Voice Onset Time Research Articles

Cambios en el voice onset time en hablantes franceses de entre 40 y 80 años de edad

IntroductionThis study explores the ways in which ageing affects speech production. Older individuals present many changes in processes of motor control, as well as in the integrity of laryngeal and supralaryngeal muscles, which may affect speech production. However, few studies have addressed these capacities in the context of healthy ageing, especially in French-speaking people. MethodsThe study focused on voice onset time (VOT), a feature of speech that is particularly relevant in the study of the temporal and spatial coordination of laryngeal and supralaryngeal gestures. We recruited French-speaking individuals, who were grouped according to age, as follows: 40-49, 50-59, 60-69, and 70-79 years. They were asked to perform a pseudoword repetition task including the 6 voiced and voiceless occlusives that exist in the French language: /p, t, k, b, d, g/. ResultsWe observed a longer duration of pseudowords in participants older than 70 years (F[3,847] = 352; p = .02), probably due to slowing of speech movements. In the 70-79 years age group, further difficulties were detected with voice onset and maintenance during occlusion. This resulted in shorter VOT (delayed prevoicing) (F[3,848] = 5.23; p = .001), as well as incomplete voicing (interruption of voicing before opening) of voiced occlusives at the beginning of /b, d, g/ words (F[3,422] = 3.01; p = .03); this, in turn, led to a reduction in the difference in VOT between voiced and voiceless sounds. DiscussionOur results indicate difficulties in the coordination of articulator movements, suggesting an age-related decline in the motor control of speech.

SAYA UJAR / t /, /ت/, dan / ṭ / SECARA AKUSTIKNYA BERB

Experimental phonetics is one of the branches of general phonetics and this discipline studies phonetics using experimental approach. Research in experimental phonetics is conducted to enhance the physical features of language sound and identifying any phonetical similarities or differences between two languages. Previous studies have shown that common issues in speech are related to language transfer and interference in second language pronunciation. This error can be referred to a theory by Lado (1957) that states that foreign sounding phonemes can create difficulties among speakers influenced by their mother tongues. Meanwhile, it was found that for phonemes sounding similar to those in Bahasa Melayu (Malay), speakers do not exhibit any difficulty in articulating the sounds. This study aims to analyze the acoustic features of plosive sounds for the Malay and Arabic languages, targeted to highlight any similar or different sound between Malay and Arabic via experimental phonetics approach. Speech analyses on subjects were completed entirely at the UKM phonetics lab of the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities. The part selected as token of the studies was analyzed using the PRAAT software. Spectrographic analysis specific for the first syllable is involved with measuring Voice Onset Time. This study has highlighted several important matters pertaining to the acoustics features of the Malay and Arabic languages. The findings of this study have highlighted the Long Lag and pharyngealization phenomena in the Arabic language speech, which was found to be different as compared to the Malay language that generally features Short Voicing Lag and Voicing lead. The findings have confirmed that there is an influence of L1 in L2 speeches.

Context effects on the acoustic realization of stops and affricates in Northern Pwo Karen

Studies have shown that the voice onset time (VOT) of alveolo-palatal affricates is the longest, followed by velars, dental/alveolars, and bilabials. In a reciprocal pattern, closure duration is the longest for bilabials, followed by dental/alveolars, and then velars. Longer VOT is also associated with high and front vowels and tones with rising components. Moreover, the VOT of voiceless unaspirated stops is reported to be longer and closure duration shorter in nasal words. Finally, the voiceless interval has been described as constant in some languages and inconstant in others. Given the evidence of previous research, this study investigates the effects of place, nasality, tone, and vowel quality on the VOT, closure duration, and voiceless interval of the voiced and voiceless obstruents of Northern Pwo Karen (N. Pwo), a language of Thailand. N. Pwo (ISO 639-3 pww) is a ‘true voicing’ language with a three-way distinction in stops, voiceless aspirated and unaspirated affricates, oral and nasal vowels, and six tones (four modal tones and two glottalized tones). In N. Pwo, the place effects on VOT and closure duration pattern reciprocally. Whereas, both VOT and the voiceless interval are longer before oral vowels compared to nasal vowels. VOT is longest before the mid tone, which has a slight rise, while it is the shortest before the falling-glottalized tone. This pattern is reversed for the closure duration of aspirates and voiced stops. Finally, VOT, closure duration, and the voiceless interval are the longest before high and front vowels.

The effects of length of residence (LOR) on voice onset time (VOT)

Changes in the first language (L1) sound system as a result of acquiring a second language (L2) (i.e., phonetic drift) have received considerable attention from a variety of speakers, settings, and environments. Less attention has been given to phonetic drift in adult speakers’ L2 learning as their length of residence in America (LOR) increases. This study examines the effects of LOR on voice onset time (VOT) in L1 Korean stops. Three different groups of Korean adult learners of L2 English were compared to assess how malleable their L1 representations are in terms of LOR and whether there is any relationship between L1 change and L2 acquisition. The results showed that the effect of LOR was linguistically unimportant in the production of Korean stops. However, VOT merger as evidence of sound change in Korean stops were robust in the speech production of most of the female speakers across the groups. The results suggest that L2 English may not be the primary cause of L1 sound change. For generalizability, further study is necessary to see whether other acoustic cues show a similar pattern.

How does focus-induced prominence modulate phonetic realizations for Korean word-medial stops?

Previous research has indicated that the patterns of phonetic modulations induced by prominence are not consistent across languages but are conditioned by sound systems specific to a given language. Most studies examining the prominence effects in Korean have been restricted to segments in word-initial and phrase-initial positions. The present study, thus, set out to explore the prominence effects for Korean stop consonants in word-medial intervocalic positions. A total of 16 speakers of Seoul Korean (8 males, 8 females) produced word-medial intervocalic lenis and aspirated stops with and without prominence. The prominence was induced by contrast focus on the phonation-type contrast, that is, lenis vs. aspirated stops. Our results showed that F0 of vowels following both lenis and aspirated stops became higher when the target stops received focus than when they did not, whereas voice onset time (VOT) and voicing during stop closure for both lenis and aspirated stops did not differ between the focus and no-focus conditions. The findings add to our understanding of diverse patterns of prominence-induced strengthening on the acoustic realizations of segments.

Phonetic correlates of laryngeal and place contrasts of Burushaski

Burushaski is an endangered language isolate spoken in Hunza, Nager, and Yasin valleys of Gilgit, Northern Pakistan. The present study investigates the acoustic correlates of Hunza Burushaski’s three-way stop laryngeal contrast (voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated, and voiced unaspirated) across five places of articulation (bilabial, dental, retroflex, palatal, and velar). A wide range of acoustic correlates were measured, including Voice Onset Time (VOT), fundamental frequency (f0), first four formants (F1, F2, F3, and F4), spectral moments of stop release bursts (spectral center of gravity, spectral standard deviation, spectral skewness, and spectral kurtosis), and spectral tilt (H1*–H2*, H1*–A1*, H1*–A2*, and H1*–A3*). The data were collected from four Burushaski speakers. The findings indicated that voiceless aspirated consonants exhibited longer Voice Onset Time and higher spectral tilt onsets than their voiceless unaspirated and voiced unaspirated counterparts. The fundamental frequency was raised in both voiceless series. Some acoustic measures (e.g., Voice Onset Time and fundamental frequency) were better indicators of the laryngeal contrasts while others (spectral moments) more reliably distinguished the place contrasts. The results of Linear Discriminant Analysis (LDA) showed that a combination of spectral tilt and Voice Onset Time are the best descriptors of the three laryngeal categories of Burushaski.

Cross-Gender Differences in English/French Bilingual Speakers: A Multiparametric Study.

The present study concerns speech productions of female and male English/French bilingual speakers in both reading and semi-spontaneous speech tasks. We investigated various acoustic parameters: average fundamental sound frequency (F0), F0 range, F0 variance (SD), vowel formants (F1, F2, and F3), voice onset time (VOT) and H1-H2 (intensity difference between the first and the second harmonic frequencies, used to measure phonation type) in both languages. Our results revealed a significant effect of gender and language on all parameters. Overall, average F0 was higher in French while F0 modulation was stronger in English. Regardless of language, female speakers exhibited higher F0 than male speakers. Moreover, the higher average F0 in French was larger in female speakers. On the other hand, the smaller F0 modulation in French was stronger in male speakers. The analysis of vowel formants showed that overall, female speakers exhibited higher values than males. However, we found a significant cross-gender difference on F2 of the back vowel [u:] in English, but not on the vowel [u] in French. VOT of voiceless stops was longer in Female speakers in both languages, with a greater difference in English. VOT contrast between voiceless stops and their voiced counterparts was also significantly longer in female speakers in both languages. The scope of this cross-gender difference was greater in English. H1-H2 was higher in female speakers in both languages, indicating a breathier phonation type. Furthermore, female speakers tended to exhibit smaller H1-H2 in French, while the opposite was true in males. This resulted in a smaller cross-gender difference in French for this parameter. All these data support the idea of language- and gender-specific vocal norms, to which bilingual speakers seem to adapt. This constitutes a further argument to give social factors, such as gender dynamics, more consideration in phonetic studies.

Categorical Auditory Working Memory in Crows.

SummaryThe ability to group sensory data into behaviorally meaningful classes and to maintain these perceptual categories active in working memory is key to intelligent behavior. Here, we show that carrion crows, highly vocal and cognitively advanced corvid songbirds, possess categorical auditory working memory. The crows were trained in a delayed match-to-category task that required them to flexibly match remembered sounds based on the upward or downward shift of the sounds' frequency modulation. After training, the crows instantaneously classified novel sounds into the correct auditory categories. The crows showed sharp category boundaries as a function of the relative frequency interval of the modulation. In addition, the crows generalized frequency-modulated sounds within a category and correctly classified novel sounds kept in working memory irrespective of other acoustic features of the sound. This suggests that crows can form and actively memorize auditory perceptual categories in the service of cognitive control of their goal-directed behaviors.

The Effect of Instructed Second Language Learning on the Acoustic Properties of First Language Speech

This paper reports on a comprehensive phonetic study of American classroom learners of Russian, investigating the influence of the second language (L2) on the first language (L1). Russian and English productions of 20 learners were compared to 18 English monolingual controls focusing on the acoustics of word-initial and word-final voicing. The results demonstrate that learners’ Russian was acoustically different from their English, with shorter voice onset times (VOTs) in [−voice] stops, longer prevoicing in [+voice] stops, more [−voice] stops with short lag VOTs and more [+voice] stops with prevoicing, indicating a degree of successful L2 pronunciation learning. Crucially, learners also demonstrated an L1 phonetic change compared to monolingual English speakers. Specifically, the VOT of learners’ initial English voiceless stops was shortened, indicating assimilation with Russian, while the frequency of prevoicing in learners’ English was decreased, indicating dissimilation with Russian. Word-final, the duration of preceding vowels, stop closures, frication, and voicing during consonantal constriction all demonstrated drift towards Russian norms of word-final voicing neutralization. The study confirms that L2-driven phonetic changes in L1 are possible even in L1-immersed classroom language learners, challenging the role of reduced L1 use and highlighting the plasticity of the L1 phonetic system.

Short-Term Sources of Cross-Linguistic Phonetic Influence: Examining the Role of Linguistic Environment

While previous research has shown that bilinguals are able to effectively maintain two sets of phonetic norms, these two phonetic systems experience varying degrees of cross-linguistic influence, driven by both long-term (e.g., proficiency, immersion) and short-term (e.g., bilingual language contexts, code-switching, sociolinguistic) factors. This study examines the potential for linguistic environment, or the language norms of the broader community in which an interaction takes place, to serve as a source of short-term cross-linguistic phonetic influence. To investigate the role of linguistic environment, late bilinguals (L1 English—L2 Spanish) produced Spanish utterances in two sessions that differed in their linguistic environments: an English-dominant linguistic environment (Indiana, USA) and a Spanish-dominant linguistic environment (Madrid, Spain). Productions were analyzed at the fine-grained acoustic level, through an acoustic analysis of voice onset time, as well as more holistically through native speaker global accent ratings. Results showed that linguistic environment did not significantly impact either measure of phonetic production, regardless of a speaker’s second language proficiency. These results, in conjunction with previous results on long- and short-term sources of phonetic influence, suggest a possible primacy of the immediate context of an interaction, rather than broader community norms, in determining language mode and cross-linguistic influence.

O desenvolvimento do padrão de Voice Onset Time das oclusivas surdas iniciais do inglês por aprendizes soteropolitanos: efeitos da instrução explícita

Neste trabalho, investigamos o efeito da instrução explícita de pronúncia no desenvolvimento do padrão de Voice Onset Times (VOT) das oclusivas surdas iniciais do inglês como língua não nativa por aprendizes soteropolitanos. O estudo contou com três coletas de dados, um pré-teste, um pós-teste imediato e um pós-teste postergado, de 16 aprendizes soteropolitanos, divididos em grupos controle e experimental, e com uma sessão de instrução sobre a produção das oclusivas surdas iniciais do inglês. Análises acústicas do VOT são reportadas. Os resultados revelaram que o grupo controle, que não recebeu instrução, não produziu o padrão de VOT esperado para o inglês em nenhuma das coletas. Por outro lado, no grupo experimental, que recebeu instrução explícita, pudemos notar um aumento considerável na duração das oclusivas da L2. Nossos dados revelam efeitos positivos da instrução explícita de pronúncia para o desenvolvimento do VOT da L2 e vão ao encontro de Sancier e Fowler (1997) e Autor 1 (2016), que afirmam que brasileiros são capazes de atingir produções estatisticamente próximas ao esperado para o inglês, ao menos no que concerne ao VOT.

Role of Regional Language Background and Speech Styles on the Production of Voice Onset Time (VOT) in English among Indonesian Multilinguals

This paper seeks to contribute to the nature of cross-linguistic transfer in the production of English Voice Onset Time (VOT) by adult multilingual speakers in Indonesia in view of how different regional home languages and speech settings shape the phonetic realizations. Three adult multilinguals participated in this pilot project. They are all learners of English as the third language (L3) at the Department of English of a state university in Malang, Indonesia who acquire different regional home languages – Javanese, Sundanese, and Madurese – as the first language (L1) and speak Indonesian as the second language (L2). The participants’ production of bilabial stop consonants of English /p/ and /b/ were elicited from two different speech settings; a careful speech via text readings (monologue and dialogue) and wordlist reading, and a spontaneous speech through natural conversation among participants. 21 tokens from each participant were then analyzed acoustically in Praat. The findings show that the bilingual speaker with L1 Sundanese consistently produced the shortest VOT values of both /p/ and /b/. The Javanese speaker produced the intermediate lag, whereas the Madurese speaker produced the longest aspiration interval. It is shown that the Sundanese language provides the strongest transfer effect, while Madurese gives the least effect. In light of cross-linguistic transfer, however, the overall VOT productions clearly put forth evidence of L1 phonological transfer. The production of non-native bilabial stop VOTs of English is largely due to the absence of this phonetic property in Javanese and Sundanese while Madurese shows marginal similarities. The findings also demonstrate that speech styles play only a marginal role in determining the production of VOTs that the VOTs of /p/ and /b/ in careful speech is found to be slightly longer than in the spontaneous settings. This study makes an original contribution to the area of phonological acquisition in adult speakers by giving attention to the understudied languages of Indonesia in order to more fully understand the interaction of different language systems in multilingual language acquisition and development.

The production of the English stop voicing contrast by Arab L2 speakers of English

The English voiceless stop /p/ and voiced stop /ɡ/ are absent in the consonant inventory of Arabic. This difference provides a fertile ground for empirical research in L2 speech learning among Arab L2 speakers of English. The current study, therefore, aims to explore the English stop voicing contrast as produced by Arab native speakers. Focusing on Voice Onset Time (VOT) as an acoustic parameter, the study seeks to examine the extent to which (1) Arab L2 speakers of English maintain the English stop voicing contrast for /p-b/ and /k-ɡ/, and (2) the L2 VOT continuum by Arab L2 speakers follows or deviates from the L1 VOT continuum in English. The acoustic phonetic experiment involved elicited materials of /p-b/ and /k-ɡ/ from four male native speakers of Arabic. The tokens were recorded in isolation (utterance-initial position) and in a carrier sentence (utterance-medial position). The data were then acoustically analysed following standard segmentation, annotation and measurement criteria. Results reveal that the Arab L2 speakers can, to a large extent, maintain the English stop voicing contrast across all places of articulation, with voiced stops usually being produced with “normal” negative VOT (prevoicing) and voiceless stops usually being produced with “normal” positive VOT and also accompanied with aspiration in the long-lag region. There are also exceptional cases of “abnormal” negative VOT (prevoicing) for voiceless stops and “abnormal” positive VOT (devoicing) for voiced stops, with an extremely larger number of devoiced tokens for voiced stops in comparison to prevoiced tokens for voiceless stops. The results accord well with the Speech Learning Model’s prediction that phonetically “new” sounds are relatively easier to learn than phonetically “similar” sounds. The conclusion is drawn that languages sharing the same sound contrast may exhibit different phonetic implementations in marking a phonological contrast.

Voice Onset Time in Patients Using Speech Prosthesis After Total Laryngectomy

Our study was carried out to investigate the presence of known differences in voice and articulation quality after total laryngectomy. Patients provided phonation with tracheoesophageal speech prosthesis. We recorded patients' voice onset time (VOT) values - an important parameter of acoustic analysis. The study included 18 patients with total laryngectomy who received valvular speech prosthesis via a primary or secondary tracheoesophageal fistula between 2009 and 2011 at the Istanbul Training and Research Hospital Otorhinolaryngology Clinic. Twenty healthy male volunteers were included as the control group. All subjects produced the /pa/, /ta/, /ka/ syllables three times, and the VOT values were determined by recording the voices on a computer. A total of 38 male patients, 18 of which were patients with total laryngectomy and tracheoesophageal speech prosthesis (aged between 46 and 75 years, mean: 59) and 20 controls (aged between 50 and 70 years, mean: 58), were included in the study. The age distribution of the groups did not differ statistically (P > 0.05). In the total laryngectomy and tracheoesophageal speech prosthesis group, the VOT mean values of the /ka/ syllable were significantly lower than the control group, whereas the /pa/ (P=0.848) and /ta/ VOT mean values (P=0.809) were similar between groups. This study shows that there is no significant difference in the articulation of voiceless plosives, except for the /ka/ sound, between patients using speech prostheses after total laryngectomy and controls. For standardization of these measured values and their use in clinical practice, it may be beneficial to support this study with studies that involve more patients and examine different indicators showing the quality and intelligibility of other voice characteristics.

Voice onset time in monolingual and code switching modes in Lebanese Arabic and English

The effect of speaking mode and language in speakers of Lebanese Arabic and English was examined. Voice onset time (VOT) was measured for voiced and voiceless stops in both languages, when speakers were in monolingual mode or code-switching mode. Nine speakers who were highly proficient in English, and used to code-switching, produced 534 tokens in an image-labelling experiment (Olson, 2013; Mayr et al., 2018). Research has found that speakers may produce the same sound differently depending on whether they are in monolingual or bilingual mode (e.g., Olson, 2013; Simonet, 2014; Amengual, 2018). Linear regressions found no significant difference in VOT between conditions (monolingual versus code-switching) or between languages (Arabic versus English). The only significant predictor of VOT was voicing of the stops. Average VOT for voiced and voiceless stops in monolingual Arabic: -59msec & 44msec, monolingual English: -55 ms and 48 ms, code-switched Arabic: -63 ms and 45 ms, and code-switched English: -56 ms and 47 ms. These results indicate voicing during the closure for voiced stops and some aspiration for voiceless stops, and show that speakers do not have separate stop categories for the two languages. Current research is examining monolingual Arabic speakers to determine whether the bilingual speakers have L2 transfer from English aspiration.

Random forest classification of Gitksan stops

Gitksan, an endangered Tsimshianic language, has contrastive plain and ejective stops at five places of articulation (Rigsby, 1986). These lenis ejectives, which tend to be creaky-voiced, have been previously described as “implosives” (Hoard, 1978). This study asked which acoustic properties can distinguish ejective stops from voiced plain stops in Gitksan. Isolated Gitksan words (n = 540) containing initial prevocalic stops were audio-recorded from two male elder first-language talkers. A Praat script extracted voice onset time (VOT) and center of gravity (CoG) of the burst from the initial stop. VoiceSauce (Shue et al., 2011) extracted voice quality measurements (difference in amplitude between five harmonic pairs, cepstral peak prominence, and harmonic-to-noise ratios across four frequency bands) and three formant transitions from the onset of the post-stop vowel. A random forest model (Breiman, 2001) was fitted with these 15 measures to determine their relative importance in predicting the stop types and their places of articulation. The results suggest that VOT is the primary and voice quality is the secondary cue to stop type, while CoG is the primary and formant transition is the secondary cue to place of articulation in Gitksan. Intertalker variation in voicing and glottalization affects the ranking of these cues.

Maximizing the effect of visual feedback for pronunciation instruction

Abstract Visual feedback, in which learners visually analyze acoustic speech characteristics, has been shown to significantly improve pronunciation, but extant research has varied widely with respect to the target feature, length of the intervention, and type of intervention. This study presents a comparative analysis of three methods of visual feedback for L2 segmental pronunciation instruction. These methods, all focused on training voice onset time for English-speaking learners of Spanish, differed in duration of instruction (i.e., short and long) and the nature of each intervention (i.e., phonemes presented simultaneously or sequentially). Results show that while all forms of visual feedback significantly improve L2 Spanish pronunciation, evidenced by a reduction in voice onset time, the greatest improvement was found following both longer treatments and a sequential approach. Theoretical and pedagogical implications are discussed.

Voicing contrasts in the stops of Indian English produced by Assamese speakers

Speakers of most American and British varieties of English contrast word-initial stops using aspiration, with long-lag Voice Onset Time (VOT) for /ptk/ and short-lag or lead voicing for /bdg/ (Docherty 1992, Chodroff & Wilson 2017, etc.). However, Indian English (IndE) speakers of Hindi and Telugu backgrounds living in the US produce a short-lag versus lead voicing contrast instead (Davis & Beckman 1983, Sirsa & Redford 2013). We recorded 10 L1 Assamese speakers residing in India reading English wordlists, all bilinguals who attended English-medium schools starting at age 4.3 (±1.3), young enough to acquire the target English of their community (Flege 1991). We are measuring the VOT of ten tokens each of /ptkbdg/ in word-initial position. Results thus far support the interpretation of the contrast in IndE as voicing not aspiration, as unaspirated voiceless stops versus pre-voiced stops. We also measure two expected consequences of using [voice] for the contrast: full voicing of sonorant consonants after voiceless obstruents in onset clusters and full (>75% of closure), rather than passive, intervocalic voicing. Though neither occurs in aspirating languages (Beckman et al. 2013), we find both in the IndE of Assamese speakers, suggesting IndE has developed a distinct contrast from AmE/BrE.

Prosodic structural and tonal contextual modulation of Voice Onset Time and consonant-induced fundamental frequency in the three-way laryngeal contrast in Thai

Prosodic structural and tonal contextual modulation of Voice Onset Time and consonant-induced fundamental frequency in the three-way laryngeal contrast in Thai

Transformation of a temporal speech cue to a spatial neural code in human auditory cortex.

In speech, listeners extract continuously-varying spectrotemporal cues from the acoustic signal to perceive discrete phonetic categories. Spectral cues are spatially encoded in the amplitude of responses in phonetically-tuned neural populations in auditory cortex. It remains unknown whether similar neurophysiological mechanisms encode temporal cues like voice-onset time (VOT), which distinguishes sounds like /b/ and/p/. We used direct brain recordings in humans to investigate the neural encoding of temporal speech cues with a VOT continuum from /ba/ to /pa/. We found that distinct neural populations respond preferentially to VOTs from one phonetic category, and are also sensitive to sub-phonetic VOT differences within a population's preferred category. In a simple neural network model, simulated populations tuned to detect either temporal gaps or coincidences between spectral cues captured encoding patterns observed in real neural data. These results demonstrate that a spatial/amplitude neural code underlies the cortical representation of both spectral and temporal speech cues.