US War Research Articles

Guantánamo, Cuba: Poetry and Prison on Divided Ground

AbstractGuantánamo as a site whose legal contortions and human rights abuses have global reach and urgency has long been the focus of the many scholars, lawyers, and activists who have fought to keep its detention centers in the public eye. And yet, alongside advocates who have insisted on the site’s urgent moral ties to the United States, Europe, the Middle East, and the international community broadly defined—and in defiance of both a US war on “terror” and a Cuban war on “imperialism”—there have persisted smaller-scale gestures aimed at situating the Guantánamo naval base as geographically continuous with, and affectively connected to, Cuba. This article reads the poetry of Mohammed el Gharani and Ibrahim al-Rubaish, former detainees included in Marc Falkoff’s collection Poems from Guantánamo: The Detainees Speak, and of José Ramón Sánchez, longtime resident of the Cuban city of Guantánamo, as a form of regional literature produced on contested ground. It proposes that, when read across the dividing line and between languages, poetry presents a more intimate and locally specific Guantánamo than the widely known version.

Practicing the Work of Worms: Lyric Voice and Grievable Lives in Solmaz Sharif's Look

Practicing the Work of Worms:Lyric Voice and Grievable Lives in Solmaz Sharif's Look Maria Capecchi (bio) Solmaz Sharif's poetry book, Look, is a poignant work filled with carefully crafted lyric poems as well as an important analysis of the effects of war. Her poems break new poetic ground, using erasure tactics, a complex lyric "I," and the reappropriation of terms from the US Department of Defense Dictionary of Military and Associated Terms (indicated by all caps in the poems)1 to adapt the lyric genre. Sharif's strong lyric voice combines the emotional intimacy of the confessional lyric with the intense call-to-action of the political lyric. Her voice is commanding: exposing her reader to a lyric world where the very language that makes up her poetry is undermined by multiple interpretations and meanings. Sharif demands that her Western reader unflinchingly view the costs of war in the Middle East and experience the shifting realities of a society where categorization defines an individual's worth. The poems are filled with startling images of violence juxtaposed with moments of intimacy and reflection. By replicating the immigrant experience through her lyric voice, she exposes her Western readers to the experiences of exile. Sharif's text explores what it means to truly look, to take in a life in its grievable2 state, to see the other and recognize ourselves. This recognition creates intimacy and [End Page 117] connection; her poem "Look" becomes a rallying cry, an invitation to the exilic state. Rather than asking us to leap into action, Sharif encourages us to pause, to consider, to see the "exquisite face" of the subaltern:3 Let it matter what we call a thing.Let it be the exquisite face for at least 16 seconds.Let me look4 at you.Let me look at you in a light that takes years to get here. (4–5) Rather than insisting on one sanctioned meaning, one voice, Look shares multiple and often contradictory voices. Through these lyric voicings, Sharif asks her Western reader to reflect on the wars in the Middle East and experience multiple perspectives within the conflict, including those of her family in Iran; her immigrant parents; US soldiers; and Iranian, Iraqi, and US citizens. Sharif's title alone, based on the military term "look," indicates the importance of being receptive, looking at something, taking it in (Department of Defense 318). The title exemplifies this process: to look indicates an ability to receive from someone else (a state Sharif asks the reader to inhabit). Mines, when influenced, explode, referencing the real use of mines in warfare and the cultural and political metaphorical minefields addressed in the text; and Sharif metaphorically "explodes" the Western concept (or frame) of the Iraq War. Sharif's claiming of words used to objectify Western targets gives a new voice to the concepts and people who are overlooked in the war on terror. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's work on the subaltern is an important theory underlying my understanding of the other and grievability as they relate to Sharif's lyric. Within the frame of the US war on terror, the Iraqi and Iranian people Sharif voices in her poems are classified as "deviations" and "differences" from the Western ideal. While some individuals Sharif voices, such as her uncle, do not completely fit Spivak's definition of subaltern, I find it helpful to use this term in order to interrogate the United States' political rhetoric that focuses on "deviations" and "differences." While these Iraqi and Iranian individuals may not fit the subaltern category in terms of social status within their own countries, the United States effectively treats them [End Page 118] as subaltern. To complicate the issue of voice further, Spivak identifies attempts at speaking for subaltern communities as emanating "from the self-diagnosed transparency of the first-world radical intellectual" (80), which disguises the Western speaker's imperialist and capitalist motivations. This perceived transparency masks the problematic nature of an outsider, including the subaltern elite, speaking for any people. Sharif's voicing of Iraqi and Iranian people is complicated within this construct as she is speaking for the subaltern from a perceived authority as...

Illiberal and irrational? Trump and the challenge of liberal modernity in US foreign policy

Building on a growing body of literature on the application of Morgenthau’s ethics to post-Cold War US foreign policy, this article applies Morgenthau’s concept of irrationality to Trump’s foreign policy. Based on this application, the article highlights the limit of rationality in Morgenthau’s theoretical analysis. Specifically, the article argues, pace neo-realist critiques of ‘liberal hegemony’, that Trump reveals an empirical puzzle: US foreign policy can be both irrational and illiberal simultaneously in the pursuit of nationalistic universalism. This is the case, the article argues, because nationalistic universalism in Morgenthau’s analysis is not rooted in liberalism per se but the dynamics of liberal modernity. The Trump puzzle thus reveals an on-going tension between rationality and liberal modernity in Morgenthau’s theoretical analysis: rationality offers an insufficient tool to take upon the challenge of liberal modernity from which Trump’s nationalistic universalism stems. This, the article concludes, leaves Morgenthau’s concept of interest ‘defined in terms of power’ open to misappropriation to ends contrary to their original aim: furthering nationalistic universalism, rather than limiting power.

The US, the UK and Saudi Arabia in World War II: The Middle East and the Origins of the Special Relationship

The US, the UK and Saudi Arabia in World War II: The Middle East and the Origins of the Special Relationship

Protracted Social Conflict in the Globalized World: The Newly Merged Tribal Districts (NMTDs) in Pakistan


 
 
 The ̳Newly Merged Tribal Districts‘ (NMTDs) of Pakistan have been a historic conflict zone. The area was dragged into protracted social conflict (PSC) once again after Pakistan joined the US in the global war on terror (GWOT). Successful military operations and border fencing between Pakistan and Afghanistan have significantly restricted activities of militancy and terrorism in the region; however, a major problem in conflict management is foreign intervention and lack of development in the social sector in the region. The present study aims to explore the nexus between economy and governance, and its contribution to PSC, in the case of the NMTDs. It attempts to build a cross-sectional theoretical construct of structural realism, capitalism, globalization, and PSC by Edward Azar. The concept of PSC emphasizes that lack of governance and international linkages are predominating factors in PSC. The study identifies the absence of central power in the international system allowing foreign intervention in the region while using tools of globalization; thereby, in the context of NMTDs, the war economy was generated by beneficiaries of conflict. It further argues that the lack of development in the social sector and slow rehabilitation process in the region can undermine sustainable peace.
 
 

War after War: State Allegory in an Age of Security

What is the nature and cultural function of literature in a “War on Terror”? Some commentators have struggled to answer this question because they expect such a literature to emphasize combat or they fail to appreciate the allegorical nature of the most incisive fictions of the War on Terror. “State allegory” played an essential role in underwriting the Bush administration’s “War on Terror.” In the years after September 11, 2001, it also played an increasingly important role in the critique of US policy. Before 9/11, a popular form of melodrama laid the ground for the rise of the US Homeland Security State by dramatizing the purported efficacy of emergency measures and allegorizing citizens as wards of a massive and clandestine security state. After the intelligence failures of the US War in Iraq, however, this type of melodrama expressed growing skepticism about US policy by allegorizing a growing American public discomfort with the work of the security state. Literary fiction also developed sophisticated critiques of American policy through fabulous, psychologically rich, and sometimes surreal allegories. This paper surveys this history of state allegory before turning to an extended example: Colson Whitehead’s 2011 novel Zone One. Whitehead’s novel powerfully illustrates the role of speculative allegory in critiquing the new US paradigm for state security.

War and negotiations. How Vietnam defeated the American Colossus

Over the course of the prolonged US war in Vietnam, the bloodiest one after World War II, it became obvious that there was no alternative to a negotiation process. Important reasons were the impossibility for Washington to win the battlefield and the rise of anti-war sentiment in the United States. The author tried to show how certain psychological characteristics of US leaders led to the war and then eventually to negotiations. When started negotiations were accompanied by military action. The course of the war and negotiations was influenced by Soviet military assistance to the DRV, as well as by relations in the triangle of the USSR - USA - China. The time of detente between the USSR and the USA coincided with war in Vietnam, which influenced the behavior of the Soviet leaders, as evidenced by the recollections of the USSR ambassador to the United States A. Dobrynin.The Politburo of the Central Committee had disagreements regarding Vietnam and detente with the United States. But the war weakened US international stance and contributed to the achievement of strategic agreements with the USSR.The main objectives of the DRV in the negotiations were to stop US bombings and then withdrawal of US troops. The United States sought to maintain the Saigon puppet regime for some time after the withdrawal of its troops from South Vietnam. Washington’s main goal was to “save its face”, declaring defeat a “victory”. To achieve this goal the war and negotiations dragged on for years, and on the eve of the signing of the agreements, the most fierce bombing of the DRV was carried out.Thanks to the powerful air defense created with the help of the USSR, the DRV won the “air Dien Bien Fu”.The United States was forced to sign a peace agreement, which provided for the complete cessation of all US military operations in Vietnam, the withdrawal of all American troops, but left the North Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam together with the armed forces of the National Liberation Front along with the decaying and doomed to death Saigon regime. In 1975 its army was defeated the regime capitulated, which ensured the subsequent reunification of South and North Vietnam.The Vietnamese people defeated the American colossus, having suffered terrible sacrifices themselves, but achieved the national goal - the withdrawal of the Americans and the unification of the country. The full support of Vietnam can be seen as a successes story of Soviet foreign policy.

Germany-Iran Relations in Political-Military Sphere: The Impossible Unlocking of Potential?

The article explores the current relations between Germany and Iran in politicalmilitary sphere. Both countries belong to the category of emerging powers (the Germany is perhaps the single emerging power among Euro-Atlantic states). Outlining the contours of bilateral relations, the authors underline the presence of imperial historical code in each country, the growing internal political problems (dwindling authority of the ruling elites) and mutual interest in deepening trade-industrial partnership with Germany becoming a technological modernizer of Iranian economy.The authors show that Iranian factor has a growing impact over German policy in the Near East and the Middle East, especially in Lebanese, Syrian, Iraqi and Yemeni armed conflicts. In the first three cases Germany tries to limit the scale, the character (non-combatant capabilities), geographic area (not in deep regions) of the Bundeswehr usage. One of the key reasons of it is that Germany avoids being drawn into action against the Iranian troops or its junior allies («Hezbollah» in Lebanon, Shia combatants in Southern Iraq). Germany also recognizes that ignoring Iranian interests in each of these cases will make it difficult to maintain its political-military presence in the region. Because of the Yemen conflict with active participation of Saudi Arabia Germany has imposed arms embargo for the Kingdom.Germany attempted to keep the Iranian nuclear deal after Trump`s administration withdrawal from the agreement. The authors try to estimate the probable position of Germany towards possible military-political crisis in the region involving Iran and especially towards a potential US war against Iran.What result will Germany strive for in the Iranian direction? According to the authors, this is a significantly expanded formula of 2015. In addition to maintaining the JCPOA and mutually beneficial growth in trade and economic cooperation, this formula includes:– minimizing the threat of a military conflict against Iran (which has become especially important after the assassination of General Qasem Soleimani on January 3, 2020);– in exchange for this clear limitation of Iran’s influence in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Yemen.

Below the radar. Examining a small state’s usage of tactical unmanned aerial vehicles

ABSTRACT There is an extensive and rapidly growing body of literature on armed Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicles (UCAVs) focused on the US War on Terror. However, smaller Unmanned Aerial Vehicles for military use, or what this paper refers to as tactical UAVs utilised by small states, have received much less scholarly attention ̶ despite their rapid proliferation in the last decade. In order to start rectifying this dual neglect of more limited UAVs employed by small states, the paper makes an empirical contribution to the study of tactical UAVs. Drawing on a substantial number of interviews and studies commissioned by the Swedish Armed Forces, the paper examines the Swedish UAV program, which is in certain ways representative of a smaller state’s efforts to incorporate UAVs into its armed forces. The paper argues that it is crucial to think in terms of systems rather than the UAV as a free-standing resource to be used on its own. If utilized along with other ISR assets, tactical UAVs may have a significant role to play in asymmetric conflicts.

US War with Iran: A Narrowly Avoided Public Health Crisis and a Continuing Risk

The protracted conflict in Yemen-a civil war fought by proxies of Iran on one side and Saudi Arabia and the United States on the other-has ravaged the health care sector and facilitated the worst cholera outbreak on record, with more than 1 2 million people infected 2 Public health experts believe that destruction of infrastructure vital for health care delivery, such as the nation's largest seaport-an important gateway for the delivery of medical supplies and water, sanitation, and hygiene infrastructure-as well as security concerns related to ongoing violence, allowed this vaccinepreventable disease to rapidly propagate through the affected population The war, which started in 2011 as an outgrowth of the Arab Spring, marked a reversal of this trajectory 3 Perhaps most detrimental to public health in Syria are deliberate attacks on health care workers and facilities, which have been well documented since 2011 and are unprecedented in terms of scale 4 The United Nations and nongovernmental advocacy groups have documented and spoken out about the direct targeting of medical personnel, which amounts to war crimes under international law 4 Not only have these attacks limited the number of health care workers willing or able to address the health care needs ofthe besieged population, but they have created a powerful deterrent, preventing civilians from seeking care for fear of being caught in an assault- which is, perhaps, the intended goal The First Gulf War, along with crippling sanctions imposed by the United States, negatively affected Iraq's health care infrastructure, an effect that intensified during and after the 2003 US invasion 5 According to interviews with Iraqi refugee doctors, the war resulted in a substantial decline in health care services 5 In fact, four vaccinepreventable disease outbreaks- measles in 2009, mumps in 2004 and 2016, and rubella in 2004- occurred in the postinvasion period 6 Outbreaks such as these remind us that the lingering effects of conflict can last years or even decades after the declared war ends

The Logic of Security

Background: The author shows logic of security as a crucial element of philosophy of security, a subfield of security sciences. Objectives: The author states that logic – in the form of the logic of security – plays contemporarily a vital role in maintaining international, national, and also social and individual security. Methods: The usage of the logic of security is shown on the basis of its application in two security-related institutions: United States Army War College, Carlisle, US and Academia Diplomatica Europaea, Brussels, Belgium. After listing of methods used by philosophy of security, methodologies of both institutions are presented and compared as regards the methods used. Results: The logic implemented by United States Army War College is based on the belief in the objectivity and stability of the observations of security environment, and focuses on individual subjects of security. Academia Diplomatica Europaea regards the situation in the security environment as fluid and unstable, and focuses on relations between subjects of security. Conclusions: The activity of both analysed institutions is a proof corroborating the importance of logic for the improvement of the security situation in the world.

Solmaz Sharif’s ‘Exquisite Face’ of the Other: Creating Grievable Lives through the Lyric

Lyric poetry is a genre constantly being renegotiated and redefined. From the fragmented parchments of Sappho’s ancient sung texts to the “American Lyrics” of Claudia Rankine, part of the thrill of the lyric form is its mutating nature. Solmaz Sharif’s poetry book, Look, is a masterful adaptation of the lyric form. Her poems combine erasure, Department of Defense terms, Wikipedia entries, and references to the Iran-Iraq and US wars of imperialism, collaging experiences of soldiers, immigrants, and citizens on both sides of the United States’ so-called War on Terror. In a world of political extremes, “cancel culture,” and reactionary social media platforms, Sharif’s political lyrics question representation itself. She calls upon her western reader: “It matters what you call a thing: Exquisite a lover called me. / Exquisite” (3), acknowledging the lyric’s traditional apostrophe—the fragile woman. Look's opening lines juxtapose the speaker’s exquisite body with the objectified targets of the Iraq war detailed throughout the poem: “Whereas the lover made my heat rise, rise so that if heat sensors were trained on me, they could read my THERMAL SHADOW through the roof and through the wardrobe” (3). The speaker is both the Petrarchan beloved and the military target, a target that refuses to remain outside the frame of war: “Whereas I thought if he would LOOK at my exquisite face or my father’s, he would reconsider” (4). While beautiful, Look is not a fragile collection of poems: her work is emotionally haunting, filled with raw, violent images. Particularly when viewed against the backdrop of the white, masculine lyric, Sharif’s work enacts social renegotiations of the lyric.

Bipolar Rivalry in the Early Digital Age

Abstract The year 2019 saw the curtain rise on a US–China bipolar rivalry quite different from the Cold War US–Soviet bipolarity. The fundamental difference between the current bipolar rivalry and that during the Cold War is that ideology is no longer the main engine driving international competition, but rather the new digital dimension of strategic competition that is emerging between the United States and China. Technological advancement over the past 15 years has led world history’s entry into the early digital age. The development of digital technology has created new ways of protecting national security, of accumulating national wealth, and of obtaining international support. Cybersecurity is becoming the core of national security and the share of digital economy in major powers’ gross domestic product dramatically increases. For the leading powers, strategic competition in cyberspace in this early digital age outstrips to a crucial extent that within physical geographic boundaries. This article observes that Cold War mentality and digital mentality will have mixed impact on foreign policy-making in the digital age, and that interactions between the nations whose foreign policy is simultaneously influenced by both mentalities will shape the emerging international order into one of uneasy peace, where there is no direct war and few proxy wars. It will rather be a scenario reflecting the dark side of globalization and downside of global governance, evident in the violation of agreements, double dealing, cyber-attacks, and technology decoupling between states. Although further digital advancement will indeed change international politics in ever more aspects, US–China bipolar configuration will nevertheless remain in place for at least for two decades, or perhaps longer.

Essay Review. The Star Gate Archives

For your consideration, two fragments of Twilit history (as Rod Serling might have put it), a dimension as time-stung as eternity, unnerving as a grating laugh at three in the dark chilly morning.
 One: In 1946, a would-be suicide named George B. J. Stewart attracted the interest of a beefy, bearded wingless angel named Santa Claus, and discovered how to shift into mirror universes. The post-Second World War US Congress quickly established a research center to contact other angels, especially those with working wings, and subsidized the program until 1974, when President Nixon’s resignation caused funding to dry up. Despite top-secret classification masking the CLARENCE program, Stewart is rumored to be alive and still active at the North Pole at the age of 111.
 Two: In 1972, three Scientologists and the brother in law of the third best chess grandmaster in history were invited by the US military to launch what would become a $19.933 million program devoted to psychic powers. The initial emphasis was operational, with trained clairvoyants casting their attention into far lands and even the future. Many branches of the intelligence community sought specific double- or triple-blind tasking, alarmed by rumors that the Soviets were making advances in this domain. Despite popular rumors, CIA were not heavily involved; the major funder was DIA (Defense Intelligence Agency). Along with NASA, DARPA, US Army Medical Research and Development Command, Foreign Technology Division and others, DIA repeatedly contracted this espionage methodology.
 Which, if either, of these ludicrous accounts is true? Well, it turns out that CLARENCE is merely a tall story (one I just concocted). By contrast, military research programs into psychic phenomena became public after long-hidden secret documents surfaced. Most recently, four immense volumes have been published by McFarland—dubbed collectively The Star Gate Archives—providing an opportunity to track government-funded scientific research into psi (purported mental abilities able to reach beyond limits established by canonical sciences). Despite those limits, for two decades the science edge of the program was situated on the West Coast at Stanford Research Institute (SRI) and then Science Applications International Corporation (SAIC). A 2017 summary paper states: “In July 1972, Russell Targ, as principal investigator, submitted a grant application on Research on Techniques to Enhance Extraordinary Human Perception to the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, NASA, with Dr. Harold Puthoff as co-investigator. This started the SRI program in psi research, which eventually closed in 1995 at SAIC.”[1] Its two most effective founding viewers were Ingo Swann and Pat Price, now deceased, both devotees of L. Ron Hubbard’s cult.
 For internal-security reasons, the success or failure of individual efforts were rarely revealed. But since the psi operatives were sometimes called back for further clandestine tasking, it seems evident that the results were often sufficiently effective and accurate in support of more conventional intelligence activities. There’s ample evidence for this in the various volumes.
 
 
 [1] https://www.academia.edu/38006378/THE_STAR_GATE_ARCHIVES_REPORTS_OF_THE_US_GOVERNMENT_SPONSORED_PSI_PROGRAM_1972-1995._AN_OVERVIEW
 

China’s Responses to the US War on Terror: A Perspective and Agenda of Internet Geopolitics

AbstractDrawing on ‘popular geopolitics’ and ‘Internet geopolitics’, this study examines China’s responses to the US war on terror by comparing print narratives with Internet discussions. The results indicate that Chinese print media embraces a different but unanimous narrative strategy than the Anglo‐American discourses on the war on terror, which rejects a binary construction between terrorism and the US but instead portrays both as playing violent and immoral roles. This study also finds that Internet discussion has greatly challenged such geopolitical expression, which is reflected in the emergence of both resistant and ensemble discourses in the online community. These findings demonstrate that the Internet as a new type of information technology has changed the organisation and expression of geopolitical power and incorporates broader actors into its structure. It is valid and necessary to look at the Internet as an important variable affecting the current geopolitical landscape. In this sense, this paper enriches the literature of critical geopolitics and, to a notable extent, signifies a broader agenda for Internet geopolitics.

From Reset to Restart: The US-Russia Cyclical Relationship in the Post-Cold War Era

ABSTRACT After a quarter of a century of oscillating relations between Washington and Moscow, Trump’s 2017 National Security Strategy named Russia as one of the main challengers to the US-led order. Power transition theory is used to explain the alternating cooperative and competitive phases during each of the first three post-Cold War US presidencies: first, initial attempts at cooperation are driven by US willingness to integrate its former rival into the liberal order; then, regression into competition follows as Washington’s influence rises in territories that Moscow considers sensitive for its national security.

Hirohitler on the Rhine: Transnational Protest Against the Japanese Emperor’s 1971 West German State Visit

This article explores transnational connections between anti-imperialist groups in West Germany and Japan through an examination of the protest around the Japanese Emperor’s state visit to Bonn in 1971. Although anti-imperialist movements in Japan and West Germany had many similarities and moments of contact, there are few treatments of these groups in transnational perspective. The event offers a unique moment of entanglement between New Left groups in the global 1960s and a rare moment of mutual discussion of the Japanese and German wartime past. The Showa Emperor (better known as Hirohito) traveled to Europe as a way to promote a new, peaceful, Japan; however, his role as a wartime leader complicated this image. Hirohito’s presence in West Germany presented major issues of wartime crimes that were filtered through German’s own memory of perpetration and victimhood. Radical students in and West Germany responded to the Emperor’s visit by cooperating with Japanese exchange students to analyze and protest the history of Japanese militarism and fascism – and also its postwar attempts to regain an empire, especially in Southeast Asia and Vietnam. These concepts were seen, therefore, on another level: the US war in Vietnam, and Japanese and West German complicity in this conflict.

Islamic Identity and Foreign Policy Discourse: Indonesia’s Responses to the US War in Afghanistan (2001-2002)

Observers of Indonesia’s foreign policy commonly argue that while the state needs to include domestic Muslim interests in its foreign policy formulation, foreign policy officials have rarely considered Islam in their policy choices, with a dual-identity predicament constraining such a move. This article challenges this argument by demonstrating that foreign policy leaders have begun referring to Islamic identity and norms when justifying Indonesia’s foreign policy choices. By discussing Indonesia’s foreign policy responses to the United States’ war in Afghanistan in 2001, this paper elucidates the way in which Indonesia’s foreign policy leaders have constructed Islam as an “inclusive civilizational” identity in their foreign policy discourse, legitimizing their alliance with the global war on terrorism amid staunch domestic Muslim opposition to the war. They managed to turn identity constraint into opportunity by framing their policies within the context of “inclusive” and “integrative” Islamic values and norms.

Sino-US Antagonism in the South China Sea; Is it the Second Cold War?

South China Sea is a region of interest for both China, US and many other nations. For China, the South China sea is as important as the Caribbean Sea was important for the US in the first Cold War. The US, through small states near the South China Sea like Taiwan, Philippines, and Vietnam and japan spar Chinese hegemony in the region. China is ready to transgress international law when things go against the interests of China in the periphery of the South China Sea. China has created synthetic islands in the South China Sea, and these constructions are viewed ambiguously by the US. The surveillance of US warships in the region and its military support to Taiwan, Philippines and Vietnam evidently depicts the existence of a second Cold War in the region. China’s economy is an export-based economy, and most of the exports of China are sent through the South China Sea. An Apparent Clash of interests between the US and China is visible in the form of a new Cold War in the South China Sea.

Planning to fail: the US wars in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Why America loses wars: limited war and US strategy from the Korean War to the present

Planning to fail: the US wars in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan; Why America loses wars: limited war and US strategy from the Korean War to the present