West Africa Province Research Articles

Lago Chad: qué se esconde tras la crisis de sus aguas

El lago Chad es un oasis en medio del desierto. Se trata de un lago tropical cuya cuenca activa se alimenta principalmente de las aguas del río Chari y de su afluente el río Logone. Cerca de cien millones de habitantes viven de sus aguas. Desde hace varias décadas, su población atraviesa una situación de emergencia hídrica y humanitaria que es producto de una combinación de factores. Este artículo busca abordar esta problemática multidimensional desde la perspectiva hidrosocial que focaliza no solamente en las cuestiones ambientales, sino que considera que las crisis hídricas son resultado de las relaciones simbióticas entre el ser humano y la naturaleza. Esta perspectiva político-ecológica supone una estrecha relación entre las transformaciones en el ciclo hidrológico a nivel local, regional y global, de una parte, y las relaciones sociales, políticas, económicas y culturales de poder, de otra. Así considerado, las crisis involucran las estructuras estatales y las decisiones políticas, las geometrías de poder, las relaciones económicas y sociales de sus habitantes, y la relación que se establece entre estos factores y el medio ambiente. Por ello, este estudio no considera la cuestión del lago Chad como el mero resultado de un proceso natural de desertización o de cambio climático influenciado o no por la acción humana. Consideramos en cambio, que esta problemática está atravesada por múltiples variables y actores que interactúan y se influencian entre sí determinando la situación actual de la región, que en este caso, involucra además a cuatro estados africanos. Se utilizará asimismo el concepto de waterscape, entendiendo por ello “una unidad de paisaje”, que es resultado de la interacción entre las sociedades y su ambiente. En su expresión actual, el waterscape del lago Chad muestra una región que sufre desplazamientos humanos constantes debido a los cambios en el régimen de lluvias, la falta de aguas y de pasturas, resultantes de la desertización. A su vez, este movimiento de pueblos provoca conflictos comunales entre ganaderos y agricultores por la posesión y el uso de la tierra. La falta de legislación y de una gestión estatal que contemple una adecuada política de tierras agrava la violencia cotidiana que, por otra parte, también se ve exacerbada por la violencia estatal a la hora de reprimir los enfrentamientos comunales. Desde hace casi dos décadas, la región ha visto la proliferación de diversos grupos armados que encuentran en esta situación una ocasión propicia para desarrollar sus actividades ilícitas vinculadas al crimen organizado. Teniendo en cuenta los lineamientos teóricos que hemos esbozado líneas arriba, en este artículo buscamos analizar la actual crisis del lago Chad como una crisis regional en la que se entremezclan factores ambientales, sociales y políticos. En este sentido, analizaremos la variación del régimen de lluvias y sus repercusiones sobre los estados del lago, los movimientos poblacionales históricos y actuales de las diversas etnias que habitan la región, el rol y las políticas impuestas para con habitantes por parte de los cuatro estados de la cuenca, la violencia estatal, comunal y terrorista que se verifica en la zona, y la vinculación entre estos factores como determinantes de la actual situación de la región.

Assessing Misaligned Counterinsurgency Practice in Niger and Nigeria

ABSTRACT While representing a major military threat in Niger and Nigeria, the two branches of the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP-Liptako Gourma and ISWAP-Lake Chad) have increasingly sought to win popular support (distinguishing themselves from other groups in the region, especially Boko Haram). Yet, despite some improvements in the recent past, both Niger’s and Nigeria’s different counterinsurgency practices have not been sufficiently adapted to (and therefore remain strategically misaligned vis-à-vis) ISWAP’s more population-centric approach. Strategic rethinking and realignment of the still predominantly enemy-centric approaches of both states are essential so that ISWAP strategy can be countered in the long term.

The Dangers of Disconnection: Oscillations in Political Violence on Lake Chad

ABSTRACT Narrations on fragility and resilience in the Sahel paint a picture about the region’s inherent ungovernability that lead to consider an endless state- and peace-building process as the most feasible governance solution. Everyday practices of violent entrepreneurship, coalescing with inter-community and land-tenure conflicts, now inform social relations and are transforming moral economies around Lake Chad. While competition over territory suitable for farming, grazing and fishing has intensified, dispute-settlement practices organised by community-level authorities have proven ineffective and lacking the necessary means to respond to the encroachment of a wide range of interests claimed by increasingly powerful actors. Meanwhile, communities organised in self-defence militias are undergoing a process of progressive militarisation that tends to normalise violence and legitimise extra-judicial vigilante justice, further empowering capital-endowed arms suppliers gravitating in the jihadi galaxy, such as the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP).

Chronicling the Boko Haram Decade in Nigeria (2010-2020): distinguishing factions through videographic analysis

ABSTRACT Boko Haram videos are among the only windows into the group leadership’s ideology. However, previous studies of Boko Haram videos treated the group monolithically and neither distinguished between internal factions nor analyzed cinematographic settings in each faction’s videos. At a time when the two groups known as Boko Haram–Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP) and Jamaat Ahlussunnah lid-Dawa wal-Jihad (JAS)–rival each other and combat Nigerian and subregional military forces, this article argues it is imperative to examine factions’ contrasting self-presentations in videos. While one faction led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi revealed combat skill and lectured about an Islamic state, another faction led by Abubakar Shekau revealed veneration of Shekau, masses of worshippers in group territories, and imposing sharia punishments. Even when these factions were nominally unified, they still produced media separately and competed to control communications to Islamic State. Another Boko Haram breakaway group called Ansaru also influenced Boko Haram videos after some members reintegrated into Abu Musab al-Barnawi’s faction. This article demonstrates how in jihadist groups the one wielding the camera also wields power and how jihadist videos can facilitate understanding a group’s internal dynamics.

Terror thrillers and tradition: a postcolonial reading of selected African cinema

Nigeria, Kenya and Somalia are few of the countries in Africa faced with terrorism and militancy. The rise and expansion of terrorist groups such as Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram, the Niger-Delta Volunteer Force, the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) and recently, the Avengers, has risen to vent terror on the peoples of Nigeria, Kenya and Somalia. Whilst each of these countries has its own distinct challenges that led to the formation of such terrorist groups, the emergence of terrorism in Nigeria remains complex. One of the ways an explicit explanation has been given to these complexes in Nigeria is through thriller fiction. Nollywood as well as other film industries in Africa has produced several thriller fictions that attempt to explicate the reasons behind militancy and terrorism in Africa. October 1 and Eye in the Sky are two examples of African cinema that have attempted to film the recent rise of terrorism in Nigeria and Kenya. Within the lens of October 1, terrorism in Nigeria, and by extension Africa, is rooted on ethnic and religious divide fuelled by external contact with other cultures; in this case, the culture of imperial England. This study, using the premise of postcolonial reading, examined Kunle Afolayan's award winning terror thriller, October 1 and attempted to bring out the powercultural interplay that bred terrorism in Nigeria. The study found out that the ideology of Boko Haram ("Western education is a sin") terrorist group, as bad as it seems, is a postcolonial stance against [neo]colonialism. However, the ideology lost its steam because it failed to reassert the Nigerian humanity or show any humanist tendencies to reclaiming the African glorious past.
 Keywords: Terror thriller, Traditionality, African cinema, Postcoloniality, Terrorism

A decade of terror: revisiting Nigeria’s interminable Boko Haram insurgency

Since 2009 when Boko Haram launched its first attack in Nigeria, the terrorist sect has remained a significant security and economic threat to the countries of the Lake Chad region. While moderate successes were recorded between 2015 and 2016, with the government maintaining that the insurgent sect has been technically defeated, empirical evidence suggests otherwise. Using the historical approach as its research methodology, this paper analyses the factors responsible for the sect’s resurgence, and Nigeria’s response. It argues that Nigeria’s failure to nip the insurgency in the bud is attributable to two main factors: the emergence, growing, and unchecked influence of the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISAWP) in the Lake Chad region, and the unresolved ill-equipped state of the Nigerian military. The paper submits that any serious attempt aimed at arresting this trend must begin by addressing these issues.

No Opportunity Lost: The ISWAP Insurgency in the Changing Climate of Lake Chad Region

Boko Haram spin-off Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) has entrenched itself in the Lake Chad Region. In an area direly affected by climate change and counterproductive government policies aimed at disrupting ISWAP's activities, the terrorist insurgency is proving its resilience and adaptability by adjusting its strategies and recruiting among the local population. This article shows that the impact of climate change is exacerbating already-precarious livelihoods in the Lake Chad Region and argues that government failures as well as ISWAP's break from Boko Haram's nihilistic methods have combined to create an opportunity for terrorists to resurge by capitalizing on rising and justifiable local grievances. The result is a lesson for governments not to ignore the impact of climate change in the greater security paradigm of the nation.

Revolutionary Warfare? Assessing the Character of Competing Factions within the Boko Haram Insurgency

ABSTRACTThe respective politico-military characters of the competing factions within the Boko Haram insurgency have not received as much academic attention as other features of the Boko Haram phenomenon. This article uses the concept of “revolutionary warfare” to examine and compare the two main factions. Traditionally applied to Marxist movements, this conceptualization is increasingly associated with violent Jihadist groups who combine a revolutionary ideology with a strategy based on winning popular support and a growing ability to militarily beat conventional forces. It argues that the “Islamic State West Africa Province” faction has adopted a revolutionary warfare approach based on increasingly sophisticated semi-conventional warfare and a simultaneous drive to win popular support. The Jama’at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da’wah wa’l-Jihad faction, while equally revolutionary in its goals, appears, for doctrinal reasons and due to pressure from the military, to be operating in contrast to key revolutionary warfare precepts.

Halting Boko Haram / Islamic State's West Africa Province Propaganda in Cyberspace with Cybersecurity Technologies

Halting Boko Haram / Islamic State's West Africa Province Propaganda in Cyberspace with Cybersecurity Technologies

Interview with Abdoulaye Kaka

AbstractThe Review has chosen to open this edition with an interview with General Abdoulaye Kaka as a representative of State practice in counterterrorism detention. The journal chose to focus on Niger as a State that is affected by an ongoing armed conflict and which arrests, detains and tries suspected members of a non-State armed group under its domestic legal system.General Abdoulaye Kaka has been working as Head of Niger's Central Counterterrorism Agency (Service Central de Lutte Contre le Terrorisme) since 2014. He previously worked for the judicial police in Niger as head of the anti-gang section before opening the first office of the judicial police in Zinder. General Kaka worked for the United Nations (UN) police forces in Ivory Coast between 2006 and 2012, when he became the Commander-in-Chief of the Niger UN police forces.In his current role as Head of the Central Counterterrorism Agency, General Kaka oversees detention operations throughout the country, many of which involve suspected members of the group that calls itself Islamic State's West Africa Province (ISWAP), also known as Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'awati wal-Jihad or, as it is most widely known under its former name, Boko Haram.Niger has suffered the effects of the ongoing conflict between ISWAP and State forces in the Lake Chad region, resulting in casualties, arrests and repeated displacement among civilians. The government of Niger contributes troops to the Multinational Joint Task Force, which conducts operations against the group. At the same time, the government arrests and detains suspected members of ISWAP as part of its counterterrorism efforts. These detention operations are coordinated by the Central Counterterrorism Agency. Established in 2011, the Central Counterterrorism Agency, successor to the counterterrorism section of the judicial police, is made up of representatives from the three primary law enforcement organizations in the country – the national police, the national guard and the gendarmerie – and is principally responsible for counterterrorism investigations in Niger.In Niger, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) helps people affected by conflict in the south-east or fleeing fighting in north-east Nigeria. With the Niger Red Cross, the ICRC delivers aid, treats the wounded, provides water and supports farmers. The ICRC also monitors compliance with international humanitarian law, visits detainees and helps them to maintain contact with their families.The ICRC visits people held by the authorities in at least five places of detention in Niger. After the visits, the ICRC shares its findings on the treatment and living conditions of the detainees confidentially with the authorities and urges them to take steps to address concerns. The ICRC also helps bolster prison management capacities and health services for detainees through technical and material support, and round-table discussions on these topics. The ICRC helps detainees, particularly minors, maintain contact with their families. At the request of foreign detainees, the ICRC informs their families or consular representatives of their detention. Lastly, the ICRC covers transportation costs for security detainees returning home after their release.

Boko Haram: The strategic evolution of the Islamic State’s West Africa Province

ABSTRACTThe Nigerian Islamist militant group Boko Haram has distinguished itself as one of the fastest evolving of its kind, undergoing several major transformations in the space of barely more than half a decade, successfully transitioning from a small militant band focused on localized concerns and using relatively low levels of violence to a significant terrorist organization with a clearer jihadist ideology to a major insurgency seizing and holding large swathes of territory. More recently, Boko Haram underwent another evolution, with its early 2015 pledge of allegiance to the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and subsequent rebranding as the “Islamic State West Africa Province” (ISWAP). The ideological, rhetorical, and operational choices made by Boko Haram shifted considerably in each of its iterations along this trajectory, as did the use of tactics themselves to strategically communicate its message, both to adherents and to outsiders, as it emerged as “the most deadly terrorist group in the world,” responsible for more deaths than ISIL itself according to the tally of the 2015 Global Terrorism Index.