Vigorous Protest Research Articles

Uncompromising Zionism in North Africa

ABSTRACT In July 1950, Moroccan Rabbi Yahya Ben Harosh wrote a letter to his students chastising those exposed to ultraOrthodox anti-Zionist influences for disparaging and denigrating Zionist leaders and the founders of the State of Israel. This article discusses the historical background to the letter, including the ideological foundation of the rabbi’s vigorous protest: from his position regarding the messianic concept to the religious affirmation of Zionism as a national-liberation movement. As such, Ben Harosh’s stimulating letter is not an isolated episode but a reflection of the longstanding religious and ideological antecedents of Zionism, dating back to the 16th century, which contained the main elements of the would-be Zionist endeavour. So much so that it is arguable that the 16th century set in motion a fundamental process worthy of being the departure point of Zionist historiography.

Rethinking Private-Public Partnership in the Health Care Sector: The Case of Municipal Hospital affiliation.

By the late 1950s, New York City's public hospital system-more extensive than any in the nation-was falling apart, with dilapidated buildings and personnel shortages. In response, Mayor Robert Wagner authorized an affiliation plan whereby the city paid private academic medical centers to oversee training programs, administrative tasks, and resource procurement. Affiliation sparked vigorous protest from critics, who saw it as both an incursion on the autonomy of community-oriented public hospitals and the steamrolling of private interests over public ones. In the wake of the New York City fiscal crisis of 1975, however, the viability of a purely public hospital system withered, given the new economic climate facing the city. In its place was a new institutional form: affiliation and the public-private provision of public health care.

Йемен: неизвестная революция и международный конфликт

The so-called Arab spring of 2011 did not pass by Yemen. As it became clear later on, it triggered a chain of events leading up to cardinal changes in the country’s destiny. It would be wrong, however, to call the 2011 turmoil a revolution since it failed to bring about a fundamental social and political transformation. This was achieved later, in 2014-2015, when a vigorous social protest was accompanied by an outburst of tribalism as the Shiite Houthi movement dared to challenge the long-standing domination of powerful traditional clans that used to be represented by President Salih who lost his position but kept trying to ensure a comeback. In a completely new and surprising configuration of forces Salih made an alliance with the Houthites who succeeded in quickly overrunning most of the country. These events, unlike the 2011 events, can be branded a genuine revolution. The situation was aggravated by the increased activity of “Al-Qaeda in the Arabian peninsula” and the separatist movement in the South. As the Houthites appeared to be winning, Saudi Arabia began a large scale military intervention aimed at preventing Yemen from becoming a Shia-dominated state and possibly an Iranian stooge. As a result of the Saudi air bombardment, contours of a serious international conflict have been shaping up. Acknowledgements. Research has been implemented in the framework of NRU HSE Program of Fundamental Studies in 2015 with support of Russian Scientifi c Foundation, Project № 14-18-03615.

Early Modern Migration from the Mid-Wales County of Radnorshire to Southeastern Pennsylvania, with Special Reference to Three Meredith Families

In 1971 the Honorable Thomas M. Rees of California observed that "very little has been written of what the Welsh have contributed in all walks of life to the shaping of American history." In 1979 historian David Galenson maintained that "the issue of the composition of America's early immigrants is an impor-tant one and will continue to receive considerable attention from historians who seek to understand the social and economic history of colonial America." However, Douglas Greenburg's examination of the historiography of the middle colonies revealed that Pennsylvania, which witnessed the immigration of many early modern Welsh Quaker migrants, has not attracted as much attention from researchers as has its neighboring states.

Greening aid?: understanding the environmental impact of development assistance

Every year, billions of dollars of environmental aid flow from the rich governments of the North to the poor governments of the South. Why do donors provide this aid? What do they seek to achieve? How effective is the aid given? And does it always go to the places of greatest environmental need? From the first Earth Summit in Stockholm in 1972 to the G8 Gleneagles meeting in 2005, the issue of the impact of aid on the global environment has been the subject of vigorous protest and debate. How much progress has there been in improving environmental protection and clean-up in the developing world? What explains the patterns of environmental aid spending and distribution - is it designed to address real problems, achieve geopolitical or commercial gains abroad, or buy political mileage at home? And what are the consequences for the estimated 4 million people that die each year from air pollution, unsafe drinking water, and lack of sanitation? All of these questions and many more are addressed in this groundbreaking text, which is based on the authors' work compiling the most comprehensive dataset of foreign aid ever assembled. By evaluating the likely environment impact of over 400,000 development projects by more than 50 donors to over 170 recipient nations between 1970 and 2001, Greening Aid represents a unique, state of the art picture of what is happening in foreign assistance, and its impact on the environment. Greening Aid explains major trends and shifts over the last three decades, ranks donors according to their performance, and offers case studies which compare and contrast donors and types of environmental aid. Available in OSO: http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/oso/public/content/economicsfinance/9780199213948/toc.html

“One of the Most Gifted Women of the Age”: Zenobia, Margaret Fuller, and de Staël'sCorinneinThe Blithedale Romance

Since its publication in 1852,The Blithedale Romancehas gained a measure of notoriety for its widely perceived use of Margaret Fuller as a model for the character of Zenobia. Contemporary admirers of the pioneering feminist, woman of letters, and social reformer were dismayed by Hawthorne's evident appropriation of Fuller's life in a romance obviously based on the Brook Farm community of the early 1840s in which Hawthorne participated and Fuller was a regular visitor. In his post-Civil War “Historic Notes of Life and Letters in New England,” for example, Emerson lodged a vigorous protest: “No friend who knew Margaret Fuller could recognize her rich and brilliant genius under the dismal mask which the public fancied was meant for her in that disagreeable story” (Lectures, 342). The potential insult to Fuller's memory inBlithedalewas compounded by overt injury when, three decades after the novel's publication, in an 1884 biography of his parents, Julian Hawthorne included a suppressed passage on Fuller from his father'sFrench and Italian Notebooks— an outspoken attack on Fuller as an intellectual humbug and fallen woman that conceivably threw a lurid light back on the portrait of Zenobia.

The Fancy Dance of Racializing Discourse

In the United States, the Euro-American practice of using stereotypical Native American imagery and dancing in association with athletic mascots continues despite vigorous protest. This suggests that American Indians occupy a different semiotic space than other U.S. minorities who are no longer subject to such explicit racializing representations. This article asks how and why non–Native Americans endow Indian mascots with significance. Analysis of the discursive formations associated with one such local practice—the dancing Indianmascot at the University of Illinois known as Chief Illiniwek—suggests that the dominant “race-making” population, who are themascot’s ardent supporters, create and passionately defend a “White public space” in which any contemporaryNativeAmerican presence is positioned as disorderly. This article seeks to advance the understanding of how racializing discourses create the cultural logic that stigmatizes and stereotypes (in this case) American Indian people.

From the Ashes of the Poet Kings: Exodus, Identity Formation, and the New Politics of Place in Mexico City's Industrial Suburbs, 1948–1975

This essay explores working-class political culture in Mexico City's burgeoning industrial suburbs and traces the emergence after 1968 of vigorous protest movements demanding union democratization and improved urban services. The first postwar generations of factory workers took on cosmopolitan identities and considered the suburbs an escape from the problems of the countryside and inner city. By the 1970s, however, unresponsive and corrupt union and municipal officials had made many workers feel like second-class citizens. Protest movements, while highly disparate, all sought more meaningful political participation and advocated ideas of equal opportunity and access, thus indicating that suburban laborers had begun to question a state that previous generations had viewed as sympathetic to the working class.

A Vigorous Protest.

A Vigorous Protest.

Mixing Protest and Accommodation: The Response of Oklahoma's Black Town Newspaper Editors to Race Relations, 1891–1918

Oklahoma's African-American frontier editors combined vigorous editorial protest and aspects of accommodationist policies when responding to civil rights issues. The editors' mixture of the two philosophies was based on the unique circumstances of African-American life in rural Oklahoma during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The state held out initial promise—which was quickly denied—that the region would be a safe haven and model of tolerance and civil liberties. Instead, editors had to struggle to overcome their political and social marginalization by a white-dominated reactionary state legislature. The editors' vigorous protest and judicious use of accommodation says volumes about their struggles to achieve middle-class status and town stability, while tacitly acknowledging their overall racial vulnerability

When Residents Speak Out

When Residents Speak Out

Exporting Environmentalism: U.S. Multinational Chemical Corporations in Brazil and Mexico. By Ronie Garcia-Johnson. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2000. 282p. $20.00.

As toxic pollutants and hazardous production emerged across the twentieth century, first-world states came to play a guardian role, imposing constraints on capital to safeguard their workers, communities, and environments. As we enter the new century, vigorous protest and debate over the character and conditions of neoliberal globalization center on whether or how to reaffirm or extend such protections in an era of free trade, capital mobility, privatization, and deregu- lation. From Rio to Seattle, Kyoto to Prague, controversy arises over where the locus of authority for codes of corpo- rate conduct might rest. Can states be redeemed as guardians and still avert a destructive "race to the bottom"? Can existing supranational bodies or regimes be charged with design and enforcement of global standards, or are new international institutions imperative? Dare we trust multina- tional corporations (MNCs) to police themselves? What is the proper role of advocacy networks and civic organiza- tions?

Australian Music and the Parallel Importation Dedate

Despite vigorous protest from the local recording industry and musicians, the Australian federal government passed the Copyright Amendment Bill (No. 2) 1997 into law in June 1998. The Bill is designed to remove the neo-oligopolistic practices of the multinational recording companies, and reduce the prices of compact discs for local consumers. The music industry believes that the Bill removes the value of artists' copyright as the primary means of income and as a mechanism in identifying and protecting intellectual property. This article analyses the benefits and costs of the recent copyright changes, and the effects of consumer reform for local producers. It is argued that the music industry provides a rich site of tension in regard to global cultural economies, where notions of consumer sovereignty do not complement broader ideologies of cultural citizenship and economic nationalism.

“In Our Nature”: The Kenotic Christology of Charles Chauncy

Charles Chauncy (1705–1787), for more than sixty years the pastor of the influential First (“Old Brick”) Church in Boston, was a leading participant in many of the greatest controversies of his century. Best known for his opposition both to Jonathan Edwards and to what he regarded as the emotional excesses of the Great Awakening, he is also well remembered for his vigorous protest against Anglican efforts to establish bishops in America. He became such an ardent champion of the colonists in their struggle for a free and independent nation that above all others he deserves the title “theologian of the American Revolution.”

Argument by Insult: A Reaction to Schneider's Letter

Albrecht Schneider's reply to Christensen (Ethnomusicology 22:476-479) touches vital interests of our entire membership and should not be allowed to pass without vigorous protest. There is no doubt that Mr. Schneider is entitled to publicly argue his defense against Christensen's review of the book Musikwissenschaft und Kulturkreislehre. Whether he is unconditionally entitled to do so in the pages of Ethnomusicology is very questionable; there are quite a few learned periodicals which, as a matter of principle, do not print refutations and other arguments of critical reviews if the letter writer is the reviewed author himself or his publisher. (Exceptions are occasionally made if the writer is a neutral third party who voices serious objections against the reviewer's findings). The reasons for such editorial policies are obvious: it may be a journal's only method to escape from a situation where for every page of critical reviewing two pages of angry argument are demanded by furious authors. The alternative of dispensing altogether with critical reviews is usually unacceptable to the readership. Furthermore the position is justified that any author submitting his work for critical review may have to put up with an unfavorable report. Ethnomusicology, so far, has generously kept its pages open to replies by dissatisfied authors, but it can continue this policy only if two conditions are meticulously met: The reviewers must be fully protected against abuse, and the Journal must be kept free of intentional insults and other offensive correspondence. Book reviewers are volunteers donating their services to the membership; they sacrifice their time first in studying the subject of the review, and then in fulfilling the thankless job of composing (and often several times recomposing) the review article, while not infrequently risking the penalty of unpopularity for work conscientiously done. If the book happens to be a mediocre or poor piece of scholarship and writing, the chances are that an honest review, even if formulated with considerable moderation, will make a deadly enemy of the criticized author. If, in the face of such risk and sacrifice, the journal does not always protect its reviewers against abuse, only fools and incompetent critics are likely to accept these demanding and often very unpleasant assignments. Such protection can only be provided if the Editors have the full authority and even mandate to insist on immaculate manners on the part of disgruntled authors. Most Editors will hate this function because it has some aspects of censorship. And some letter writers exploit this editorial reluctance to act as censors even for such limited purpose. One such case is Schneider's reply to Christensen as submitted to the Editor of Ethnomusicology. COLLOQUOY 503

Colombian Reactions to the Independence of Panama, 1903-1904

Although several Colombians of varying prominence had suggested the possibility of an imminent Isthmian revolt, it seems that the events of and immediately after November 3, 1903, took most of their countrymen by surprise. Certainly there is no evidence of significant prior planning for such a contingency. The achievement of Panamanian independence was followed, in turn, by a Colombian failure to establish a consistent and coherent policy designed either to regain the lost province or to implement terms by which the loss could be made more acceptable. This is not to say that Colombians, officially and unofficially, did nothing in response to the Panamanian separatist movement. Yet what is impressive is not what happened, but what did not happen: There was no sustained military movement against the Isthmus, no break in diplomatic relations with the United States, no serious reprisals against Americans and Isthmians, or their property, in Colombia, and no vigorous protest against the incumbent Colombian political leadership. Panama was apparently not a major issue even during the Presidential campaign and election of 1904. The lack of preparation alluded to above was surely a factor in determining this limited response, but it was a small factor and offers, at best, an incomplete explanation. In fact, the mildness of the Colombian reaction was the product of the unique interaction of domestic and international, contemporary and historical conditions which this article seeks to illuminate.

The Silver Republican Club of Los Angeles

Research Article| September 01 1943 The Silver Republican Club of Los Angeles Harold F. Taggart Harold F. Taggart Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar The Quarterly: Historical Society of Southern California (1943) 25 (3): 102–116. https://doi.org/10.2307/41169692 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Harold F. Taggart; The Silver Republican Club of Los Angeles. The Quarterly: Historical Society of Southern California 1 September 1943; 25 (3): 102–116. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/41169692 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentSouthern California Quarterly Search This content is only available via PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Where is Philosophy Going?

Some years ago Max Planck published a small book with the titleWhere is Science Going?in vigorous protest against the idea that the doctrine of relativity in general and the new quanta physics in particular mean that “the quest of the absolute becomes eliminated from scientific progress.” That it seems to be time to raise a similar question with regard to philosophy was suggested to me at a recent conference held at Farnham Castle on the relation between science and philosophy, at which the new school of logical positivism was strongly represented by some of the ablest of the younger men.

Freedom of the Air in the United States

On September 15, 1930, the State Board of Commerce and Navigation of New Jersey made a ruling that aircraft would not be permitted to land on any New Jersey waters above tidewater within the jurisdiction of the state. The application had been made for permission to operate a five passenger flying boat between Nolan's Point, Lake Hopatcong, a vacation resort, and New York City, and to set off a portion of the lake to make a landing place for the hydroairplane. It was stated that other inland waters in New Jersey were being used for a similar purpose, and the ground of the refusal was that aircraft flying from water constituted a menace to surface navigation. This ruling created considerable newspaper comment and aroused vigorous protest from persons interested in aviation, and by order of October 20, 1930, the ruling was limited to Lake Hopatcong.

CHIROPRACTORS AND INSURANCE COMPANIES

To the Editor: —I am attaching a pamphlet published by the Palmer School of Chiropractic, which lists some of the insurance companies alleged to have recognized chiropractic; among them is the Maryland Casualty Company. This is grossly false; the Maryland Casualty Company has never recognized chiropractic and never will, so long as the present medical organization exists. It is true that in some instances chiropractors' bills have been paid, where this has been compelled by law, but never, in a single instance, without vigorous protest. In the workmen's compensation department of this company, the services of a chiropractor are never recognized, and immediate steps are taken, as soon as information is received, to remove our injured employees from the hands of chiropractors to regular licensed physicians. In our personal injury, or accident and health department, we are not thus able to control our cases and frequently are compelled to accept