War Propaganda Research Articles

War is in the Air: Networks of Enemy Radio Broadcasting in France and Germany During the Phoney War (1939–1940)

The enemy radio broadcasting took a great part in the propaganda war between France and Germany during the Phoney War. Its roots can be found in the Interwar Period when radio became a central media in both countries. With the declaration of war on 2 September 1939, the war was definitely in the air. On both sides of the border, the state provoked the enemy. The aims were clear: agitate the population against the enemy state and destabilise enemy civilians as well as troops. Both states reacted to enemy radio attacks: they not only created new radio programs, responded to enemy allegations but also forbade the listening of enemy radios and scrambled enemy broadcasts. It was a war of words, which became more and more intense and technically sophisticated. Behind this broadcasting, a dense international network was needed to transform these programs into real propaganda weapons. Credible information, language knowledge and technical equipment were required to try to influence the enemy population. On which information channels and contacts both states could rely on? How did these programs in the enemy’s language emerge? This article focuses on the development of enemy broadcasting, its international networks and its impact in both countries.

“Sojuzgar las capitales para que pueda cesar la alteración y el incendio”. La guerra de propaganda en la prensa de Lima y Buenos Aires en tiempos de la Independencia (1810-1816)

En la actualidad, el argumento de que una coyuntura de guerra sirve para apreciar los intereses y las motivaciones de los grupos sociales involucrados en ella resulta clave para el estudio de los procesosde independencia en América Latina. En ese sentido, esta investigación analiza la guerra de propaganda desatada en la prensa de Lima y Buenos Aires en el contexto de las guerras de Independencia, desde la Revolución de Mayo de 1810, la guerra de opinión en el Alto Perú y la independencia de las Provincias Unidas del Río de la Plata en 1816. La guerra de propaganda denotó en estos espacios un discurso político en conflicto, intereses contrapuestos y la importancia de reflexionar sobre la guerra militar paralelamente a la guerra de palabras, en un periodo de crisis de legitimidad política.

Non-military dimension of the hybrid war in Ukraine

Artykuł analizuje strukturę, treść, właściwości i skutki rosyjsko-ukraińskiej „wojny hybrydowej” w jej niemilitarnym wymiarze. Szczególny nacisk położono na aspekt wojny informacyjnej, propagandowej oraz działań w cyberprzestrzeni. Konflikt rosyjsko-ukraiński scharakteryzowany został w kontekście strategii nowej wojny autorstwa generała Walerija Gierasimowa. Współczesna praktyka działań hybrydowych w konflikcie zbrojnym na Ukrainie uwidoczniła, że po raz pierwszy to przeciwnik silniejszy, Rosja, wykorzystuje pełne spektrum oddziaływania hybrydowego na przeciwnika słabego i niezdolnego do obrony integralności własnego terytorium. Konflikt zbrojny lat 2013–2014 pokazał nie tylko słabość państwa ukraińskiego, ale co ważniejsze niewydolność organizacji odpowiadających za zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego: NATO, OBWE i ONZ. W dalszej perspektywie czasowej należy zauważyć, że eskalacja działań hybrydowych na Ukrainie bez wątpienia zagraża państwom „prawej flanki” Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego. Przeprowadzona analiza odnosi się do problemu zdefiniowanego w formie pytań: na czym polega istota operacji hybrydowych? Jaki jest charakter niewojskowych operacji hybrydowych? Jaki był przebieg tych działań na Ukrainie? Jak interpretowano prawo międzynarodowe w odniesieniu do tego konfliktu?

Leonardo Sciascia in the pages of di guardia! Quindicinale della Federazione dei Fasci di Combattimento di Caltanissetta

In this article I examine, within their historical context, eleven editorial commentaries by Leonardo Sciascia published in 1940–1941 in di guardia!, the bi-weekly publication of the Fasci di Combattimento di Caltanissetta. These opinion pieces deal almost exclusively with foreign policy. Consideration of them within their here and now allows me to compare and contrast the image of the youthful Sciascia that emanates directly from the pages of di guardia! with the myriad autobiographical statements the writer made in hindsight and in support of a public self-image crafted and honed over the four decades following the end of the Second World War. A cornerstone of that image is an antifascist awakening catalyzed by the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). Yet Sciascia’s contributions to di guardia!—all perfectly in line with typical Fascist war propaganda—paint the portrait of a young man who is very much in agreement with Mussolini’s foreign policy, suggesting that the writer’s conversion to anti-Fascism took place in the period following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and during the Allied occupation of Sicily. I also cast into relief how Sciascia, as his public self-image evolved, utilized writing strategies—atypical syntactical structures and rhetorical devices such as the pluralis maiestatis—designed to objectify the subjective. In this way he convinces his readers, in a very subtle, almost imperceptible way, to align their perspective of the past with his.

Образ Бельгии как «жертвы» в британской пропаганде периода Первой мировой войны

Рассматривается вопрос о создании образа Бельгии как «жертвы германской агрессии» во время Первой мировой войны. Данный образ был одним из средств воздействия на сознание британцев и побуждения их к вступлению в вооруженные силы Соединенного Королевства, чтобы бороться с Германией как с «внешней угрозой». Для оправдания собственных действий по вынужденному применению вооруженной силы и предотвращению агрессии, вызванной интервенцией немецких войск на территорию Бельгии, в британской периодической печати получил распространение сюжет об «ее изнасиловании». В современной исторической науке, особенно британской, этот вопрос широко изучается. Однако ученые-историки при его исследовании не учитывают всеобъемлющий характер этого агитационного сюжета. Поэтому автор ставит целью рассмотреть сюжет об «изнасиловании Бельгии» в контексте развития «образа жертвы» в британской пропаганде периода Первой мировой войны. Основная задача заключается в выявлении особенностей его влияния на процесс формирования целостного образа Германии как «внешнего врага». Проведенное исследование позволяет сделать вывод, что сформированный в период военного конфликта образ Бельгии как «жертвы германской агрессии» в пропаганде носил всеобъемлющий характер. В результате сложившийся целостный сюжет об «ее изнасиловании» стал одним из основных пропагандистских сюжетов на протяжении Первой мировой войны.

Propaganda ‘Worth an Army’: The Norwegian Labour Party, Haakon Lie and the transnational dissemination of Cold War propaganda, 1945–55

The working class was the most important target for British and American propaganda in Norway during the early Cold War. The propagandists found eager allies in certain Norwegian Labour Party partisans, who wanted support in their struggle against communist and Soviet influence. Party Secretary Haakon Lie became their key contact. Soon after the war, he started propaganda cooperation with the British Labour Party, as well as the British and US Embassies in Oslo, mostly on his own initiative. New opportunities arose with the onset of the Cold War and the establishment of secret Western campaigns to influence public opinion abroad. From 1948 onward, anti-communist propaganda poured into Norway, reaching a peak during the Korean War. In the early 1950s the British Foreign Office, the US State Department and the CIA’s Congress for Cultural Freedom were all cooperating with the Norwegian Labour Party. This article gives an overview of the transnational dissemination of propaganda through Labour’s party and union apparatus, arguing that the Western propagandists’ remarkable reach towards the Norwegian labour movement and working class was a cultural ‘empire by invitation’.

SIGNS OF PROTECTION OF A DESTRUCTIVE CHARACTER IN THE TEXT OF URGENT MESSAGE

The article discusses the nature and types of propaganda of a destructive nature, the possibility of its criminalization in domestic legislation. In particular, the concepts of propaganda for war (other than national liberation), propaganda for racial, national, religious intolerance, propaganda for the use of harmful substances and substances for human health, and for suicide propaganda are defined. There is put up for discussion a comprehensive definition of propaganda of extremism, the components of which are public justification, mass dissemination of ideas of necessity, expediency of violent change of the foundations of the constitutional system and power in Ukraine, violation of its territorial integrity, armed conflict, war, mass riots as ways of resolving political, economic contradictions, ethnic and religious nature; mass dissemination of ideas of historical, cultural, mental incompatibility of the residence of certain ethnic groups (groups on linguistic, territorial grounds, ideological convictions) on the territory of Ukraine; public denial of a criminal nature, mass dissemination of information aimed at justifying terrorism, terrorist activity, Nazism, genocide, mass repression, persecution, extermination of people on grounds of social, racial, national, linguistic, political, religious or religious affiliation on the territory of Ukraine, dissenters; mass dissemination of conscious lies (by distorting data, fiction, tendentious suppression of data) in the political, socio-economic, religious and other spheres of society with the aim of encouraging, abetting and other types of inducing people to violent actions, other destructive behaviour, which may or has led to the violent overthrow of the constitutional order, the seizure of state power, the violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state, the escalation of tension the emergence of conflicts (including armed) between different segments of the population within the country, between states, between representatives of different races, nationalities, religious denominations, between carriers of certain ideological and political views, to harm, damage to the mental and physical health of people, to destruction moral foundations of society, to mass destruction, the destruction of cultural and historical values, etc. An attempt was made to systematize the signs of the presence of propaganda of a destructive nature in a text message. The criteria for the delimitation of propaganda of extremism, the propaganda of a destructive nature in general from similar content messages are defined. There are some examples of expert conclusions, which revealed such propaganda. Key words: propaganda, destructive nature, speech message, criteria for differentiation.

‘Pride and Joy’: Propaganda Wars, ‘Projections of America’ and the Dismantling of the Office of War Information at the Close of World War II

The OWI was the key agency for the distribution and dissemination of US film and propaganda during World War II. But it was the Overseas Branch of the OWI that dominated activity and the Motion Picture Unit (MPU) of the OB that helped shape documentary production through the portrayal of American values and society. The OWI’s winding up at war’s end has long been seen as part of a natural reversion to peacetime government policy. Yet, as this article argues, events within the MPU/OWI in the last year of the war throw up evidence that suggests the agency was being deliberately sidelined – even undermined – in preparation for a more rigorous and ideological post-war propaganda apparatus. This revised propaganda philosophy was set in train by a select number of individuals, principally historian Edward Lilly, newspaperman C.D. Jackson, and the army’s Brig Gen Robert McClure. Their scrutiny of the MPU/OWI – accessed via private correspondence and archival papers – is revealed for the first time in this article and is explained away as a self-conscious move away from civilian and towards military propaganda authority and control in the emergent Cold War era.

Red Death and Black Life: Media, Martyrdom and Shame

Most of Iran’s urban population experienced the war with Iraq (1980–1988) through the burden of privation and the fear of possible airstrikes. Thus, state-produced media on national television became the main apparatus through which they connected their daily lives to the national conflict. Ravayat-e Fath [The Narrative of Triumph] was one docudrama, comprised of five seasons that the state produced at different intervals between 1984 and 1987. Although Ravayat-e Fath has been presented and received as a journalistic work, it enters the realm of fiction to fulfill its objective: To recruit soldiers. Through a collage of mythical stories, epic narratives, dramatic cinematography, mourning songs accompanied by reports from war fronts, and live interviews with soldiers, the series tells a story of a promised triumph through martyrdom. Through studying Ravayat-e Fath, the most important state-supported television production of the Iran-Iraq war era, this article investigates the ways in which war propaganda in general, and the concept of martyrdom in particular, generated tools like shaming to control the population during and after the war.

Jogo e conspiração em Hollywood: o Portugal que não foi

A Segunda Guerra Mundial foi um ponto de viragem na construção de um discurso acerca de Portugal que foi disseminado pela ficção audiovisual norte-americana e, por extensão, na forma como a cultura de massas imaginou este país no contexto internacional durante a ditadura do Estado Novo. Este artigo analisa os argumentos de dois projetos da Warner Brothers – The Gamblers (escrito em 1942, não rodado) e The Conspirators (escrito e produzido em 1943/1944) –, concluindo que a influência de Washington no sentido de alinhar o cinema com a propaganda de guerra e, sobretudo, a lógica de produção de ficção de Hollywood contribuíram para obscurecer na imagem de Portugal então moldada (e subsequentemente replicada) o que poderia ter sido uma visão mais crítica da neutralidade portuguesa, da ditadura salazarista e da própria história do país.

Of Traitors and Saints: Foreign Consorts between Accusations and Propaganda in the First World War

The rumours about the German descent and sexual promiscuity of the Russian Tsarina Alexandra contributed to the fall of the Romanov regime in 1917 as foreignness and gender narratives were used by revolutionary groups to undermine the sacrosanct aura of the Russian dynasty. However, the utilisation of gender norms and the foreign descent of a royal consort for political purposes was not a uniquely Russian phenomenon. In fact, similar allegations of treason and depravity against foreign consorts existed in many First World War monarchies. This article puts the stereotype of the ‘evil foreign queen’ in an historical context and analyses the functionality and motives of these rumours in the conduct of the war. The article also examines the success and failure of wartime counter-narratives and, thereby, contributes a new aspect to the impact of the war on European monarchy.

Pitched Battles: Music and Sound in Anglo-American and German Newsreels of World War II

ABSTRACTThe observation by Siegfried Kracauer, one of the leading sociologists of the twentieth century, that the Nazis were more skilled than the Americans and British in the use of cinematic devices in newsreels for war propaganda purposes was thought-provoking in its day. It still prompts critical engagement with the texts under consideration, even as recent scholarship has adopted a more nuanced position with regard to the Nazi use of persuasive media. A comparative study of Anglo-American and German newsreels produced during the Second World War, with an emphasis on their use of music and sound, both questions and extends Kracauer’s hypotheses within the sonic realm. Music continues to serve the function of adding an affective voice to images in news media, which still count war reportage as one of their primary audiovisual vehicles for persuasive purposes.

Animals in the Years 1914–1918 as Part of War Propaganda

The article focuses on examples of also using animals for war propaganda. Photography served to justify animal drafting, to keep up the military morale, and to show how cruel the enemy was. The animal ‘heroes’ of the newspapers– horses, dogs and pigeons – illustrate the attitude of humankind toward animalkind in the first industrial and technological war that showed the vulnerability and the nonsense of using animals on the fronts. Keywords: animals in war, First World War, photography, propaganda images of animals, representation of animals, surveillance

Sajtóirányítás és háborús propaganda az I. világháború idõszakában

In the 1910-s, press flourished in Hungary. However, as a result of the political crisis preceding the World War, then the outburst of the war, there were significant restrictions introduced in the field of the press, while after the start of the fights, compulsory censorship was introduced. The Military Supervisory Commission was taking over the control of mass communication to an ever increasing extent. Publishing papers infringing military interests with their news were suspended for shorter or longer periods. The newly set up Press Command Post fulfilled the tasks of publishing military information and supervising war coverage. This organisation not only provided newscasts, but also monitored the international press and involved the representatives of the most varied art forms (writers, painters, even film producers) in the war propaganda. In the heartland, interest towards military events and at the front, towards home conditions increased more and more, however, the information flow was considerably restricted both here and there. Due to the prolongation of the war, and the increase in difficulties and losses, the role of the propaganda activity performed among the soldiers and within the heartland became more and more important. Many people considered that all-in propaganda, also received a decisive role in the all-in war.

Uloga društvenih medija u audiovizualnoj komunikaciji terorističkih organizacija: IRA i ETA

Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) are two of the oldest European terrorist organizations that have been active for over a half century. They have been using both violence and politics as means to achieve independence of their respective regions: ETA for the independence of Basque from Spain and IRA for the secession of Northern Ireland from the UK and unification with the Republic of Ireland. In the recent years, the internet has become one of the most dynamic platforms on which many terrorist organizations are pursuing their propaganda war. This thesis will analyze the presence of IRA and ETA on social media, focusing predominately on Youtube. This thesis will also define terrorism and its types and characteristics, and it'll differentiate types of terrorist activities. Detailed content analysis of audiovisual communication of IRA and ETA on 40 most viewed videos on Youtube will determine their presence on one of the largest social media platforms.

Louis Gonzague Frick dans tous ses états: poète, soldat, courriériste, ami by Stephen Steele, Anne-Françoise Bourreau-Steele

 Reviews ‘A eatrophobic Dramatist: J.-J. Rousseau’s Position in eatre Historiography on Today’s Stage’, which touches on anglophone scholarship as part of its survey of Rousseau’s treatment in British, German, and Scandinavian historiographies. M S U W C. N Louis Gonzague Frick dans tous ses états: poète, soldat, courriériste, ami. By S S and A-F B-S. (Études de litt érature des e et e siècles, ) Paris: Classiques Garnier. .  pp. €. ISBN ––––. With Louis de Gonzague Frick dans tous ses états Stephen Steele and Anne-Françoise Bourreau-Steele offer the only book-length study of this poet to date. As the back cover notes, Frick’s poetry is ‘relegated’ to the margin owing to its preciosity and obscurity; Frick was an assiduous practitioner of neologisms with elaborate etymologies , as well as forgotten terms. His appeal as an object of study lies principally in his illustrious friends—Robert Desnos, Max Jacob, Guillaume Apollinaire, and others. As the book amply demonstrates, Frick was a literary networker, a link between otherwise distant figures, a hub of literary sociability. He therefore appears as an emblem of sociability as such, being oen praised for his loyalty in friendship, his politeness even in the face of regular ridicule and vicious polemic, his reserved tenderness. He also, to his credit, disliked the nationalist propaganda of the Great War—although he too served on the front. While a study of this marginalized figure seems welcome at first blush, one begins to question its fruitfulness aer five hundred pages of minutiae. e authors evidently scoured dozens of obscure literary journals for clues, and one can only admire this great care in scholarship. But a great deal too much space is devoted, for instance, to Louis de Gonzague Frick’s name (his last name is Frick, his first name ‘Louis de Gonzague’, though many contemporaries believed he was feigning nobility with an artificial particule ‘de’, and/or that his last name was ‘de GonzagueFrick ’). is kind of hair-splitting attention to anecdote is typical of the study. While some anecdotes have undeniable entertainment value, their scholarly worth is dubious. And these anecdotes do not, contrary to those concerning Jacob or Apollinaire, constitute material substantial enough to form a mythobiography. Rather than engaging in real demonstration, each chapter appears to meander from one topic to another, oen ending up in areas that appear to have little obvious connection to the chapter’s theme. ‘Douleur et cinéma’, for instance, includes only a dozen or so passing references to Frick’s role in Jean Vigo’s Zéro de conduite (). Sometimes, long excursuses on Roger Allard or Robert Valançay interrupt the main line of enquiry, at times with little justification for these forays into the lives and production of other poets. ere is too much disorganization for a casual reader to make much use of the volume. Perhaps most unfortunately, one gets little sense of Frick’s poetry here. e authors dissolve quotations into their own sentences, slicing up the original lines MLR, .,   oen down to an individual word. ese five hundred pages contain not a single instance of block-quoted verse—an astonishing feat for the in-depth study of a poet. One does come away with an impression of idiosyncratic verbal invention, since the authors quote many neologisms from Frick’s arsenal (and always gloss them, thankfully). But this does not suffice to represent the poet’s substantial œuvre. Nor can the reader easily procure Frick’s poetry elsewhere: none of the collections has been republished, and few to none have remained significant objects of bibliophilic interest. ose curious about the poetic work are better off with a long visit to the Bibliothèque nationale. In short, this study is long on detail and regrettably short on obvious relevance or broader implications. One might hope that the volume will lead to further approaches to Frick’s poetry or to his sociological position, but it is more likely that it will remain simply a work of reference on Frick. Perhaps a selected verse volume might make this publication seem more useful. As it stands...

The Soviet Special Propaganda in the Second World War. Target: the Romanian Army

The Soviet Special Propaganda in the Second World War. Target: the Romanian Army

Map «Ukrainian Crimea» as a geospatial information source

The purpose of the article is to familiarize with the publication of the map «Ukrainian Crimea», prepared by experts - geographers, cartographers and historians; to draw attention to the importance of counteracting Russian propaganda in the information war; to outline approaches to creating this mapping work. The main material. In the face of the hybrid aggression of the Russian state against Ukraine, in which much attention is paid to propaganda, the publication of geospatial information sources that debunk propaganda myths is an important element of defense. It was the idea of the creators of the map «Ukrainian Crimea», which was published on the basis of the scientifi c-production fi rm «Maps and Atlases». The map presents a comprehensive and systematic picture of Crimea in geospatial and historical aspects. In addition to the map itself, the cartographic work is supplemented by illustrative and textual material. On the main map in scale 1 : 1 250 000 the main attention is paid to large infrastructural projects realized by the Ukrainian forces after the transfer of the peninsula to the Ukrainian SSR because of economic decline of the region due to the deportation of the Crimean Tatars (in particular, the irrigation of North Crimean Channel turned dry-steppe semi-desert landscapes to areas of intensive agriculture). Another focus of the main map is the repression of the occupying power against the pro-Ukrainian movement after the annexation. The historical retrospective shows the kaleidoscopic of the rulers and dozens of Crimean peoples. Conclusions and further research. The map thus dispels the myth of Russian propaganda that the peninsula has allegedly always belonged to Russia. It relies on the real research of scientists, not on the perverted facts or even outright lies, which are used by the propagandists of the «Russian world». Scientifi c novelty and practical signifi cance lies in the complex coverage by the cartographic method of illegal occupation of part of the Ukrainian territory by the Russian Federation and its subsequent annexation. This is important in the context of Russian hybrid aggression. The map «Ukrainian Crimea» will promote further development of thematic regional mapping in Ukraine, in particular, continuation of a series of maps «United Ukraine» may be maps of Eastern Slobozhanshchina, Taganrozhchina, Kuban, etc.

George Hanger: The Life and Times of an Eccentric Nobleman by Ian Saberton, and: The American Revolutionary War in the South: Re-evaluation from a British Perspective in the Light of The Cornwallis Papers by Ian Saberton

Reviewed by: George Hanger: The Life and Times of an Eccentric Nobleman by Ian Saberton, and: The American Revolutionary War in the South: Re-evaluation from a British Perspective in the Light of The Cornwallis Papers by Ian Saberton Paul E. Kopperman George Hanger: The Life and Times of an Eccentric Nobleman. By Ian Saberton. ( Surrey, Eng.: Grosvenor House Publishing, 2018. Pp. x, 260. $39.99, ISBN 978-1-78623-163-5.) The American Revolutionary War in the South: Re-evaluation from a British Perspective in the Light of The Cornwallis Papers. By Ian Saberton. ( Surrey, Eng.: Grosvenor House Publishing, 2018. Pp. viii, 102. $29.99, ISBN 978-1-78623-154-3.) Since its publication in 2010, The Cornwallis Papers, a six-volume collection edited by Ian Saberton, has joined the exclusive list of primary sources that scholars must consult if they wish to do serious research on the southern campaigns that concluded the American Revolution. The collection includes not only transcripts but also well-researched annotations and extensive commentary. Saberton has strong opinions on why the British effort in the Revolution failed. His perspectives are displayed in The Cornwallis Papers and again in the two works that are the focus of this review. The American Revolutionary War in the South: Re-evaluation from a British Perspective in the Light of The Cornwallis Papers is a slim volume consisting of eight essays, most of which have been previously published. Saberton's first essay, "Was the American Revolutionary War in the South Winnable by the British?," sets the stage for the rest and is, in essence, what the collection is about. On the subject of generalship, Saberton reserves his strongest criticism for Charles Cornwallis, which is to some degree ironic. The author notes in reference to General Henry Clinton, "wars are won, not by cautious, hesitant commanders, but by those who are prepared to take risks" (p. 13). Cornwallis was a risk-taker. In the southern campaign, he failed to achieve his objective and lost his army in the process. And of course, his reputation suffered for it, though his subsequent achievements in India and Ireland may vindicate him to some degree. Despite the outcome, Saberton argues, "Britain's grand strategy for reducing the southern colonies was at least in part sound," but it was undone by the planners' initial underestimate of the number of troops that would be required (p. 2). Fighting against a guerrilla movement complicated the British position [End Page 668] still further. As Saberton recognizes, the Patriots overwhelmingly won the propaganda war in the South. Tales of atrocities committed by British forces fed hatred of them and brought forth more volunteers for the partisans. Saberton asserts that the British move into Virginia should have been delayed; that in order to match the speed of the Americans, British infantry should have been converted to horse; that Cornwallis (whom he portrays as excessively lenient) should have, as a deterrent, followed Banastre Tarleton's lead by dealing more harshly with enemy forces and with disaffected elements generally; and that the British army in the South should have been consolidated, minimizing the use of detachments. If implemented, these initiatives, Saberton believes, would have made the war "winnable." His perspective is interesting, and military history thrives on such arguments, but, given the realities on the ground in 1780 and 1781, the most appropriate answer to the question of whether the British could have won the war in the southern theater is, almost certainly, no. They could have continued to occupy Charleston, South Carolina; Savannah, Georgia; and other strongholds, and Cornwallis's army might conceivably have been evacuated from Yorktown, Virginia—Saberton and other historians would add that it should not have been there to begin with—but in addition to the difficulties discussed by Saberton, there are two that he largely ignores, and both are material. First, there was the grand strategy of the government in Britain. By 1779 it had virtually given up on the American colonies, and, with France entering the war, it was focusing on home defense and on maintaining control of the British West Indies. While both Clinton and Cornwallis were begging for more troops, the government's...

Críticos y rebeldes en América del Sur. Prensa, redes de interacción y debate político en la formación de la opinión pública moderna en tiempos de la independencia (1810-1822)

In the context of the bicentennial of the Independences, this research aims to analyse the participation and interaction of public writers in the political debate and in the formation of modern public opinion through the speeches press politicians in Lima, Buenos Aires and Santiago de Chile from the May Revolution (1810) to the Protectorate of General Jose de San Martin in Peru (1821-1822). In this sense, these critics and rebels of the various spaces studied intervened in the experience of the revolution of the print and in the propaganda war unleashed in continental perspective seeking political legitimacy in times of revolution and Independence