Volunteer Force Research Articles

Table of Contents

Abstract Are Groups Worth It? Test Your Processes Website of Interest Personal Growth Learn to Keep Your New Year's Resolutions Improve Your Memory Try This Trick for Remembering Names Remember to Take Down Holiday Decorations Creative Recognition Idea Advice for Micromanagers Creative Recruitment How Far Would You Go to Enlist a Volunteer? Volunteer Segmentation How to Define ‘Episodic’ Volunteers Advice for Grant Seekers ‘No’ Doesn't Necessarily Mean ‘Never’ Forms You Can Use Form Helps Track Volunteer Retention Data Youth Volunteers Student Presentation Results in $25,000 Grant for Teen Volunteer Program Website of Interest Does Your Volunteer Force Reflect Your Community? Managing In‐Home Volunteers Thorough Preparation Ensures In‐home Success Volunteer Reflection Identify and Welcome Your Community's Newcomers Managing Volunteer Drivers Keep Your Volunteer Drivers Safe Meeting Volunteers' Needs Honor Your Volunteers' Psychological Contract ‘Bring a Friend to Volunteer’ Week Boosts Recruitment Don't Rely on Assumptions Icebreaker You Can Use Logbook Tracks Volunteers Utilizing Volunteer Groups Get the Most Out of Group Volunteer Projects Make the Most of Technology ‘Blog’ Can Be Useful Communication Tool for Nonprofits Volunteer Management Software Going Interactive Draws Volunteers Make Time for Reflection Don't Forget the Fourth ‘R’ of Volunteer Management Quick Recognition Idea Prevent Volunteer Burnout Meeting Tips Volunteer‐driven Events Audience Participation Results in Sellout New Year's Resolutions Recruit and Mentor Two Able‐bodied Volunteers This Year Time Management Three Tips for Avoiding Procrastination Coping Skills Dealing With Complainers

A War of Patrols: Canadian Army Operations in Korea (review)

Reviewed by: A War of Patrols: Canadian Army Operations in Korea William Allison A War of Patrols: Canadian Army Operations in Korea. William Johnston. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2003. Pp. xx, 426, illus. $45.00 The Korean War is finally receiving the scholarly attention it deserves, as historians reassess the so-called forgotten war and publishers capitalize on newfound interest in the conflict. So often it has been the American experience that has received the more intensive examination, with the 'other' United Nations participants, mainly Commonwealth and Turkish forces, providing the focus for an article here and a monograph there. Moreover, the Korean War frequently gets cursory treatment as an appendix to the early Cold War. Contextually, this has some merit, but even this is changing, as more historians are examining the conflict on its own merits at both the macro and micro levels. William Strueck's Rethinking the Korean War: A New Diplomatic and Strategic History (Princeton University Press, 2002) and William Earl Hamburger's Leadership in the Crucible: The Korean War Battles of Twin Tunnels and Chipyong-Ni (Texas A&M University Press, 2003) are respectively representative of the broad strategic focus versus the narrow tactical study. What has been missing from this recent scholarship, however, is a book that provides the singular combination of strategic context and tactical detail that dissects a national experience in this war to a degree that offers fresh interpretation and clear lessons in readable prose. William Johnston, a historian with the Directorate of History and Heritage at the Canadian Department of National Defence, has written just such a book. Despite its somewhat misleading title, which leads one to think the book is solely about Canadian small unit tactics, Johnston has produced a work of breadth and depth that describes the Canadian experience in Korea. Johnston skilfully and lucidly guides the reader in and out of deep mineshafts of detail while always maintaining a solid safety line to the broad, contextual surface. His purpose is to tell the Canadian experience in the Korean War and to correct what he sees as mistakes in previous interpretations of this experience. For Canada, the war was so different from its Second World War experience, yet veterans of that conflict had an invaluable impact on how Canada fought in Korea. Johnston's thesis is that there were three distinct periods of experience [End Page 805] for Canadian forces in Korea, each fashioned by the three commanders and the three forces sent to Korea. The main punch of this thesis is that leadership and tactical differences influenced this experience, and thus shaped Canada's role in Korea. The Canadian response to the North Korean invasion south of the 38th parallel was at first tentative, but a sense of obligation to the young United Nations and public opinion that demanded action on this obligation convinced Canada to send a brigade to Korea. The first brigade to go over was a volunteer force drawn from a large pool containing many veterans of the Second World War. Called the Canadian Army Special Force, 25th Brigade's 2nd battalions were commanded by the dynamic, courageous, and tactically insightful Brigadier John M. Rockingham. A very successful Second World War combat leader, Rockingham utilized officer and NCO experience to train Special Force for combat in Korea. Although they were considered by some historians as a mob of unruly and undisciplined adventurers, Johnston maintains that nothing could be farther from the truth. He suggests, rather, that Rockingham's unit may have been one of the best prepared forces Canada has ever sent into the field. Special Force was a highly trained, highly skilled unit that served well in the unique circumstances of Korea. Basically fighting a holding action, Rockingham used active and aggressive patrols to limit Chinese activity in the Canadian sector. Special Force knew the terrain, had good reconnaissance, and was thus able to effectively counter many Chinese raids and conduct equally effective raids on their own. The success of this tactic came in relatively low casualty rates, considering the numerous Chinese attacks thrown against them, and was in large part successful because of Rockingham's emphasis on training and experience, as well as the...

‘JUST FIGHTING TO SURVIVE’: LOYALIST PARAMILITARY POLITICS AND THE PROGRESSIVE UNIONIST PARTY

Throughout the contemporary period, Unionists and Loyalists in Northern Ireland have reacted in contradictory ways to the peace process. This article highlights some of the key political and social dynamics within loyalism. In particular, it considers the positioning of the paramilitary Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and their linked political representatives in the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP). The response of the PUP to the peace process has revealed several important tensions within unionism. These include the notions that Loyalists can no longer be assured that the UK government will maintain the Union; expressions of class and gendered identities; a lack of trust of mainstream unionism; and, sectarianism, which although it remains a key element within Loyalist identity, is by no means its only dimension. Finally, the article outlines the broader construction of Loyalist and Unionist ideologies, and positions the PUP within broader politics of contemporary unionism.

Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier

When it comes to war, I have been sheltered from the storm. Too young to have faced the draft, which was last used in the United States in 1973, I did not volunteer for the military. My father, by contrast, was conscripted into the US Army during World War II and saw action in Italy. His father was conscripted into the US Army during World War land saw action in France. My grandfather's outfit was gassed; my father dodged shells in the Tuscan hills. One of my father's cousins fought in the French Resistance; another survived Nazi concentration camps, airplane factories, and a death march, to be liberated by Patton's Third Army. In my generation, American cousins have served in the US military, foreign cousins served in the French and Israeli armies, and another American cousin was a civilian casualty of the war on terror: He died in New York City in the Twin Towers on 11 September 2001. As a student of military history, I knew well before 9/11 that I owed my freedom to the sacrifices of others. But the events of that day and the year and more since have underlined that lesson. As a student of the Classics, I also know that republican theory teaches that unless the citizens of a republic serve in their own defense, they risk losing their freedom. In the United States today, citizens of the republic do serve in their own defense. Yet only a small proportion of us do so, and a smaller proportion than in the generations that preceded us. Between 1940 and 1973, a large proportion of American males were conscripted to serve in the military. Since 1973, conscription has been replaced by recruitment of an all-volunteer force. A professional military of American men and, increasingly, women, defends the nation. On the whole, the move from conscription to volunteering is excellent news. No one is forced into service, nor is the nation burdened with an overly large military in an era when improvements in technology require ever less manpower in the armed forces. But there is a trade-off. The personal freedom that the average American gained from the end of the draft 30 years ago has unfortunately not been matched by an increase in either civic duty or sense of self-sacrifice. It is doubtful that the average person today is as knowledgeable about military realities as he was in the days of the draft, and that relative ignorance surely has something to do with the tensions in civil-military relations of recent years. Few of the politicians who have to make decisions about war and peace actually have the experience of military service. The politicians' relative ignorance is made worse by a generation-long trend in the American intellectual elite away from military studies. Furthermore, although the volunteer force is by and large representative of the American public in terms of race and class, it is lopsidedly conservative in politics and religion. All things considered, it would be better to have a more representative military. Yet, recognizing the reality of these problems does not mean advocating a return to conscription. In fact, we do not need to revive the draft. Conscripting young people means taking away their liberty, and the only justification for that is military emergency. Besides, the purpose of the American military is to defend the United States, and since the volunteer force fulfills that purpose, it would make no sense to change it. The current security crises facing the United States may indeed require a bigger military, but probably not so big as to require a draft. Yet, even if no increase in the number of soldiers proves necessary, there is a modest reform that we should consider: diversifying the number and range of civilians who do a term of service in the military. The reason has nothing to do with the patriotism or professionalism of the men and women in the military today. In fact, no one could serve their country better than they do. The target audience, rather, is those who do not currently serve in the military. …

Table of Contents

Abstract Build Leadership Skills Incrementally Techniques for Motivating Volunteers Reevaluate Your Mission, Reignite Passion Prioritize Measurement Types Tools For Evaluating Programs Do You Measure Outcomes In Advance or After the Fact? Make New Officers' Inductions Official Recruitment Technique Team‐building Exercises Work to Build Camaraderie Among Volunteers Nurture Those Who Can Manage Others What to Look For In Volunteer Leaders Sell Others On Volunteers' Value Symbolic Check Helps to Visualize Volunteers' Impact Preparing for Effective Meetings Worksheet Helps In Planning Meeting Agenda Writing Press Releases That Get Published Membership Retention Tips Four Reasons To Record Volunteer Time Turn Accomplishments Into Headlines Newsletter Column Shows Volunteer Work Conservancy Volunteers Have: Celebrate Your Volunteer Force ‘Wanted Poster’ Captures Volunteers Personalize Recognitions Discover What Motivates Your Volunteers Provide Volunteers With Needed Support Soothe Your Volunteers During Times of Crisis Expecting Too Much of One Person? Share Achievements With Your Volunteers Match Service Groups' Interests With Your Needs Volunteers Who Make Presentations Women's Shelter Gives Volunteer Speakers Needed Training Training Procedures Make Advanced Training Available For Top Volunteers Establishing Relationships With New Volunteers Form Helps Volunteers Understand Their Commitment Volunteers Not Showing Up? Touch Screen Allows Volunteers to Sign In, Out Do Something as a Family Managing Conflict Dealing With Disagreeable Colleagues Thanks, Giving Volunteers Managing Other Volunteers Five Essential Rules of Delegation

The Ulster Volunteer Force and the formation of the 36th (Ulster) Division

Traditional accounts of the establishment of the 36th (Ulster) Division in October 1914 suggest that this unit was formed purely from the pre-war U.V.F. Writing in 1922, Cyril Falls (himself an officer in both the U.V.F. and the 36th Division) declared: The Ulster Division was not created in a day. The roots from which it sprang went back into the troubled period before the war. Its life was a continuance of the life of an earlier legion, a legion of civilians banded together to protect themselves from the consequences of legislation which they believed would affect adversely their rights and privileges as citizens of the United Kingdom.Modern historians have echoed this view. Tom Johnstone, for example, has noted that ‘the battalions of the (36th) Division, based on the Ulster Volunteer Force (U.V.F.) order of battle, had been in existence since before the war’. Meanwhile Philip Orr has even suggested that the 36th Division was a ‘covenanting army’, all its members supposedly having signed the Ulster Covenant opposing home rule. In this article the validity of these claims will be considered, particularly with regard to the continuity in personnel and equipment between the U.V.F. and the 36th Division and the military efficiency that the formation had achieved by the time it arrived on the Western Front.

The proportion of veterans among homeless men: a decade later.

The purpose of this report is to evaluate the risk of homelessness among veterans as compared to non-veterans, and to ascertain whether the exceptionally high risk of homelessness among post-Vietnam era veterans first observed in 1987 was still evident one decade later. Data from the 1996 National Survey of Homeless Assistance Providers and Clients and the 1996 Current Population Survey were used to examine the risks of homelessness among veteran men as compared to non-veteran men, stratified by age and race. The present results show that the cohort of veterans aged 20-34 that was most at risk in the 1980s, although no longer the youngest, still has the highest risk for homelessness. In 1996, the youngest cohort of veterans is also over-represented, but not to the extent found among young men 10 years before. Veterans over the age of 55 showed no increased risk of homelessness as compared to non-veterans. The observed cohort effect, which demonstrates an especially high risk of homelessness among veterans of the immediate post-Vietnam era, even as they age, may reflect the continuing influence of the early problems in recruiting for the All Volunteer Force (AVF). In contrast to the national draft, which promised a fair representation of the entire population of draft-eligible young men, the AVF also had the potential to attract young men with fewer alternative opportunities.

Terrorism and Politics: The Case of Northern Ireland's Loyalist Paramilitaries

This article reviews the history of the various political parties associated with the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA): the two main loyalist or Protestant terrorist organizations in Northern Ireland. In the 1970s and 1980s, the UDA was more successful than the UVF in establishing a political presence, partly because it had the more distinct political philosophy and partly because its political leaders were able to distance themselves from the organization's terror campaign. However, since the ceasefires of 1994, fortunes have been reversed. The UVF's political party has been more successful; partly because it has managed to create the more distinct political position and partly because the new climate made close association with terrorism something of a political advantage.

The Record and Prospects of the All-Volunteer Military in the United States

From the onset of World War II until July 1973, the draft was a fact of life for male youth in the United States. Since then, America's armed forces have been staffed by volunteers. Recent recruiting difficulties have precipitated calls from some quarters for a return to conscription. This paper reviews the economic issues involved in the choice over conscription versus volunteerism and it reviews the volunteer force record in the U. S. Despite recent recruiting difficulties, the case for the volunteer force is more compelling today than it was in 1973.

Restoring Forest Ecosystems: The Human Dimension

Abstract Why should society restore forest ecosystems? What kinds of restorations are likely to succeed socially as well as ecologically? How do we maintain the volunteer force needed to implement and maintain restoration projects? Scholars are beginning to address these questions and finding that human dimensions are key to the successful implementation and maintenance of restoration projects. We recommend making clear the range of benefits resulting from restoration, negotiating ecologically sound and socially acceptable alternatives, and creating volunteer communities that sustain projects over the long run.

Women in the firing line: the home guard and the defence of gender boundaries in Britain in the second world war

The Home Guard is well known as a local volunteer force formed to protect Britain against invasion in 1940. Less familiar is the history of the gendering of the organisation. Although the boundary between male combatants and female non-combatants was put under pressure in the Second World War, women's presence in the Home Guard was resisted from within government and the military hierarchy. Participation in home defence would have required women to be armed, a step which the authorities were not prepared to take, in spite of the insistence upon it of women campaigners in and out of Parliament. This article explores the tensions within political discourse that arose as a result, and the eventual official compromise, as well as analysing representations of the gendering of home defence in popular entertainment during the War and since, and the implications of such constructions for the personal reminiscences of women Home Guards.

Women in the firing line: the home guard and the defence of gender boundaries in britain in the second world war

Abstract The Home Guard is well known as a local volunteer force formed to protect Britain against invasion in 1940. Less familiar is the history of the gendering of the organisation. Although the boundary between male combatants and female non-combatants was put under pressure in the Second World War, women's presence in the Home Guard was resisted from within government and the military hierarchy. Participation in home defence would have required women to be armed, a step which the authorities were not prepared to take, in spite of the insistence upon it of women campaigners in and out of Parliament. This article explores the tensions within political discourse that arose as a result, and the eventual official compromise, as well as analysing representations of the gendering of home defence in popular entertainment during the War and since, and the implications of such constructions for the personal reminiscences of women Home Guards.

Drink, Drugs, and Rock'n'Roll: Financing Loyalist Terrorism in Northern Ireland — Part Two

Though the main loyalist groups have now been observing cease-fires for nearly five years, the fund-raising activities of these organizations has continued unabated. Following from the previous article on this subject, this paper gives an account of the various fund-raising methods which are currently being used by the loyalists. Particular attention is focused on the controversial topic of drug dealing. Related to this topic, the article considers in detail the emergence in 1996 of the splinter group, the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF). The rise and subsequent fall of this faction provides a telling case study in the importance of understanding the fund-raising methods and policies of terrorist groups. The article concludes that the financial dimension to terrorism in Northern Ireland presents an as yet unrecognized and extremely serious obstale to lasting peace.

« Many Roads Forward » : Politics and Ideology within the Progressive Unionist Party

This paper will consider how sections of Ulster Unionism and Loyalism have responded to contemporary events in Northern Ireland. Recent political positions have been largely determined by reactions to the peace process and the search for a negotiated settlement. One of the more important outcomes of this has been the increased fragmentation within the politics and social relations of Unionism. Central to this has been the surfacing, from deep from within working-class Loyalism, of those openly challenging many of the values and structures of traditional Unionism. The core of this centres on those politics that have emerged from the loyalist paramilitaries. In particular this paper will discuss the development of the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) , the origins of which can be found in one of the largest loyalist paramilitary organisations, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF).

Patriotism or Pleasure? The Nineteenth Century Volunteer Force as a Vehicle for Rural Working-Class Male Sport

The growth in provision in sporting opportunities in nineteenth century Britain is a well documented topic, and there has been a parallel growth of interest in particular sports in a Scottish setting’. Such studies examine aspects of formal sports organisations in a variety of contexts and show the diversity of social arrangements which supported participation in sport. This paper examines the role of a national organisation, military rather than social in nature, to assess its contribution as a vehicle for the promotion of sport for rural working-class men in one specific Scottish setting. The nineteenth century Volunteer Force was set up with the aim of national defence, in the expectation that citizens would willingly do their patriotic duty: “I do make Oath that I will be faithful and do swear true Allegiance to Her Majesty, her heirs and Successors and that I will as in duty bound honestly and faithfully defend Her Majesty, her heirs and Successors in person, Crown and dignity against all enimies (sic) and will observe and obey all orders of Her Majesty, her heirs and Successors and of the Generals and Officers set over me. So help me God”2. Did membership serve a different purpose for the working-class men who unexpectedly became the mainstay of the force?

The Socioeconomic Benefits of Active Military Service to Reservists

This article compares the socioeconomic benefits of reservists with prior active military service (PS) and reservists with nonprior service (NPS). The economic theory of investment in human capital, the sociological concept of higher educational attainment, and the social psychological theory of the development of personality traits associated with PS are employed to develop a conceptual framework. The "bridging" argument of greater gains to nonwhite reservists is also tested for data for the All Volunteer Force era. Regression analysis of the Defense Manpower Data Center's Reserve Components Surveys ( n = 8,000) revealed that individual and family earnings of PS personnel were higher by 6.8% and 3.5%, respectively, compared to similar earnings of NPS reservists. The results also found some support for the bridging hypothesis in that nonwhite reservists had higher family earnings and higher home ownership relative to white reservists. Limitations of the article for generalizability of the results to all veterans relative to nonveterans are also discussed.

Mr. Polk's Army: The American Military Experience in the Mexican War

Drawing on numerous diaries, journals, and reminiscences, Richard Bruce Winders presents the daily life of soldiers at war; links the army to the society that produced it; shares his impressions of the soldiers he met along the way; and concludes that American participants in the Mexican War shared a common experience, no matter their rank or place of service. Taking a new military history approach, Mr. Polk's Army: The American Military Experience in the Mexican War examines the cultural, social, and political aspects of the regular and volunteer forces that made up the army of 1846-48, presents the organizational framework of the army, and introduces the different styles of leadership exhibited by Zachary Taylor and Winfield Scott.

In defense of the realm: Financing loyalist terrorism in Northern Ireland—part one: Extortion and blackmail

The revival of loyalist terrorism has been one of the most important developments in Northern Ireland in the 1990s. This article examines the recent fund‐raising activities of the two main loyalist paramilitary groups, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). The article focuses particularly on the financial importance of extortion and blackmail to the groups in the 1990s. It also explores how the loyalist paramilitaries have responded, as organizations, to the constant need for funds, a need that has continued unabated since both groups implemented cease‐fires in 1994. The paper concludes that because of internal arrangements, the loyalist groups are consistently risking the spread of corruption among their most senior members.

Ulster Volunteer Force Prisoners of War

Ulster Volunteer Force Prisoners of War

Is selfless service becoming a misplaced service ethic? Attitudes of officers serving in the South African National Defence Force

This paper strives to determine the attitude of SANDF officers towards various aspects of military service, including their motivations for joining the Defence Force, the features of a preferred job, commitment to altruistic values and need for a representative association. An analyses of the responses reveal that while many officers are still committed to institutional values, there is a growing tendency towards self-interest behaviour signifying a decline in the commitment to selfless service. This shift in value orientations of officers is ascribed to the recent decline in status and relevance of the armed forces in South African society, coupled to organisational change such as the shift to a volunteer force, the changing profile of recruits, the downsizing of the armed forces and the decline in tenure and service benefits. The conclusion is reached that the commitment of officers to the normative dimensions of military professionalism is coming under considerable stress during this period of transiti...