldwide for evidence of similarity, replication, and assimilation. The findings show that mainstream core IRTs dominate syllabi globally, regardless of region, language of instruction, or instructors' educational/linguistic backgrounds. This domination extends to periphery scholars not using their own local products. Even when they do seek alternative approaches, they prefer to import core alternatives, that is, critical traditions, rather than homegrown IRTs. Finally, the results show that even in syllabi taught in local languages the readings remain dominated by core IRT works. These findings expose a structural defect in the current cry for global IR, by revealing the system's dependent development paradox. The paper concludes with suggestions for creating a symmetric interdependent structure, in the aim of achieving a genuine globalization of IR.

Towards Guanxi? Reconciling the “Relational Turn” in Western and Chinese International Relations Scholarship

In recent years, the “relational turn” in International Relations (IR) theory has attracted extensive attention. However, the limitations of the substantialist ontology of mainstream (Western) IR theory means that it encounters difficulties and dilemmas in interpreting the evolving international system. Against the background of the rapid development of globalization and regional integration, the reality of world politics is constantly changing, and increasingly shows obvious characteristics of interconnection and high interdependence. In this context, there is insufficient research comparing the Western and non-Western versions of the “relational turn”. Relational ontology may be able to provide a bridge between Chinese Confucian philosophy, Western philosophy, Western sociology, and mainstream western IR theories capable of generating productive synergies. However, there are major theoretical and cultural obstacles to be overcome if a reconciliation of the Western and Chinese versions of relationalism is to be achieved.

Understanding the Belt and Road Initiative from the Relational Perspective

Western International Relations (IR) theoriests have examined the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) through different theoretical lenses and produced inconclusive interpretations. This paper suggests that the relational theory of world politics, developed by the Chinese IR scholar Qin Yaqing, tends to look at IR from a different perspective. The logic of relationality and the relational concepts, such as relational management, relational governance and relational system, are applied to analyze the BRI. First, the relational perspective sheds light on Beijing’s efforts to manage and improve the relations with its neighbouring countries, rather than to pursue regional domination and compete with Washington. Second, the relational perspective suggests relational governance as a new possibility of regional governance to facilitate regional development and cooperation, which is different from the Western rule-based governance. Last, should BRI be carried out successfully, there might exist a relational international system in Asia, which is also different from the Westphalian nation-state system.

Uluslararası İlişkiler Disiplininde Ontolojik Güvenlik Teorisi: Kavram ve Literatür Odaklı Bir İnceleme

Bu makale, Türkiye’de yeterince iyi tanınmayan, ancak Batılı Uluslararası İlişkiler (Uİ) yazınında uzunca bir süredir çalışılan “Ontolojik Güvenlik Teorisini” (OGT), çeşitli kavramsal ve pratik tartışmalarla, tanımlayıcı yaklaşımla incelemektedir. Giddens’ın “insanın öz-kimliğinin sürekliliğine ve çevresindeki sosyal ve maddi eylem ortamlarının tutarlılığına duyduğu güven” olarak açıkladığı ontolojik güvenlik; insanlar kadar, toplumların ve devletlerin de yaşamlarındaki rutinler, sosyal etkileşimler ve istikrarla bağlantılıdır. Bu noktada çok sayıda iç ve dış politika eyleminin arka planında ontolojik güvenlik ya da güvensizlik olgusunun yattığı görülmekte; tekrarlayan çatışmalar ve irrasyonel devlet davranışları bu kavram üzerinden sosyo-psikolojik bir altyapı ile incelenebilmektedir. Bu araştırma hem kavrama dair tanımları derinlemesine ele almakta, hem de konuyla ilgili çeşitli vaka analizlerini geniş bir literatür taramasıyla ortaya koymaktadır. Amaç, Türkiye’de Uİ alanında gelecekte yapılacak güvenlik ve dış politika çalışmalarının, bu tartışmalar eşliğinde analitik bir zenginlik kazanmasına katkı sağlamaktır. Öz-kimlik/benlik ve güvenlik ilişkisine dair bulguları ve disiplinlerarası yapısı sayesinde, ontolojik güvenlik yaklaşımı böyle bir potansiyele fazlasıyla sahiptir.

Critical International Relations Theories and the Study of Arab Uprisings: A Critique

This study articulates that most of the critical theorists are still strikingly neglecting the study of the Arab Uprising(s) adequately. After almost a decade of the eruption of the so-called Arab Uprisings, the study claims that the volume of scholarly engaging of dominate Western International Relations (IR) theories with such unprecedented events is still substantially unpretentious. Likewise, and most importantly, the study also indicates that most of these theories, including the critical theory of IR (both Frankfurt and Habermasian versions), have discussed, engaged, analysed, and interpreted the Arab Spring (a term usually perceived to be orientalist, troubling, totally inappropriate and passive phenomenon) indicate a strong and durable egoistic Western perspective that emphasis on the preservation of the status quo and ensure the interests of Western and neoliberal elites, and the robustness of counter-revolutionary regimes. On the other hand, the writings and scholarships that reflexively engaged and represent the authentic Arab views, interests, and prospects were clearly demonstrating a strong and durable scarce, if not entirely missing. Keywords: International Relations, Critical Theory, Postcolonial, Arab Uprising(s), Middle East, Revolutions.

Realism revisited: China’s status-driven wars against Koguryo in the Sui and Tang dynasties

ABSTRACT China’s capabilities and prestige in the Sui and Tang dynasties (581–907) were stronger than the Koguryo Kingdom, but Koguryo resisted China’s tributary system more than other countries during 598–668. This article unpacks the unique role of the tributary system within Chinese foreign policy toward Koguryo, and it shows how the symbolic concept of political prestige affected China’s decisions to go to war against Koguryo during the Sui and Tang dynasties. It highlights the role of status and legitimacy that the Chinese emperors attached to China’s tributary systems, and argues that these status concerns, rather than the material factors emphasized by offensive realism and defensive realism, drove Chinese behavior. China’s capabilities were rising compared to those of the Koguryo kingdom, so there were no incentives for preventive war, and political discourse among China’s political elites showed great concern over status. Their justifications of military expeditions and heated debates in the Chinese court provide strong evidence illustrating this consistent struggle to reclaim supremacy in Northeastern Asia. The finding of the study indicates that Asian history should not simply be treated as empirical data to test Western international relations (IR) theory; rather, Asian history can contribute to theory building in IR.

Корни и тренды японских теорий международных отношений

Japanese theories of international relations (IR) turn into an increasingly important subject of research by Russian political scientists as Russia progressively orientates toward the East. The research task of this article is to approach the understanding of the origins and current landscape of Japanese theoretical thought in IR, explaining its cultural, historical and political condition. Using the historical-genetic method, the author restores the stages of the genesis of the Japanese theoretical understanding of IR, painting a picture of historical continuity that helps to understand the political thinking of today’s Japanese. The author investigates the concepts of the contemporary Japanese theorists – Inoguchi Takashi, Tanaka Akihito, Anno Tadashi, – and other political scientists who determine the main trends of Japanese IR theories, which are the regional comparative studies (primarily Asian studies), specifically Japanese understanding of the soft power concept, political aspects of environmentalism, discourse of differences and a common denominator of Western and non-Western IR theories. Of practical importance is the analysis of the discussion of Japanese international affairs specialists on the transformation of Japan into an “ordinary country”, which has the prospect of rejecting the “peaceful” 9th article of the Japanese constitution and the historically established pacifist identity of the Japanese nation behind it. The author concludes that the most noticeable contribution of Japanese political scientists to world political science is the creative transformation and enrichment of Western concepts with non-Western approaches to world order.

Foreign Policy Thinking in Latin America: Concepts, Approaches and Research Directions

The author tries to define terms, concepts and categories the most frequently used by Latin America scholars and to define the directions and thematic focus of their academic activities in the foreign policy and international relations research area by applying the discourse and content analysis of relevant scientific publications, its abstracts and keywords. It was concluded that de facto, under the influence or even the dominance of the Western political science and the Western international relations theory, the particular Latin America foreign policy thinking has emerged and continues to develop. It is non-Western essentially, taking into account the belonging of the Latin America and the Caribbean countries to the periphery and/or semi-periphery of the global world. The following factors have been also important: common civilizational basis and similar institutional and political characteristics of the formation and dynamics of the Latin America countries and societies, many general development problems, common regional challenges and threats which require collective efforts for searching effective responses on them. Similarly, the significant role of external factors and global actors that influence country and international political processes in the Latin America region is noted. And also those possibilities which the trend towards polycentric world order paves the way for the leading powers in the region are taken into consideration. The author focuses on the concepts of the autonomy and dependency (or dependence development) when Latin America scholars analyzing the foreign policy of the concrete countries in the region and integration processes which construct the regional and sub-regional transnational political spaces. Attention is paid to the specificity of comparative foreign policy studies and spatial turn in the Latin America international relations studies.