Use Of Primary Sources Research Articles

LEYES Y ESTADO, UNA MIRADA A LOS CONFLICTOS DE LA COLONIZACIÓN Y LA CONFIGURACIÓN JURÍDICA DE LA TIERRA EN COLOMBIA ENTRE 1870 Y 1930

El presente artículo surge como producto de la maestría en sociología en la que se estudió la configuración de la normativa agraria colombiana finalizando el siglo XIX y durante las dos primeras décadas del XX. Para desarrollar este documento se hizo uso de fuentes primarias del Archivo General de la Nación, sección baldíos, y del Archivo del Congreso, específicamente memorias de los ministros al Congreso de la República.Como eje central de discusión se considera que durante la transición del siglo XIX al XX, la población colombiana tuvo un crecimiento significativo que repercutió, entre otras, en la presión sobre las tierras ocupadas. Esta situación causó que muchas familias migraran hacia nuevas fronteras de colonización y llevaran consigo no solo las esperanzas de obtener un predio para trabajar, sino también los habitus con los que organizaban y legalizaban su propiedad.La colonización, la ambigüedad interpretativa de las leyes que regulaban la propiedad y la manera como se legalizaban las nuevas tierras conllevó a que los conflictos entre cultivadores, colonos y empresarios se exacerbaran, llegando en muchas ocasiones a enfrentamientos jurídicos y hasta físicos. Para finalizar la exposición se aborda la postura de los distintos ministerios sobre el asunto y se cierra con posibles ejes temáticos para seguir estudiando esta temática.

La sociedad porteña y sus conformaciones familiares. Fines del siglo XVIII y principios del XIX

Este trabajo pretende brindar ideas y algunos materiales, para elaborar una planificación completa de una clase destinada a estudiantes del tercer año (Escuela Secundaria). Respondiendo a los requisitos del Diseño Curricular se adopta la utilización de fuentes primarias del período tardo colonial del Río de la Plata, con el objetivo de impulsar una reflexión respecto de las formaciones familiares tanto en la Historia como en la actualidad. Se intenta con ello promover el reconocimiento y aceptación de las diversidades en una sociedad compleja.

The 2016 Police and Crime Commissioner elections

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to analyse the 2016 elections for Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) and to compare them with those that took place in 2012. It seeks to evaluate the background of the candidates who stood for office in 2016, the policies that they put forward, the results of the contests and the implications of the 2016 experience for future PCC elections.Design/methodology/approachThis paper is based around several key themes – the profile of candidates who stood for election, preparations conducted prior to the contests taking place, the election campaign and issues raised during the contests, the results and the profile of elected candidates. The paper is based upon documentary research, making particular use of primary source material.FindingsThe research establishes that affiliation to a political party became the main route for successful candidates in 2016 and that local issues related to low-level criminality will dominate the future policing agenda. It establishes that although turnout was higher than in 2012, it remains low and that further consideration needs to be devoted to initiatives to address this for future PCC election contests.Research limitations/implicationsThe research focusses on the 2016 elections and identifies a number of key issues that emerged during the campaign affecting the conduct of the contests which have a bearing on future PCC elections. It treats these elections as a bespoke topic and does not seek to place them within the broader context of the development of the office of PCC.Practical implicationsThe research suggests that in order to boost voter participation in future PCC election contests, PCCs need to consider further means to advertise the importance of the role they perform and that the government should play a larger financial role in funding publicity for these elections and consider changing the method of election.Social implicationsThe rationale for introducing PCCs was to empower the public in each police force area. However, issues that include the enhanced importance of political affiliation as a criteria for election in 2016 and the social unrepresentative nature of those who stood for election and those who secured election to this office in these contests coupled with shortcomings related to public awareness of both the role of PCCs and the timing of election contests threaten to undermine this objective.Originality/valueThe extensive use of primary source material ensures that the subject matter is original and its interpretation is informed by an academic perspective.

Kahvehane Sosyalleşmesi: Temalar, Problemler ve Yollar

The aim of this article is to discuss certain issues surrounding the Literature on Early Modern Coffeehouse Sociability. One issue that arises in this historiography is the need to go beyond the Habermasian paradigm in defining the early modern sociabilities. Second issue, which is closely connected to the first that has been argued here is the necessity of a Global perspective in dealing with early modern Coffeehouse without overlooking the cultural characteristics of the East and West. The third issue about the Coffeehouse sociability in the Early Modern World is the intellectual history dimension. Here in this article we argue that extra-institutional aspect of this kind of sociability should be taken into consideration. Last issue we deal with is the use of primary sources in dealing with the Coffeehouse. Examples and suggestions from previously unexamined sources and at times beyond coffee use, will be argued, might lead to a wider understanding of Early Modern Sociabilities

Welcome from the Editors

Welcome from the Editors

Quality assessment of structure and language elements of written responses given by seven Scandinavian drug information centres

PurposeThe aim of this study was to identify structure and language elements affecting the quality of responses from Scandinavian drug information centres (DICs).MethodsSix different fictitious drug-related queries were sent to each of seven Scandinavian DICs. The centres were blinded for which queries were part of the study. The responses were assessed qualitatively by six clinical pharmacologists (internal experts) and six general practitioners (GPs, external experts). In addition, linguistic aspects of the responses were evaluated by a plain language expert.ResultsThe quality of responses was generally judged as satisfactory to good. Presenting specific advice and conclusions were considered to improve the quality of the responses. However, small nuances in language formulations could affect the individual judgments of the experts, e.g. on whether or not advice was given. Some experts preferred the use of primary sources to the use of secondary and tertiary sources. Both internal and external experts criticised the use of abbreviations, professional terminology and study findings that was left unexplained. The plain language expert emphasised the importance of defining and explaining pharmacological terms to ensure that enquirers understand the response as intended. In addition, more use of active voice and less compressed text structure would be desirable.ConclusionsThis evaluation of responses to DIC queries may give some indications on how to improve written responses on drug-related queries with respect to language and text structure. Giving specific advice and precise conclusions and avoiding too compressed language and non-standard abbreviations may aid to reach this goal.

Comunicación y salud: la anorexia a través de la prensa

Health is a matter of public agenda and more and more information on health issues with true knowledge of the subject and correct use of primary sources is being required by specialist journalism,. This investigation analyses the treatment of information regarding Anorexia Nervosa in 3 Spanish newspapers ( El Pais, El Mundo, ABC ) over 5 years (2007-2012). The results provide interesting information concerning issues associated with that illness and the sources used to prepare the reports. The texts which appeared most often focused on famous people (31%), medical events/legality (26%) and work carried out for prevention or awareness (24%). The most requested sources were the most famous ones or those linked to famous people (35,7%), institutions/foundations (26,4%) and health staff (21,4%).

Political Exiles and Ministerial Migrants: Rethinking the Origins of Irish America

Political Exiles and Ministerial Migrants:Rethinking the Origins of Irish America Peter E. Gilmore (bio) David Brundage. Irish Nationalists in America: The Politics of Exile, 1798–1998. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016. viii + 288 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography, and index. $34.95. Rankin Sherling. The Invisible Irish: Finding Protestants in the Nineteenth-Century Migrations to America. Montreal: McGill–Queen's University Press, 2016. xv + 350 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography, and index. $34.95. The recent publication of two studies of distinctively different (and yet overlapping) movements of Irish immigrants is a useful reminder that the migration of some seven million people from Ireland to North America over the course of nearly four centuries was large enough and sufficiently meaningful for continued investigation. To understand this substantial population movement requires close study of the impact on both the home country and the receiving country, and of the transatlantic movement of ideas, values, and organizations. These books by David Brundage and Rankin Sherling not only equip us to understand these topics, but they also require us to reevaluate assumptions about migration and identity. David Brundage investigates Irish nationalism as mediated by immigration, developing Lord Acton's axiom that "exile is the nursery of nationalism." But he wisely cautions against static or stereotypical interpretations that privilege ideas of an essential Irish identity. Instead, he proposes that nationalism was "throughout its history an ongoing work of political imagination and discursive invention" (p. 4). Strategies for national independence were created—and implemented—through transatlantic networks arising from the experience of migration. Brundage analyzes nationalism from 1798 to 1998, delineating and explaining its sometimes parallel and usually hostile strands: physical-force republicanism and constitutional separatism. Most often the two waxed and waned in turn, affected by (and affecting) conditions in the United States and in Ireland. He also helpfully assesses nationalists' attitudes and actions with respect to gender, race, and class. [End Page 423] Irish Nationalism in America is not a study of migration as such. But to explain the politics of exile, Brundage builds successfully on a generation of scholarship—including, but by no means limited to, Kerby A. Miller's magisterial Emigrants and Exiles (1985) and other productions—to create a motion picture of migration and diaspora in construction. Brundage portrays embittered exiles longing for Ireland, joined with immigrants and their children in a nationalist project with sometimes-unforeseen impacts on original and host nations. Appropriately, Brundage begins his study with the turbulent 1790s and the emergence of a revolutionary republican nationalism. The central and emblematic figure in the opening chapter is Theobald Wolfe Tone, a founder and leader of the Society of United Irishmen. The Protestant romantic metamorphosed "from failed lawyer and aspiring Whig politician to dedicated propagandist for a nonsectarian Irish nationalism"—and then to determined republican separatist (p. 12). Like many other Irish radicals before and after the failed 1798 Rebellion, Tone sought refuge (albeit briefly) in the United States. Anticipating revolutionary nationalists of succeeding generations, Tone intensely disliked the reality of U.S. politics and life. "Tone's time in America, marked by a deep sense of displacement and longing," writes Brundage, "intensified his embrace of a specifically Irish national identity and of Irish nationalism. As an exile, he could never be at home" (p. 23). After five months, Tone re-crossed the Atlantic to France, eventually returning to Ireland and his death. From 1783 to 1819, when immigration from Ireland more than doubled that from England, Scotland, and Wales combined, exiled revolutionaries figured prominently among the nearly 200,000 Irish immigrants. The transatlantic movement of radicals significantly affected U.S. politics, as the United Irishmen and their sympathizers firmly aligned themselves with the Democratic-Republican Party. The Adams administration, predictably, sought to block the arrival of those Secretary of State William Pickering condemned as "United Irish Desperadoes." Here Brundage admirably expands on the work of David A. Wilson's United Irishmen, United States (1998), Michael Durey's Transatlantic Radicals and the Early Republic (1997), and Richard J. Twomey's Jacobins and Jeffersonians (1989), among others, making good use of primary sources to convey a sense of the extensive networks and political currents among the exiles. The early nineteenth...

Integrating Primary Sources, Artifacts, and Museum Visits into the Primary Years Programme Inquiry Curriculum in an International Baccalaureate Elementary Setting

Questions remain about inquiry instruction, while research confirms that using primary sources can aid students’ inquiry learning processes. This study questioned: “How do second grade teachers at an International Baccalaureate Organization/IBO language immersion setting incorporate inquiry methods in instructional practices?”; “How does training in the use of primary sources, artifacts, and museum visits shape second grade teachers’ instructional practice?” A Library of Congress Teaching with Primary Sources grant supported this university-school social studies partnership which accessed artifacts, primary sources, and a national archives and museum. Data sources in this mixed methods study were from the SAMPI Inquiry Observation Instrument, interviews, and observations in French and Spanish language settings. Analysis revealed teachers appropriating inquiry learning via museum/archives visits and using primary sources in a study of the content areas of history and geography of the French and Spanish Colonial fur trade era, leading to subsequent integration of primary sources and learning kits in the school network’s inquiry curriculum design process.

Writing social history of socialist Yugoslavia: the archival perspective

It was not until recently that we could talk about a noticeable trend in research focusing on the social components of the 45-year-long history of socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991). Possible research topics might include the history of social relations, structures, labor, workers’ self-management, industrialization, social stratification, class conflict, housing, mass culture and consumption. In socialist Yugoslavia most of these topics inspired ongoing debates, especially in the fields of sociology and philosophy. Historians participated briefly in those debates during the 1980s, but as the country disintegrated in the brutal conflicts of the 1990s, institutionalized humanities developed a negative stance toward the recent socialist past. In the new millennium, with the revival of social history and the constant state of crisis in the existing system, a new generation of historians began to explore Yugoslav socialist society. This paper argues that if this research movement is to be placed on solid ground through the use of primary sources, the first task for archivists should be to identify these sources. Based on an analysis of records applying social history methodology as a structural approach to the broad spectrum of human experience and social processes, it identifies several major categories of records relating to government, local self-government, judiciary, economic enterprises, political organizations and the trade unions and attempts to determine their current state. It concludes with general observations on some possible solutions for preserving relevant records as well as for the change in the appraisal strategies.

Los grupos de innovación educativa en la Enseñanza de la Historia en España: Análisis póstumo de los resultados de la aplicación del método por descubrimiento y estado de la cuestión de los aprendizajes por descubrimiento

La investigación se ha centrado en describir los principales grupos de innovación educativa en la enseñanza de la historia desde el año 1975 hasta la década de los años noventa, en especial de aquellos métodos que se basaban en el uso de fuentes primarias y en metodologías por descubrimiento. Una vez identificados, el trabajo pretende conocer mediante métodos cualitativos, la percepción y los recuerdos de un grupo de alumnos que, en este periodo desarrollaron esta metodología, con la finalidad de deducir la eficacia de estas metodologías.

Why You Can’t Teach United States History without American Indians

Why You Can’t Teach United States History without American Indians emerged from the symposium of the same name at the Newberry Library in May 2013. The authors, though mainly historians, represent an interdisciplinary group committed to getting American history college instructors to “recast their survey history classes” toward the centrality of American Indians to US history (1). The editors intend that the work will “offer college teachers a toolbox of articles to help them transform their approach” (2). To this end, the book’s three parts offer two main types of essays: historiographic critiques and informative pieces that offer topics for consideration in survey courses.Part 1, “U.S. History to 1877,” consists of two critiques and seven topical presentations. The two critical essays decry the absence of Native polities in maps historically and presently in textbooks—unless, that is, they depict the reservation period, thereby creating a “declension narrative” at odds with the agency of Native nations (22–23). Moreover, the preponderant absence of Indians in college textbooks leads to neglect of the story of contention for homeland and of dispossession that also should reveal Native survival and sovereignty. Textbook maps require revision highlighting “Indian presence and possession” to “be more accurate as well as a superior teaching tool” (71).The Indian-focused topical pieces in part 1 include three describing historical processes and four describing events. The process articles call for greater recognition of Indian history in the North Atlantic trade conducted in the sixteenth century, in the dislocation caused by the Doctrine of Discovery and Manifest Destiny, and in slavery both as slaves and as owners. The articles featuring events explain the importance of looking at Indians in Bacon’s Rebellion, the California gold rush, and the Civil War and at women playing roles in the American Revolution. These essays go beyond victimization and project Native agency.Part 2, “U.S. History since 1877,” possesses a greater balance of three critiques and four topical essays. The critiques explain that textbooks should add diplomacy and survivability to treatment of the western Indian wars. Also, textbooks would better present Native history by “positioning the American Indian self-determination movement in the era of civil rights” and by positioning the struggle for American Indian religious freedom alongside the “larger story of religious resurgence in America” (197, 227). Two of the topical considerations delve into the reading revolution in Native America and the use of primary sources to analyze Native participation in the New Deal. The other topical considerations cover the more general topics of Indian movement to cities and the impact on Indian Country of the power consumption that has fueled suburbanization.Part 3, “Reconceptualizing the Narrative,” comprises three critical essays. The concept of teaching American history with a colonialism theme pervades two of the articles. The first maintains that settler colonialism keeps Native Americans central to the narrative. The second explains the usefulness of a focus on imperialism and the indigenous response to it for viewing American history with a global comparative perspective. The third notes that typical surveys omit Native sovereignty as part of the federalism experience and calls for rectifying this omission to generate a more complete study.This book makes a definitive case for thorough treatment of American Indian history in the survey narrative. College instructors who already draw on this history will want to recommend the text to colleagues who do not. Secondary teachers also should find it relevant. The critiques prove useful both for framing instruction and for incorporating historiographic analysis in the classroom. The topical essays provide subjects for enriched study. Some essays are more compelling than others, but all warrant consideration with respect to teaching the survey. The very gathering of these essays under a clear title calling for inclusion of American Indians in survey courses bears historiographic significance. One of the book’s editors, Jean M. O’Brien, provides an apt conclusion: “The fundamental truth is that, of course, you can teach U.S. history without Indians—it happens all the time, [but] you shouldn’t teach U.S. history without Indians . . . if you want to get the story right” (115).

Only a pawn in their games? environmental (?) migration in Kiribati – past, present and future

The Pacific Island Countries and Territories (PICT) are exposed to the impacts of climate change. In extreme cases entire states may disappear. Kiribati is one of these countries. Within its own territory there are no ­places to where people could be safely resettled when their home islands become unsuitable for human habitation. Large-scale resettlement is nothing new to the people of Kiribati. In colonial times people from various islands were resettled. The Phoenix Island Settlement Scheme (PISS) is one of these efforts to allegedly bring people to safety. Making use of primary sources that have become available only recently the paper raises the question if there is anything to learn from PISS for present times, or if PISS has historical value only, as the ­United Kingdom’s last colonial expansion scheme. The paper asks about conflicting intentions of colonial authorities and assesses if and possibly why strategic political considerations resulted in a situation where humanitarian motivations retreated into the background leading to a sub-optimal preparation of the scheme, which then finally led to its failure. The paper comes to the conclusion that behind reportedly noble purposes there is a layer of colonial interests which lets settlers appear as objects in a larger colonial game.

A cross-cultural perspective on creative leadership and change management: a case study of the influence of Barack Obama's early years

Though his public life as the 44th president of the USA is well known, this article examines the early life of Barack Obama as a case study with implications for better understanding the influence of early multicultural experience on leadership and change management. Using a strengths-based positive psychology perspective, Obama's development will be explored through the use of primary sources such as his books (Obama, 2004, 2006), existing scholarly analysis of his childhood and youth (e.g., Gielen, 2013; Sharma, 2011; Sharma and Gielen, 2014), and information from various news media.

Military Thought in Early China by Christopher Rand

Reviewed by: Military Thought in Early China by Christopher Rand Mark Metcalf (bio) Christopher Rand. Military Thought in Early China. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2017. vii, 240 pp. Hardcover $85.00, isbn 978-1-4384-6517-3. Explaining the development of first millennium b.c.e. Chinese military thought on the basis of roles of the civil (文 wen) and the martial (武 wu) in governance is not a new approach. Many early China specialists, including Mark Edward Lewis, Lisa Raphals, Robin Yates, have clearly identified the importance of such a wen/wu tension in their writings.1 Where Military Thought in Early China differs from its predecessors, however, is in the way that it frames such a development in a manner that allows the reader to closely follow the development of military thought from the establishment of the Western Zhou through the divergence of ideas during the late Spring & Autumn and Warring States periods to the eventual consolidation of views during the Western Han. Initially written as a Ph.D. dissertation in 1977, after a 40-year career in government Christopher Rand revised his original work to incorporate new insights from research and discoveries during the intervening years. The result is impressive. The book is particularly noteworthy for its extensive use of primary sources to trace this development and the meticulous manner in which such references are documented and commented on in the endnotes. Each chapter also includes a very useful conclusion section that summarizes the key points discussed in the chapter and their significance in the development of early Chinese military thought. Rand's basic premise is that early Chinese views regarding social stability and political order have, at their core, the goal of answering "the Wen/Wu problem"; determining the appropriate roles for the civil and the martial. Presenting examples from the early Chinese literary corpus, he demonstrates the ubiquity of military thought in early Chinese texts and argues "Repeatedly one finds in pre-Qin writings the notion that war is a natural, evolving attribute of the human community, and that martial activity allowed, paradoxically, for the advancement of civilized life . . . the sages of Chinese [End Page 94] antiquity, according to tradition, did not exclude violence but rather stipulated it as an outlet for hostile feelings, much as those manifested by armed beasts. War was perceived as an impetus for positive change rather than a negative feature of social life." (pp. 5-6) Chapter 1, "The Emergence of the Wen/Wu Problem," begins with a discussion of the idealized role of wen and wu in government as evidenced by the actions of the eponymous Kings Wen and Wu in the establishment of the Western Zhou. The world was to be governed by the civil (wen) and the awe inspiring influence of a virtuous ruler was deemed sufficient, in most cases, to maintain order in the world. On the rare occasions when a state threated such order with inappropriate behavior, however, it was appropriate for and incumbent upon the ruler to use military force (wu) to return the world to its proper state. Rand meticulously analyzes several excerpts from early Chinese texts, particularly the Odes, to support this assertion. This peaceable state gradually, yet inexorably, unraveled over the next four centuries and with it the traditional roles of wen and wu. The first chapter concludes with the introduction of three "solutions" that were developed during the Warring States period in response to the "wen/wu problem." The first, militarism, "placed high value on martiality, as opposed to civility" (p. 22). Next, compartmentalization, which argued for "a clear separation between martial and civil" with "martial activity . . . subordinate to civility and . . . applied only in extremis" (p. 25). Finally, syncretism, which "attempted to refocus the wen/wu debate on the need for balance and reciprocality between martiality and civility" (pp. 26-27). Rand also identifies three perspectives, metaphysical, pragmatic, and ethical, which were used to implement the three solutions. These six terms are italicized throughout the text to highlight their significance as de facto technical terms; a very effective way of helping the reader to follow the individual threads of solutions or perspectives as they are woven throughout the narrative...

Where Is the China-Pakistan Relationship Heading—Strategic Partnership or Conditional Engagement?

Andrew Small's book The China-Pakistan Axis: Asia's New Geopolitics provides a fascinating account of Sino-Pakistani all-weather friendship, covering various facets of this relationship. This is a substantial contribution to existing debate on subject. Small very eloquently explains both countries' perceptions and understandings of each other and reveals complexities and conditionality of bilateral relationship. An additional strength of book lies in author's use of primary sources to substantiate his various arguments. Yet while book covers various aspects of China-Pakistan relations, in my view this can at best be characterized as strategic and instrumental in nature.The China-Pakistan partnership is one of long-standing relationships in region, one that continues to grow stronger in an era that is witnessing significant changes at regional and international levels. However, Beijing's approach and strategy to engagement with Islamabad has changed over years as China's economic and military influence continues to grow. Recently, ties have been further deepened by China's huge financial commitment to infrastructure development projects in Pakistan as part of new China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which is connected to Beijing's ambitious One Belt, One Road initiative. views Pakistan as an important neighbor with a geostrategic location, having landroute access to Persian Gulf and occupying an important position in Islamic world. Pakistan's key role in facilitating normalization of relations has also been acknowledged by Chinese leadership. Former Chinese president Hu Jintao's statement that China can give up gold but not its friendship with Pakistan1 and President Xi Jinping's statement that China and Pakistan are good neighbors, good friends, partners and brothers and that the friendship between two countries is deeply rooted and unbreakable2 are indicative of China's long-term commitment to Pakistan. This aspect of is well captured in The China-Pakistan Axis.The first chapter of book looks at India as a key factor in formation of China-Pakistan friendship during early years. Here, Small provides a comprehensive account of how developed between two countries over three crucial wars (the 1962 Sino-Indian War, 1965 Indo-Pakistani War, and 1971 Indo-Pakistani War). The book rightly argues thatChina and Pakistan have never been treaty allies and their armies come from such radically different traditions that two sides have often talked past each other on matters of strategy. But after Pakistan's devastating defeat (in 1971), helped country to develop a set of military capabilities to ensure that it would never face same fate again. (p. 3)To enhance Pakistan's military capabilities, fully backed and supported Pakistan's nuclear ambitions through close cooperation, making Pakistan only nuclear weapons country in Islamic world. The central motive was to neutralize India's nuclear weapons.The second chapter presents a fascinating narrative account of this nuclear cooperation. Small depicts China's role in helping Pakistan obtain nuclear weapons and nuclear-capable missiles by supplying not only technology but also necessary expertise and materials, including highly enriched uranium. Small correctly notes that if military lies at heart of China-Pakistan ties, nuclear weapons lie at heart of military relationship (p. 29). But most interesting dimension explained in book is what this actually has meant both for Pakistani military and for its Chinese counterpart. When Pakistani foreign minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto traveled to in 1965 to tell leaders there that India had built a plutonium plant and ask them to help Pakistan build a similar one, suggested that Pakistan get assistance from Canada. …

Revisiting the Rochdale Pioneers

The ‘Rochdale Pioneers’ are generally regarded as the originators of modern co-operation through their combination of ethical trading with the dividend on purchases. There are other contenders for this label, but the Toad Lane premises of the ‘Pioneers’ has become a centre for global co-operative pilgrimage, and the Pioneers have acquired their own foundation myths. This article revisits the origins of the Rochdale Pioneers, offering a critical assessment of the competing stories about their social, political, and religious composition, and making use of primary sources housed at the co-operative College in Manchester, together with the dedicated researches of amateur historians. It aims to provide the best possible approximation to the social composition, geographical antecedents, religious and ethical values, and political outlook of the earliest members of the Society, setting the ‘Rochdale Pioneers’ firmly in the context of their town and its economy, and of broader developments within the Lancashire ...

Bringing the Dark Past to Light: The Reception of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Europe

August 7, 2015 Harold Marcuse, Review for Holocaust and Genocide Studies of: Bringing the Dark Past to Light: The Reception of the Holocaust in Postcommunist Europe, edited by John-Paul Himka and Joanna Michlic (University of Nebraska Press, 2013), 778 pp., cloth $50. review: 2375 words This anthology collects twenty essays about the reception of the Holocaust in eastern Europe since 1989-90, arranged alphabetically from Albania to Ukraine. The editors of the volume contributed essays on two of the countries in this group, which they see as bracketing the range of post-communist engagement with the Holocaust (9). Michlic, who co-authored the essay on Poland, was then at Brandeis and is now a professor at the University of Bristol. She is perhaps best-known as co-editor of a documentation of the debates triggered by Jan Gross's 2001 book about the July10, 1941 massacre of Jewish Poles in Jedwabne. 1 In fact, she sees that debate as having made Poland the country where the second phase of restored memory has reached the most sophisticated level (9). Himka, now a professor emeritus at the University of Alberta, is a specialist in Ukrainian history. His assessment is that in Ukraine the first phase of restored memory still has the upper hand, with the second civic phase trying to establish itself in public discourse only with great difficulty. This two-phase model of Holocaust recollection is implicit throughout the collection, and is discussed in greater detail below. Assembling so many excellent essays is an astonishing achievement. The contributors were asked to follow a similar chapter structure: After an introduction describing the wartime situation with an emphasis on relations between Jews and the majority nation, and a brief overview of memories of the Holocaust under communism, seven post-1989 topics were to be covered: high politics and public debates, education and scholarship, culture (literature, cinema, music, theater), grassroots projects and sites, diaspora narratives, indigenous Jewish communities, and antisemitism and Holocaust negationism (meaning both denial and relativization). As one might expect given the broad range of events during the Holocaust, the various countries display a wide range of Holocaust retrospection (or lack thereof), and various authors draw from a similar diversity of sources to attempt to gauge that activity. These include sites, museums and research institutions, memorials and their inscriptions, conferences, scholarly publications, textbooks and curricular materials, speeches, polls, films, fiction, internet forums, newspaper comments, and more--basically anything that sheds light on public dealings with the past. Common to all essays, however, is the extensive use of primary sources and secondary literature in the native languages, Antony Polonsky and Joanna Michlic, eds., The Neighbors Respond: The Controversy over the Jedwabne Massacre in Poland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004).

Fontes primárias no ensino de física: considerações e exemplos de propostas

Primary sources are not anymore official documents which contain truth about the past”. They are conceived as culturally produced artifacts which reflect the intentions of the groups that originated them. They are essential to the interpretive work accomplished by historians and historians of science. In the educational context, the use of primary sources from that perspective has been taking place in History teaching. Students are often invited to a diachronic interpretation of documents. In contrast, the use of this kind of material is still rare in initiatives for advancing History and Philosophy of Science in Physics teaching. In addition, there are gaps regarding reflections on the didactic use of these sources in Physics classes according to a non-illustrative perspective. An investigative approach would match to historiographical assumptions and updated educational goals. Investigative dialogical activities, based on diachronic interpretation of documents can encourage curiosity and imagination of the students about the construction of scientific knowledge, evoking elements usually absent in textbooks. The present work addresses these points and discusses didactic possibilities of using sources related to the History of Vacuum and Air Pressure.

Emancipation, the Union Army, and the Reelection of Abraham Lincoln by Jonathan W. White (review)

Reviewed by: Emancipation, the Union Army, and the Reelection of Abraham Lincoln by Jonathan W. White Glenn David Brasher (bio) Emancipation, the Union Army, and the Reelection of Abraham Lincoln. By Jonathan W. White. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2014. Pp. 275. $39.95 cloth) Jonathan W. White impressively challenges works by James McPherson, Jennifer Weber, and especially Chandra Manning, insisting that although 78 percent of Union soldiers voted for Lincoln in 1864 it does not necessarily indicate overwhelming support for emancipation. White’s thesis is clear and concise, forcefully argued, [End Page 750] and lacks the annoying jargon that could have marred such a work. Yet he sometimes supports his argument with speculation and a debatable use of primary sources, tending to raise more questions than intended. White insists that military officials and the Lincoln administration suppressed anti-emancipation sentiment in the army. They did so with a combination of summary dismissals, public punishments, the withholding of promotions, and courts-martial designed to intimidate soldiers who openly opposed emancipation. Further, when officers resigned in protest of the Emancipation Proclamation, officials harshly punished them. White also argues that emancipation increased desertions and considerably limited reenlistments. Thus, by the election of 1864 soldiers who promoted Democratic or anti-Lincoln sentiments were largely gone or had been intimidated into acquiescence. Further, White maintains many of those who did remain either refused to vote or did so mainly against the Democratic peace platform rather than for Lincoln’s emancipation agenda. White builds his intriguing argument on impressively extensive research. His large array of soldier diaries, letters, and memoirs provide considerable (yet selective) support. The court-martial records are his most unique sources, but almost all of the cases he presents involved soldiers accused of making threats directed at Lincoln and/or of saying that they intended to either support or join the Confederate army. It seems evident that the army punished them for these sentiments more than for their anti-emancipation utterances. Further, before his discussion of the election itself, White’s anti-emancipation soldiers seem to have come slightly disproportionally from the western armies. The Lincoln administration insisted that emancipation was a military necessity, but because of their success in the field, western soldiers were probably less likely to believe that freeing the slaves was required to win the war (especially those of midwestern background). Admittedly, an analysis of the differences between the sentiments of the eastern and western armies might be a bit outside the scope of White’s work, but it may be time for scholars [End Page 751] to stop viewing the different Union armies as monolithic. The work raises other questions. Was there a significant drop in dismissals and courts-martial for “disloyalty” after the election, or did they continue unabated? The answer would seemingly either strengthen or weaken White’s argument. If soldiers were forced out of the army, is it not logical to assume that they would go home and become more vocally anti-Lincoln and would then still cast a Democratic vote? Chasing them from the ranks would not necessarily negate their vote, so one has to wonder if it were more likely that these efforts were mainly an attempt to stop soldiers from criticizing military authority (obviously something the military cannot tolerate) and to encourage unit cohesiveness. Yet White insists that these purges were meant to intimidate other soldiers into voting Republican, but here he has to rely heavily on anecdotal evidence and sometimes mere speculation. His argument that much of the Lincoln vote was more a reflection of anti–peace Democrat sentiment than of pro-emancipation sentiment is his most convincing, but the controversial elements of the book tend to overwhelm it. All this is not to say that White’s work is meritless. Quite the contrary, his provocative thesis and impressive research provides a powerful challenge to the orthodoxy that has emerged in regards to Lincoln’s reelection, and thus future works in the historiography will need to address it. Clearly, White’s anti-emancipationist soldiers were a significant presence in the Union army, and he has done much to cause scholars to view the 1864 soldier vote in a new...