Violent Ways Research Articles

Federacion Argentina de Entidades Democraticas Anticomunistas: the Moral Panic in Argentina of the 1960s

This article concentrates on the Federación Argentina de Entidades Democráticas Anticomunistas (FAEDA, Argentine Anti-Communist Democratic Entities Federation), one of the most important anti-communist organization in Argentina in the sixties. FAEDA reacted in a very authoritarian and violent way to the appearance of new alternative social behaviors in the country during those years, particularly among the youngsters and the avant-garde artists. In that sense, FAEDA’s political activities were supported by the belief the nation was living a wide moral degeneration, caused willingly by the soviet infiltration in Argentina. FAEDA displayed its political purposes through two different channels: one was more formal and solemn and included public meetings and official statements against the Soviet Bloc countries, and the other one was more clandestine and violent such as street fights and bomb attacks against youngsters and leftists. Gender studies concepts and methodologies permitted to shed light on some activities, fears, and beliefs of these anti-communist activists. This article is based on the consultation to journals and intelligence documents.

The Trampoline of death: Infrastructural violence in Colombia’s Putumayo frontier

Roads are usually conceived as technologies aimed at improving peoples’ economic and social welfare. As they are commonly portrayed as synonymous with mobility and with access to markets, jobs and services, their existence tends to be assumed as a major catalyst for development. This view often obscures the ways in which they affect people’s lives. This article seeks to shed light on this dimension of transport infrastructure through a historical account of a road in Colombia’s Andean-Amazon region. Infamously known as the Trampoline of death, this road has turned into an infrastructural landscape heavily invested with feelings of fear, isolation, disconnection and abandonment. Although these feelings are usually assumed as expressions of political and territorial exclusion, I will argue that, at deeper level, they reflect the violent ways in which this region has been discursively and materially included into the state.

Benjamin Ziemann. Violence and the German Soldier in the Great War: Killing, Dying, Surviving.

Historians have only placed violence at the heart of the history of World War I in the last thirty years, especially as they have focused on ordinary soldiers. Benjamin Ziemann is a distinguished contributor to this field, with earlier books on soldiers from rural Bavaria and veterans who supported the Weimar Republic. He develops both these strands in Violence and the German Soldier in the Great War: Killing, Dying, Surviving, a study of what violence meant to German soldiers. Eschewing grand theory and single explanations, he discusses in depth particular diaries, letters, and fiction written by soldiers while engaging with key academic debates. In three parts, he looks first at how soldiers both talked about and engaged in the physical force inflicted on the enemy’s body, which, he rightly observes, constitutes the heart of violence in war. He then considers how soldiers escaped or refused such violence in ways ranging from surrender to desertion, and how this contributed to the collapse of the German Army in 1918. Finally, he looks at several texts by pacifist veterans in the 1920s in order to challenge received ideas that the war “brutalized” Weimar Germany, or that most veterans were nationalists.

“May the Lord Shield and Protect Us from the Terrible Storm Ahead of Us”: Elite South Carolina Women's Anticipation of Secession and War, 1860–1861

This essay examines the letters and diaries of elite South Carolina women from September 1860 to February 1861, during which the state seceded and eventually helped found the Confederacy. Women used emotional and religious language to express their own political consciousness without transgressing their proper societal roles. Examining their fears and anguish as Abraham Lincoln's election, and then secession, approached, I argue that women astutely anticipated war and violence in ways often more prescient than their male counterparts as they were unfettered by masculine ideals of honor. This emotions history shines necessary light on women during secession, a topic often overlooked by scholars of secession.

КОНСТИТУЦІОНАЛІЗМ XIX – ПОЧАТКУ XX СТ. У ВИКЛАДАННІ «ІСТОРІЇ ДЕРЖАВИ І ПРАВА УКРАЇНИ»

History of State and law of Ukraine can be considered as one of the leading academic disciplines to modern lawyers. Its purpose is to familiarize professionals with the historical experience of the development of statehood on the territory of modern Ukraine that directly or indirectly impacts the current status and the quality of the public authority in our country, the relationship between the State and citizens, the situation in Ukraine in the international arena, its image in the world, etc.The role of history of State and law of Ukraine here is mapping the processes of historical evolution of human relationships and the State of modern Ukrainian territory. This includes compliance with State rights, in particular political ones, struggle of people for their rights through both peaceful and violent way (through armed revolt against the authorities) etc. In this connection, we think that the evolution of public authority as a result of the struggle of people for their rights should be displayed in training courses and researches on history of State and law.The purpose of the article: coverage of the history of constitutionalism on the territory of modern Ukraine in XIX – early XX centuries.The task: disclosure of the relationship between the history of State and law and constitutional law of Ukraine through the analysis of the content of the constitutions for the then population of Ukrainian lands in various states.Findings from this research and prospects for further research in this field: 1. Teaching history of constitutionalism in the training course «History of State and law of Ukraine» must conform to the Constitution of Ukraine as the Main Law of the State and the benchmark for social activities. 2. Teaching History of constitutionalism in the training course «History of State and law of Ukraine» gives an opportunity to examine the historical evolution of the idea of limit and self-restriction of State power in favor of its citizens rights. This is not just about the rich historical tradition of constitutionalism on the territory of modern Ukraine, but about the ability of our ancestors to live in conditions of observing the rules of the law and maintenance of order in society and the State in civilized ways.3. The prospects of further scientific researches, to our opinion, are the following: a) research of history of constitutionalism is separate states on the territory of modern Ukraine; b) research of separate problems and periods of history of constitutionalism in Ukraine.

Development of Novel Classifying System to Identify the Right Sense of Audio Conversation in Social Networks using Deep Convolution Neural Network

Social media has paved a new way for communication and interacting with others. The use of social media differs according to the socio-cultural, demographic and psychological aspects of individuals. People chat, share ideas and visual material, and feel that they satisfy their needs of belonging along with the groups they have joined. Social networks is not only a area of freedom where persons express themselves openly or furtively, but also an area where several ways of violence emerge or even a means used for some aspects of violence.. The present research throws light on a few of the regular and trendy methods of abuse and risks faced by the users of social media. Develop a system to identify abusing audio file by an individual on a people/ group based on common language, race, sexual preferences, religion, or nationality. We examine a new model from machine learning, namely deep machine learning by probing design configurations of deep Convolutional Neural Networks (CNN) and the impact of different hyper-parameter settings in identifying the negative aspects in social media. Deep CNN automatically generate powerful features by hierarchical learning strategies from massive amounts of training data with a minimum of human interaction or expert process knowledge. An application of the proposed method demonstrates excellent results with low false alarm rates for Twitter data

Análisis jurídico de la justicia por sí misma en el contexto de la exigencia de un derecho.

Derivado al alto índice de inseguridad, la poca eficiencia de las corporaciones policiales, los procesos lentos y la nula confianza en los órganos judiciales, existe un sentimiento de enojo y al mismo tiempo desesperación en la población, el cual tiene como consecuencia que la gente comience a impartir justicia por sí misma. Debido a esto, la ciudadanía abandona los mecanismos legales que protegen el principio de seguridad jurídica, se imponen como juez y parte para ejecutar justicia de forma parcial, desmedida y violenta, transgrediendo los derechos de quien es señalado como agresor. Esta conducta va en aumento ya que no existe pena que la sancione.

Voces silenciadas: hombres que viven violencia en la relación de pareja

Different studies about the violence in the relationship have been focused in repport the existence of violence from men to women; however, what happens when men are who receive violence from women? Few research about this topic, notorious absence of government programs, the social ignorance and the cultural pressures, have influenced to silence this social issue. This research was approached since the social constructionism, incorporating the gender perspective. The aim of this research was analyze the process of identity construction of men who have experienced violence in their relationship. The methodology used was qualitative. Three male of 29 years participated. A semi-structured interview was applied to the participants and with the information obtained a content analysis was carried out. The results showed some meanings present in the participants lives, such as respect and caring of the women, however, they build relationshipsin a violent way where themselves incorporate of a naturalized way the aggression towards them, arriving to feel guilty. It opens a space for the reflection in the form of a conclusion, since the gender is part of a constitutive element in relational terms; however, it is necessary analyze the learning processes in the construction of relationships where violence episodes are incorporated in a “normal”. Raising the need to identify and question the character “natural” of the violence, being in the case of men a present problem that many do not socialize it, because under its naturalness character it goes unnoticed as discomfort, and in doing so, it would put them in evidence before the established gender order.

RESONANCIAS EDUCATIVAS DE UN CONCEPTO PSEUDOCIENTÍFICO: “IDEOLOGÍA DE GÉNERO” Y SEXUALIDAD EN LA SOCIEDAD BRASILERA

This article aims to discuss the resonance of the pseudoscientific concept known as "Gender Ideology" in the Brazilian educational system. For this purpose, we used two focuses of analysis: formal and non-formal educations. In formal education, we will discuss the consequences of the removal of sexual orientation from the school curriculum and its effects at different levels of education. In non-formal education, we will discuss the censorship that certain works of art or artistic exhibitions have suffered, based on a discourse of protection towards children and teenagers. The socialization of this category occurs through social media, ignoring the last decades of academic production on theories of gender and sexuality. I argue that -in a violent way- it takes the place of a new Christian dogma that has been producing subjectivities.

Allie All Along by L. S. Reul

Reul, L. Sarah. Allie All Along. Sterling Publishing Co, 2018.
 This engaging and colourful picture book depicts the unpleasant feelings of anger in an accurate and child friendly way. The font, letter sizes, and colours of the text match the bright and exciting illustrations, bringing life to the words as they are read. The illustrations are appropriate reflections of how we might feel (a spiky, screaming little red monster) when going through the stages of difficult emotions like anger. The tone of this story is bright and exciting, and the language and storyline are simple, yet effective at getting the message across to young readers.
 Reul provides insight into the life of Allie, a young girl who gets ignited with anger due to a frustration she faces. Allie’s rage and subsequent phases of coping are described and depicted in a relatable and humorous way that children would find appealing and entertaining. Allie’s older brother helps her work through her robust and difficult feelings by providing her with various outlets for her anger, thus allowing her to shed layers of anger one at a time. Each new depiction of the monster shows the rage declining, eventually turning into sadness. This teaches readers that often hiding beneath one extreme emotion is another emotion that can be reached through coping and support.
 The concept of facing and working through difficult emotions is a challenging process that many people learn over time—or never at all. Coping with difficult emotions is a large part of caring for mental health and preventing the expression of emotions in unhealthy or violent ways. This makes this topic tremendously important for young readers today. This story explores this concept in a way that young readers can relate to and begin to understand. By the end of the story Allie has shed layers of anger by coping in various healthy ways with the support of her older brother. She finally becomes herself again and asks her brother for a hug.
 This book offers a lesson on anger and how to cope when emotions become too overwhelming. Allie All Along would be a great addition to any elementary school classroom as well as school and public libraries.
 Highly Recommended: 4 out of 4 stars Reviewer: Chantelle Blair
 Chantelle Blair is an undergraduate student in the University of Alberta’s Education program. She loves spending time with children of all ages and hopes to one day publish children’s books of her own.

China's “Politics of Harmony” and the Quest for Soft Power in International Politics

AbstractThis article engages with China's “politics of harmony” to investigate the dangers and possibilities of soft power as a concept and practice. Chinese sources claim that China will be able to exercise soft power due to its tradition of thinking about harmony. Indeed, the concept of harmony looms large in Chinese soft power campaigns, which differentiate China's own harmonious soft power from the allegedly disharmonious hard power of other great powers—in particular Western powers and Japan. Yet, similarly dichotomizing harmony discourses have been employed precisely in the West and Japan. In all three cases, such harmony discourses set a rhetorical trap, forcing audiences to empathize and identify with the “harmonious” self or risk being violently “harmonized.” There is no doubt that the soft power of harmony is coercive. More importantly, the present article argues that it has legitimized and enabled oppressive, homogenizing, and bellicose expansionism and rule in the West and Japan. A similarly structured exercise of soft power may enable violence in and beyond China, too. Ultimately, however, we argue that China's own tradition of thinking about harmony may help us to theorize how soft power might be exercised in less antagonistic and violent ways.

The RAVE Project

The RAVE Project (Religion and Violence e-Learning) at the University of New Brunswick is an initiative that seeks to understand the interface between religion and domestic violence in the family context. Web-based resources equip religious leaders to respond to domestic violence in ways that are compassionate, practical, and informed by the latest research and best practices for professionals and to walk alongside victims and survivors on their journey to healing and wholeness. As members of the RAVE Project team, we strive to meet the challenges presented when working across the disciplinary boundaries of academia, churches and seminaries, and community agencies in order to provide faith-based resources for social action. Based on over twenty years of social scientific research, this paper considers both the obstacles and rewards of working with partners from criminal justice, advocacy, religious and therapeutic communities in four regional sites across North America. In trying to build bridges between the steeple and the shelter we need to develop the trust of the people from different constituencies while remaining sensitive to their unique informational and spiritual needs.

Acting Out: "Cage Rage" and the Morning After

Acting Out: "Cage Rage" and the Morning After

Liberal Pacification and the Phenomenology of Violence

AbstractWhile international relations scholars make many claims about violence, they rarely define the concept. This article develops a typology of three distinct kinds of violence: direct, indirect, and pacification. Direct violence occurs when a person or agent inflicts harm on another. Indirect violence manifests through the structures of society. We propose a third understanding of violence: pacification. Using a phenomenological methodology, and drawing on anarchist and postcolonial thought, we show that the violence of pacification is diffuse, inconspicuous, intersubjective, and structured into the fabric of society. This understanding of violence matters for the study of international relations in general and research on the liberal peace in particular. We argue that the spread of liberal institutions does not necessarily decrease violence but instead transforms it. Our phenomenological analysis captures empirical trends in human domination and suffering that liberal peace theories cannot account for. It reveals how a decline in direct violence may coincide with the transformation of violence in ways that are concealed, monopolized, and structured into the liberal order. We call this process liberal pacification.

Infiltrating the Academy through (Anarcha-)Ecofeminist Pedagogies

ABSTRACTIn this manuscript I hope to clarify my use of a pedagogy that is sensitive to social and ecological struggles by reflecting on my personal teaching trajectory, ethnographic experiences, and theoretical reservations to feminism, anarchism and anti-/de-colonial struggles, because these can effectively inform students that we are tied to one another in biospheric knots by histories of domination and structural violence in ways that cannot be ignored. Any institutionalized, essentialist, corporate-driven teaching content cannot be challenged without a mutual synthesis of teacher-student knowledge, critical formulations of social and political realities through praxis, action and place-based environmental pedagogy. To me, this has been the first and most vital reason for the development of an anti-authoritarian pedagogy that is sensitive to (indigenous) people-environmental relations. Different sections of the manuscript focus on disciplinary boundaries around geography, anarcha-ecofeminist and de-colonial philosophical trends, my adopted philosophies and methods of human geography instruction. I conclude by emphasizing the ecosocialist orientation to human geographies because the real world is not divided into silos and disciplines, but is connected, complex and untidy. Hence, my intervention in support of the urgent need to bring sustainability, indigeneity, interdisciplinarity and intersectionality into the curriculum of the discipline in which I find myself, i.e. human geography.

Teaching for Coalition: Dismantling "Jewish-Progressive Conflict" through Feminist and Queer Pedagogy

Teaching for CoalitionDismantling "Jewish-Progressive Conflict" through Feminist and Queer Pedagogy Jonathan Branfman (bio) Part I: Jewish-Progressive Conflict introduction: teaching for coalition Clashing definitions of Jewishness and anti-Semitism often divide Jews from progressives in the United States today, while stranding Jewish progressives in between. Many American Jews view themselves as a vulnerable minority, in solidarity with fellow minorities. Conversely, progressive (feminist, queer, and anti-racist) thought regularly conflates Jews with white gentiles, or mentions Jews exclusively as colonial oppressors in Israel-and-Palestine.1 Therefore progressive analysis frequently overlooks anti-Semitism, or treats it solely as religious prejudice against privileged white people. These fields also schematize privilege, oppression, and violence in ways that obscure anti-Semitism. These clashing paradigms fuel a narrative I call "Jewish-progressive conflict," which hides commonalities and discourages coalitions between Jewish and progressive communities. As I show, many American Jews believe progressive thought is anti-Semitic. Conversely, though progressive discourse may not stereotype Jews as conservative, it often constructs Jews as obstacles when they call for serious attention to anti-Semitism and to Jewishness as a form of difference. When Jews discuss anti-Semitic stigma, oppression, or violence, progressives often perceive this move as unintelligible or even as a lie that undermines progressive analysis: an evasion to distract from "real" problems, dodge white guilt, or excuse Israeli violence against Palestinians. For Jews in progressive spaces, these opposite paradigms often compel a false choice: either conflate anti-Semitism with colorist racism or deny their lived experiences of difference, stigma, fear, and violence. I respond to this tension with a three-fold argument: first, I trace the beliefs [End Page 126] that fuel "Jewish-progressive conflict" and clarify the resultant problems. Second, I pursue educational remedies to this clash: I argue that feminist and queer studies instructors should explicitly integrate topics of Jewishness and anti-Semitism into their intersectional lessons on privilege, oppression, and violence. These lessons must also explain Jewish identity and anti-Semitism beyond the context of Israel-and-Palestine. Third, I outline best teaching practices: strategies for defining Jewishness and anti-Semitism, explaining why they historically slip from progressive analysis, and clarifying how they co-structure other forms of oppression. I build these arguments through scholarship by gentile and Jewish feminists of color, alongside white-skinned Jewish feminists.2 Teaching about Jewishness and anti-Semitism enhances feminist and queer pedagogy on multiple levels. First, these topics are valuable in their own right. Second, these lessons can help students better analyze categories like race, gender, sexuality, and nation as well as concepts like intersectionality and systemic violence. Third, this education can reduce Jewish-progressive conflict by helping Jewish and progressive communities to understand each other better. In turn, such understanding can ease coalitional activism. Such coalitions are vital in light of recent alt-right white supremacist rhetoric, policies, and violence worldwide. For example, October 2018 saw racially motivated gunmen murder two African American grocery shoppers in Kentucky and twelve white-skinned Jewish congregants at a Pittsburgh synagogue.3 March 2019 saw an Australian white supremacist gunman murder fifty Muslim worshipers in Christchurch, New Zealand, while April saw another white supremacist shooting in a San Diego synagogue.4 The Pittsburgh, Christchurch, and San Diego shooters all posted explicit white supremacist internet manifestos. Just before attacking the Pittsburgh synagogue, for instance, Richard Bower blended anti-Semitism with anti-immigrant xenophobia, racism and Islamophobia by ranting online about the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS). HIAS is a Jewish nonprofit that has resettled millions of refugees in the US since 1881, including many recent Arab and Muslim refugees. Bowers posted that "HIAS likes to bring invaders in that kill our people. I can't sit by and watch my people get slaughtered. Screw your optics, I'm going in."5 Although Bowers had posted criticisms of Donald Trump (for supposedly falling under Jewish influence),6 Bowers's hysteria about "invaders" reflects the White House's own messages—like fear-mongering about Latinx and Muslim immigrants while ushering neo-Nazi rhetoric into the mainstream.7 Bowers's post also reflects a longstanding white supremacist conspiracy theory: that Jews are the puppet-masters behind all challenges to white, [End...

ЛОГІКА ВИКЛАДАННЯ ІСТОРІЇ ДЕРЖАВА І ПРАВА УКРАЇНИ ВІДПОВІДНО ДО КОНСТИТУЦІЇ УКРАЇНИ

History of State and law of Ukraine can be considered as one of the leading academic disciplines to modern lawyers because its purpose is to familiarize professionals with the historical experience of the development of statehood and the territory of modern Ukraine that directly or indirectly impact on the current status and the quality of the public authority in our country, on the relationship between the State and citizens, on the situation in Ukraine in the international arena, its image in the world, etc. Great value for the teaching and study of history of State and Law of Ukraine have changes that have been happening lately in higher legal education in our country. Besides necessary legal skills and knowledge, present-day and future lawyers have to understand the nature of law and the philosophy of human rights, the role of the bureaucracy in the functioning of the State organized by the society, the mechanism of distribution of public authorities, as well as to understand the ways of development of the State and its transition from a developing country to a developed country. The role of history of State and Law of Ukraine here is mapping the processes of historical evolution of relationships between the human and the State on the modern Ukrainian territory. This includes compliance with State rights, in particular political struggle of people for their rights in both peaceful and violent way (through an armed revolt against the authorities) etc. In this connection, educational courses and researches on the history of State and Law should pay much attention to the evolution of public authority as a result of the struggle of people for their rights.

Can current political developments in Nigeria undermine its territorial integrity?

ABSTRACT Nigeria is currently embroiled in festering internal political crisis that could undermine its territorial integrity. The centripetal forces that have held the fragile union of various nationalities in Nigeria are waning, due to continuous political tensions orchestrated by unjust and unfair treatment of citizens, bolstered by ethnic and religious differences. The political tensions were tremendously heightened by the 2015 presidential election, which elicited fears that pointed to disastrous consequences. Three years after, the tensions are yet to abate, with increased calls for self-determination by different parts of the country. This provoked the need to investigate the political undercurrents that have persisted in the country, especially those experienced during the 2015 election, to understand how they may have shaped current events in Nigeria. The conceptual framework of this work was guided by the geopolitical theory of “politics of failure”. Connection of current events to Nigeria’s constitutional history was made, and the role it played in foisting a fragile foundation for the country was explored. Geospatial techniques were used to assess political dynamics in the country and their implication on the shrinking ligaments of Nigeria’s unity. This study found that the 2015 general election revealed a strongly divided country. Emerging political fault lines suggest that there is a strong potential of its eventual breakup. With the approaching general elections in 2019, there are indications the country might disintegrate in a violent way, if certain issues are not urgently addressed. Measures including extensive devolution of power, confederation, conduct of self-determination referendum and proportional representation were explored as possible panaceas to the problem.

Recognizing River Power: Watery Views of Ontario’s Fur Trade

Revisiting fur trade collections at the Royal Ontario Museum, this essay explores connections and potential interplay between historical archaeology and assemblage theory. With few exceptions, archaeologists studying “modernity” over the last 500 years—including those studying the fur trade—have paid little attention to assemblage theory. Also referred to as “new materialisms,” assemblage theory highlights the qualities and vibrancies of substances, their relationality, and their part in energy flows. These distinctly non-anthropocentric emphases present challenges to standard notions of humanity employed in historical archaeology. Building on this general premise, we experiment with “(re)assembling” historical archaeology by rethinking and reframing aspects of the North American fur trade as it relates to rivers. Archaeological assemblages collected from the beds of several major riverways in Ontario speak to common themes studied in historical archaeology, yet also attest to the ways in which the fur trade depended upon harnessing river power that often acted back in unpredictable and sometimes violent ways. Brought into dialogue with records kept by traders, the collections offer useful perspectives on the deep entanglements between fur trade histories and rivers. From an assemblage perspective, we use these examples to reframe the role of non-human forces in the fur trade and to further challenge dualisms between nature/culture and human/non-human in historical archaeology.

Protection of Cultural Values during Wars and Armed Conflicts

The article focuses on the problem of cultural values, which as a result of the World War ІІ, were scattered in the world – taken out of Germany, Austria, Poland, Ukraine, displaced or permanentlylost. There are found out the ways of how cultural values, as a result of military action, occurred in different countries-museums, private collections. The movement of cultural values due to the sale andchange of the owner far beyond the country of origin is shown, the problem of alienation of cultural values of violent way is singled out. It is drawn down the contractual-legal base, which gives groundsfor protection of cultural heritage, and it was analyzed German-Polish dialogue in the case of return and restitution of cultural values, displaced or lost during the World War ІІ. Along with the aftermathof World War II and the complexities that have to be overcome, the examples of the return of priceless paintings taken during the war are presented. The history of the picture “Lady with an ermine” andGerman-Polish dialogue on the possibilities of its return is described. This masterpiece from the Museum of Chartoryiskikh in Krakow is considered one of the most valuable pieces of Poland. The keyissues that develop and that hamper dialogue on protection of cultural values during wars and armed conflicts and also restrict their return and restitution have been revealed.