Foreign Policy Vector Research Articles

Transformation of the Political Discourse of the Ukrainian Elite in the Context of Competition between the Russian Federation and the West: 2004–2014

The article establishes the relationship between the interests of the Ukrainian establishment and the foreign policy vector of Kyiv. The author identified the main actors who determined the specifics of the transformation of the strategic course of Ukraine. On the one hand, the author revealed the critical problems of European integration and on the other hand, the improvement/ degradation of relations with the Russian Federation. The author evaluated the strategic doctrines used by the Ukrainian elite and analysed main changes in the approaches of the Ukrainian establishment. This article considers the reaction of Russian and Ukrainian political elites to the correction of the foreign policy imperatives of the Russian Federation and Ukraine, respectively. Also, the author, using the theory of the “heavy” and “light” fractions of Ukrainian political elites as an example, identifies specific features of the correlation between the replacement/renewal of key elite groups and the adaptation of the strategic vector, including a qualitative rethinking of the approaches inherent in the replaced establishment. On the other hand, the author compared between the declared positions/slogans and specific doctrines/concepts, initiated, for example, by individual actors of the political elite. The author analyses the main reasons for the soft dismantling of the so-called multi-vector diplomacy in favour of the Euro-Atlantic course. Also, in the article, concerning the realities of Ukraine, the influence of the political model of “shapeless pluralism” of hybrid regimes on the transformation of the foreign policy’ agenda.

The Modern Diasporal Policy of Turkey: Features and Technologies

nowadays, the role of the diaspora as an autonomous subject of international relations has grown significantly, and the diasporal policy has become a flexible tool for the foreign policy of many states of the world. The article discusses the history of the formation of the diasporal policy of the Republic of Turkey, its features and implementation technologies, as well as the key institutions responsible for the development of this foreign policy vector. The author characterizes Turkish diasporal politics as a theoretical phenomenon and gives his own definition of the term «diasporal politics». During the study, the author relied on such methods as the general historical method, the analytical method, document analysis method. The author concludes that the vector of the diaspora policy in the foreign policy activity of the Republic of Turkey is new and has its own distinctive features, and the active comprehensive measures undertaken by the Turkish government in this direction to date have already proved their effectiveness.

The Islamic Vector of Russia's Foreign Policy

The Islamic Vector of Russia's Foreign Policy

THE EVOLUTION OF BILATERAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS THE BOLIVARIAN REPUBLIC OF VENEZUELA IN THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY

In the early 21st century, the Latin American region was one of the essential vectors of Belarusian foreign policy. The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela was noted for being the first country of Latin America which established close ties with the Republic of Belarus. The purpose of the article is to study the dynamics of the bilateral relations between Belarus and Venezuela at the present time, to determine the peculiarities of the cooperation between the states, and to identify the factors which affect the interrelation between the countries. The theoretical and methodological base of the research includes the following methods: analysis, synthesis, chronological, predictive and event analysis, etc. The paper contains the analysis of the evolution of Belarusian-Venezuelan relations at the present time. In particular, the authors study the progress of the relations between the countries and preform the complex analysis of their trade and economic cooperation, indicate the key top-level meetings which had a substantial impact on the development of the partnership, examine the legislation which was the starting point for establishing collaboration and partnership. Moreover, the authors found that the top-priority directions of Belarusian-Venezuelan relations were energy industry, construction, and agriculture as well as science and technology. The article stresses that the years 2007 – 2012 were the pinnacle of the bilateral relations intensity, preceding the gradual decline and the factual freeze of a series of projects, which is attributed to the political situation in Venezuela. The active dialogue between the states was renewed only in January 2019, yet no transition to the active phase of the cooperation can be observed. The authors concluded that in the present circumstances of its foreign policy, Belarus considers Venezuela, as well as the rest of Latin American countries, as the states of so-called “far arc,” prioritizing the development of the ties with the Russian Federation within the framework of CIS and the Eurasian Economic Community. Furthermore, Belarus’s support for N. Maduro can cause complication and worsening of relations between the country if H. Guaido wins in the Venezuelan internal conflict. Therefore, it is highly improbable that any significant progress in the bilateral cooperation between the states will be made before the Venezuelan internal political crisis is resolved.

Community of Independent States as an Organization of Regional Security

The article analyzes the activities of the Commonwealth of Independent States as an organization of regional security. Despite the fact that after the collapse of the Soviet Union about 30 years have passed, the ruling elites of the New Independent States continue to search for their own vectors of foreign and defense policy. The author believes that in the pursuit of the many attributes of independence, these elites still have not defined clear boundaries for themselves where they can sacrifice national sovereignty for the benefit of their own development, but in close cooperation with their neighbors. The CIS, as an umbrella association of the post-Soviet republics, continues to be a platform for dialogue between the leaders of the new generation, not connected by the Soviet past. Their foreign policy is dominated by pragmatism and multivectorness. Therefore, the absence of a rigid managerial dominance in the Commonwealth is for them the key to the success of this regional format. It seems that this means that, using the CIS as a convenient and non-binding stage for communication, the participating states will continue to search for themselves the most profitable areas of cooperation, even if through trial and error. In such a context, the main areas of cooperation will remain the fight against terrorism and organized crime, as well as the use of Russian experience in reflecting new challenges and threats.

Azerbaijan-Iran relations: transformation of Azerbaijan's foreign policy during presidency of I. G. Aliyev

This article explores the questions related to the current relations between Azerbaijan and Iran, namely vectors of development and milestones over the period from 2000 to 2020. Analysis is conducted on the contradictory positions and most favorable spheres for cooperation. An attempt is made to answer the question, why the promising relations between Baku and Teheran transitioned into a moderately tense state, and what factors influenced this process. Special attention is given to the process of harmonization of relations between the countries at the time of coming to power of the President of Azerbaijan I. G. Aliyev. Based on the acquired results, the authors came to the conclusion that the relations between Azerbaijan and Iran have high potential, first and foremost due to cultural and historical commonality of the nations. At the same time, the conducted research demonstrates profound systemic contradictions that impede achieving potential in development of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Iran. Such contradictions may constitute a threat to the regional international relations and often involve other countries (USA, Israel, Turkey, Russia, and Armenia). The novelty this work consists in comprehensive analysis of key events in the history of modern Azerbaijan-Iran bilateral relations, as well as transformation of foreign policy vectors of the countries, namely in the conditions of coming to power of the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev.

Зовнішній державний борг України: тенденції та взаємозв’язок з економічним розвитком

У статті розглянуто проблеми забезпечення погашення зовнішніх зобов’язань державного сектору. Визначено основні чинники впливу на зовнішній державний борг та боргу на економіку країни. Проаналізовано динаміку та структуру державного боргу України. Досліджено взаємовплив і взаємозв’язок динаміки зовнішнього державного боргу та ВВП. Визначено ризики зростання рівня зовнішнього державного боргу.
 Метою статті є розгляд тенденцій формування зовнішніх боргових накопичень державного сектору економіки України та вивчення взаємозв’язку впливу величини зовнішнього державного боргу та ВВП.
 Наукова новизна. Обґрунтовано взаємовплив і залежність динаміки зовнішнього державного боргу та ВВП, що дало змогу виявити силу впливу та спрямованість взаємозв’язку між аналізованими показниками, а також тенденції їхньої динаміки, які дозволять розробляти вектори зовнішньої боргової політики з урахуванням економічного розвитку держави.
 Висновки. Для моніторингу, аналізу і контролю стану зовнішнього боргу, мінімізації пов’язаних із ним ризиків доцільно розробити відповідну систему показників і їх граничних значень, яка могла би своєчасно сигналізувати про наростання кризових явищ у вказаній сфері і необхідність прийняття відповідних заходів, спрямованих на усунення негативних тенденцій.
 Незважаючи на зазначені негативи, державний борг є основним джерелом покриття бюджетного дефіциту практично всіх країн. Єдине застереження в даному випадку – це розумні межі як дефіциту бюджету, так і запозичень, оскільки надмірна заборгованість означає, що борг країни перевищує очікувані можливості його погашення, а очікувані платежі з обслуговування боргу можуть все більшою мірою залежати від обсягу виробництва.

Republic of Croatia’s Membership in NATO

The article discusses the Euro-Atlantic vector of Croatian foreign policy, primarily the historical path of the state into NATO and the advantages of membership in this alliance. The Republic of Croatia in its history experienced a rather difficult period associated with the Croatian War for Independence, which began in 1991 after the state announced its withdrawal from the SFRY. Since then, one of the main goals of Croatian foreign policy has been joining the Euro-Atlantic structures, which was fulfiled in 2009, when Croatia became a full member of NATO. Based on the experience of the War for Independence, for the Republic of Croatia this membership is an important factor in ensuring the country’s security, and it can also help improve interstate relations in the Balkans and strengthen stability in the region. The work will also outline the operations and missions in which Croatia participates within the NATO framework and contributes to the successful implementation of Euro-Atlantic foreign policy.

ТУРЕЦКИЕ УЧЕБНЫЕ ЗАВЕДЕНИЯ В ИРАКСКОМ КУРДИСТАНЕ: ИСТОРИЯ И СОВРЕМЕННОЕ ПОЛОЖЕНИЕ (ШКОЛЫ ГЮЛЕНА И ФОНДА «МААРИФ»)

This article is devoted to the activity of Turkish educational institutions in Iraqi Kurdistan, which have been active in the region since the beginning of the 1990s. The article shows the importance of Turkish educational institutions in Kurdistan in promoting a positive image of Turkey and forming a pro-Turkish stratum among the local elite. Fethullah Gülen’s educational structures are present in all the provinces of Kurdistan; they are considered the most prestigious ones and are very popular among the local elite. The Gülen empire system came in full force in 2008 with Işık University (titled Tishk International University since 2018), which has become a centre of attraction not only for residents but also for part of the Kurds of Turkey who come to South Kurdistan to study. The conflict between R. T. Erdogan and the Gülen structures that broke out at the end of 2013 resulted in pressure from Turkey on the Kurdistan authorities to force the latter to close the Gülen institutions. However, the Kurdistan leadership rejected Turkey’s demands, claiming the significant contribution of Gülen schools to the development of the region. It was only after the so-called military coup attempt in Turkey on July 15–16, 2016, which Gülen was accused of organizing, that the Kurdistan authorities formally closed Hizmet educational institutions and transferred their management under the control of the Kurdistan authorities. The Turkish authorities, having failed to get the Kurdistan leadership to either close or hand over Gülen schools, in the autumn of 2018 began a fairly active expansion of the network of schools of the Maarif Foundation, established under Turkey’s Ministry of Education. As a result, the conflict between the Turkish authorities and the Gülen movement only led to the expansion of the Turkish schools’ network in this region, which is an important factor of the foreign policy vector of the authorities in this region.

The Foreign Policy of Interwar Lithuania in the Ukrainian and Ukrainian-Language Press (1917–1939)

The events that took place in Lithuania, both during the struggle for the revival of the Lithuanian state (1917–1918) and during the years of its sovereignty up to 1940, aroused the interest of the Ukrainian public. Both nations, Lithuania and Ukraine, went a similar way in implementing their national state projects. As the project of sovereign Ukraine failed, however, Lithuania became important, because it provided significant support to the Ukrainian liberation movement, and was perceived among nationalist Ukrainian elites as a historical and natural ally. The article shows how the priorities and vectors of Lithuanian foreign policy were covered by the Ukrainian press. The author discusses the period between the world wars. An integral part of the article is a list of publications in Ukrainian and Ukrainian-language periodicals devoted to these questions.

Socjalizm, świeckość, wolny rynek i hindutwa. Indyjska narracja o państwie i jego ideologii w perspektywie historycznej

The Republic of India, as probably the most culturally and religiously diverse country in the world, has built a very unique socio-political system which is based on cross-cultural compromises between various communities. The ideological foundations of secularism and socialist development were implemented by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. For almost half a century, they symbolised the identity of the state and constituted the essential elements of every official narrative by the Indian National Congress. Nehru was also the maker of India’s main foreign policy vectors, which were generally approved by subsequent governments. Although the ideology of socialist development was eventually replaced with a free market economy, the concept of secularism remained relevant in the public sphere. The author presents the gradual process of socio-economic transformation and describes the international context of building the image of the country in the 20th century. With the Bharatiya Janata Party coming to power in 2014, the old philosophy of Nehruvian secularism is gradually being undermined by the followers of Hindutva, Hindu fundamentalists. The author analyses the three-layered narratives constructed by the ruling coalition and widely promoted both at home and abroad. The third layer, being most radical, is directed against the Muslim community which is the biggest religious minority in India. The Hindutva ideology, although not always clearly postulated by the current government, may contribute to communal polarisations and the eruption of interfaith violence in the years to come.

Cultural Diplomacy as a Tool of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy: Institutional Dimension

The present paper considers the essential role of cultural diplomacy as a foreign policy vector and discusses its place among the tools of public diplomacy. The emphasis is placed on analysing the potential of cultural diplomacy in the Ukrainian foreign policy activities. In particular, the authors examine institutional aspects of promotion of the Ukrainian culture abroad; special attention is paid to the Ukrainian Institute, established in 2017 under the auspices of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. As for many years there was no comprehensive governmental approach to cultural diplomacy, private initiatives in the field emerged to fill the gap. Having received some support from the Foreign Affairs Ministry and Ukraine’s diplomatic missions, these entities became part of the state’s cultural diplomacy mechanisms.

Transformation Lebanon`s foreign policy vector 2011–2017 y.

The place and international position of Lebanon in the world political arena today is changing and transforming under the influence of globalization. Thus, this is not deprive, but changes the vector on the international arena and does not exclude the already acquired conservative character. Prime Minister Tamam Salam, who is the executive of the President of the Republic of Lebanon, is reforming and liberalizing the law and changing the vector of foreign policy. He doing this without leaving the traditions and religious views, also without rejecting the conservative nature of foreign and domestic policies. Although Lebanon is part of the League of Arab States, which is accused of non-democracies, it has a democratic regime for a long time. Balancing the policy of the Lebanese Republic between conservatism, traditionalism, democracy and liberalization makes Lebanon a great country for analysis, since it provides an opportunity to reflect the coexistence of democracy with the stereotyped vision of the “Islamic world”.

Romania’s Policy towards the Republic of Moldova at the present Stage

This article is devoted to the Romania’s policy towards Moldova which began to take shape soon after the dissolution of the Soviet Union of the USSR. The Moldovan vector of the Romanian foreign policy is based on the geopolitical “Great Romania” project, which implies the expansion of the borders of Romania, by uniting with neighboring Moldova. The article analyzes the main directions and features of the implementation of Romania’s foreign policy towards Moldova. The basic agreements concluded between countries are analyzed.The main factors influencing the formation and implementation of Romanian foreign policy are identified. The role of the influence of the external factor on the Romania’s policy towards Moldova is investigated. Romania’s participation in the EU and NATO has a significant impact on the Romanian vector of foreign policy towards Moldova. The distribution of power was investigated both in the country and in neighboring Moldova. The positions of the political elites of Romania and Moldova are analyzed.The characteristic features of the cultural identity of the peoples of both countries are investigated. An important direction in the policy of Romania in Moldova is the cultural and educational component. Its main goal is to expand the influence of Romania through the education of pro-Romanian-minded youth in Moldova, as well as through the formation of a positive image of Romania among various segments of the population, that supports its policies.

15 years of the Baltic States membership in EU: problems, perspectives and experience for Ukraine

The article highlights the key provisions of the study of the results ofBaltic Statesmembership in the European Union. Analyzing the geopolitical dimension of European choice, the authors presented a brief discourse of the challenges that arose during the restoration of independence ofLatvia,LithuaniaandEstonia. The factors of the European choice of these countries, which consisted of security, economic and social dimensions, were considered.The security factor of the European vector of politics was actualized in the desire of political elites to withdraw countries from the sphere of influence ofRussia. In the economic view, countries sought reorientation of economies to Western markets and incorporation into the architecture of trade relations of developed countries of the European Union.It is noted that thanks to the Euro-Atlantic foreign policy vector and the strict fulfillment of the membership criteria, the Baltic States received access to preferential lending, assistance programs to candidate countries and managed to form one of the most attractive investment climate inEastern Europe.Using key statistical indicators of the World Bank, Eurostat resource, analytical materials from leading audit company KPMG, key economic indicators are analyzed: GDP (in PPP) dynamics compared to other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, wages and retirement benefits. The consideration of economic gains from EU membership is complemented by an analysis of the structure of GDP and the study of the industry specification.The losses from the process of European integration, which consisted of: significant reduction of industrial production, unprofitability of agriculture, emigration of the population aged 25 to 35 years, were also identified.The attitude of residents to EU membership has been studied using the results of the annual surveys of the European service "Eurobarometer". It was found that in 2018, the positive attitude of residents ofLatvia,LithuaniaandEstoniadid not actually change compared to 2004. The charts available in the article also allow us to determine that the level of euroskepticism in the countries in question has not significantly changed compared to the first year of membership in the EU.The authors propose algorithms for taking Ukraine into account the experience of the Baltic States on the path to full membership.94(4)+ (442)63-6

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Soviet Intelligence and the Geopolitical and Internal Political Interests of the USSR: Documents of the Central Archive of the FSB of Russia about the Anschluss of Austria and the Munich Agreement 1938

Based on the unknown materials of the Central Archive of the FSB of Russia, article highlights the activities of Soviet intelligence and counterintelligence to ensure the geopolitical, the internal political interests of the USSR during the preparation and conclusion of the Munich agreement. The classification of documentary sources is given. Points of coincidence and divergence of national interests of the USSR and the main European powers are revealed. The characteristic of vectors of foreign policy of participants of events is given. A conclusion says about problems and achievements of the activities of the Soviet special services in 1938.

Formation and the current status of the foreign policy vector of United Arab Emirates

Formation and the current status of the foreign policy vector of United Arab Emirates

Changes in the UK Foreign Policy Vector After the Referendum

Changes in the UK Foreign Policy Vector After the Referendum

Changes in the UK Foreign Policy Vector After the Referendum

Changes in the UK Foreign Policy Vector After the Referendum