US Troops Research Articles

Novel Strategies for Biodetection: Preliminary Application to Traumatic Brain Injury

ABSTRACTThe sensor team at the Los Alamos National Laboratory is an integrated multidisciplinary group that develops both core technologies as well as accessory tools for efficient biodetection. We have developed a waveguide-based optical biosensor for the efficient and ultra-sensitive, rapid detection of biological agents. We have previously demonstrated the use of this technology for the detection of biomarkers associated with many diseases. Herein, we present the preliminary data demonstrating the extension of this technology to the discovery and detection of Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI). TBI afflicts a significant percentage of US troops deployed in Iraq and Afghanistan, but is difficult to diagnose efficiently. Currently, only neuropsychological questionnaires are being used for the diagnosis of this condition, which can range from mild concussion to severe brain damage. The ultimate goal of this project is to develop a rapid biomarker-based diagnostic for TBI in blood. However, this cannot be accomplished until a comprehensive repertoire of biomarkers secreted during brain injury is established. This requires an integrated biomarker discovery and detection approach that is sampled directly from human serum and cerebrospinal fluid.The results reported here are preliminary steps in that direction wherein we aim to develop two different methods for the discovery of novel biomarkers of TBI in blood and cerebrospinal fluid, as well as develop assays for two biomarkers on an ultra-sensitive waveguide-based platform that was developed at LANL. We were able to evaluate two different methods for biomarker discovery: Matrix-assisted laser desorption/ionization mass spectrometry (MALDI-MS) and two dimensional gel electrophoresis (2-DE) in serum samples. In addition to development of depletion protocols to remove abundant proteins in serum, we were also able to detect spiked TBI biomarkers using both methods. However, the results clearly show that for protein biomarkers, MALDI MS is much more sensitive than 2-DE. We also developed a sandwich immunoassay on a waveguide-based platform for a TBI biomarker, procalcitonin, using commercially available antibodies. We show with our methods that we were able to directly detect procalcitonin from human serum. While our discovery and detection methods show promising results, these methods need to be further optimized before we can apply it to clinically relevant samples.

Successful and Less Successful Interventions: Stabilizing Iraq and Afghanistan

The US troop surge and awakening movements are the two factors most often associated with the decrease of violence in Iraq after 2006. However, these policies, including a distinction between the Anbar Awakening and later Sons of Iraq (SOI) program, did not occur simultaneously. To date, it also has not been made clear whether the surge, Anbar Awakening, and/or SOI deserve credit as the intervention responsible for improving security conditions in Iraq. Hence, we compare the relative effects of these three interventions using Poisson autoregression models for interrupted time series to assess which policy reduced civilian and Coalition troop casualties in Iraq between 2004 and 2011. We find clear evidence that the non-Anbar SOI rather than the troop surge reduced casualty rates in Iraq, though this effect distinction has not been made salient in policy circles, where the conventional wisdom of a combined effect for the surge and awakening councils persists. Given this, the same kind of “surge and local militia allies” strategy held significant appeal for NATO strategists in Afghanistan. Yet for reasons we consider in the second portion of this article, a number of more challenging factors bedeviled counterinsurgency there.

A Call to Conscience: The Anti-Contra War Campaign

The study of transnational solidarity movements is a relatively new field of historical inquiry. Roger Peace’s recent book is an important contribution to this endeavor. A Call to Conscience examines the US government’s secret war against Nicaragua and the debates within the United States over this policy. This is one of the few works that explores at length the opposition to the Contra War that developed within the United States and the effects that this movement had and did not have. (Disclaimer: I was an active participant in the anti – Contra War movement.)Following the Vietnam War, there was little support within the American public for new US military interventions. When Ronald Reagan came into the presidency he saw the world through the lens of the Cold War. However, the so-called “Vietnam Syndrome” put a limitation on the possible use of overt military force. The answer to this problem was covert wars, the backing of proxy armies to fight our enemies. Thus, from Afghanistan to Angola, secret wars were fought with US money, equipment, and advice but without US troops. However, it was in Nicaragua where this policy was exposed and hotly debated by the American people.While Peace’s book focuses on the 1980s, it does give a short background to the development of US-Nicaraguan relations. Peace briefly describes the Sandinista-led revolution and the response of the US government to it. As he states, “Reluctant acceptance . . . by the Carter administration gave way to vehement rejection” (p. 19). The new Reagan administration was determined to defeat the Sandinistas and supported the formation of the counterrevolutionary armed forces, nicknamed the contras.The main body of the book discusses the development of what Peace defines as the “anti – Contra War campaign” (ACWC). As he notes, the movement was not unified within one organization but “emerged out of progressive U.S. sectors with connections to Latin America along with the post – Vietnam War peace movement” (p. 53). Various organizations, from progressive religious networks like the American Friends Service Committee to peace groups such as the Coalition for a New Foreign and Military Policy, joined with newer organizations like the National Network in Solidarity with the Nicaraguan People (Nicaragua Network) to form the component building blocks of the very decentralized ACWC.Peace gives a year-by-year description of both the Reagan administration contra policies and the ACWC responses. He examines all aspects of the campaign, from the demonstrations and lobbying efforts in Washington to local actions across the United States, from 1981 to the end of the war in 1990. Thus the ACWC is presented with all its strengths and weakness. While it is clear that the ACWC was able to limit some of the US activities against Nicaragua, it was never able to stop the war.Another important point analyzed by Peace is the distinction between those who opposed the Contra War and those who actively supported the Sandinistas. While some organizations and individuals represented a more traditional opposition to war and US military intervention abroad, other organizations, such as the Nicaragua Network and its committees, were active supporters of and had close contacts with the Sandinistas. The Sandinistas worked to develop these ties and encouraged US citizens to visit Nicaragua. Thousands went there to work, to live in the war zones as witnesses, or just to briefly experience revolutionary Nicaragua. Many of these individuals became important activists.However, these political differences meant the existence of many, many different organizations, both on the national and local levels. Across the country hundreds of groups and committees developed. Despite the differences between all these organizations, Peace argues that “the loose construction of the ACWC allowed these networks to coexist and work in the same direction” (p. 116).While he mainly focuses on national organizations and national campaigns, Peace also examines several local committees and campaigns. The move to look beyond Washington is essential in order to show the deep roots this movement was developing. Committees from Florida as well as cities such as Buffalo, New York, and Portland, Oregon, are just a few of the cases he discusses. This is one area of the book that I feel could have been expanded, since local grassroots organizing was the base of the ACWC.A Call to Conscience is not heavy on theory, but it is an excellent narrative on one of the major social movements of the 1980s. It is very well researched and relies on an abundance of sources, ranging from government documents to interviews with over 80 different individuals. All readers, from specialists to the general public, will find it is a very useful book. It is certainly worth consideration for use in any appropriate undergraduate course.

Transition in Afghanistan

Abstract: NATO has made progress constructing the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF), which have assumed the lead for most combat operations, resulting in declining NATO casualties. The ANSF's ability to suppress the Taliban insurgency, however, depends on NATO's training and equipping it sufficiently to replace the military intelligence, aviation support, logistics, and other enablers NATO now provides. The Afghan government also needs to improve its performance. Further progress is likely, but a renewal of the civil war that devastated Afghanistan in the 1990s remains a fearful possibility. ********** In June 2013, the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) assumed the lead combat role throughout Afghanistan against the tenacious Taliban insurgency. US combat forces in Afghanistan are scheduled to decrease to 32,000 by the end of the year. (1) After next year, the United States intends to have a smaller Enduring Presence force operating under NATO command and a separate focused counterterrorism mission. If the ANSF performs well in the next year with a declining US military presence, we could see a successful NATO-ANSF transfer. The risk remains uncomfortably high, however, that the Afghan government will eventually succumb to an onslaught of the intensely ideologically motivated Taliban fighters linked to al Qaeda Islamist extremists. Both groups enjoy sanctuary and support in neighboring countries. Still, the most likely scenario is renewed civil war among multiple armed factions such as Afghanistan experienced during the 1990s. Even a flawless ANSF-NATO handoff would not guarantee a benign end to the conflict. Many political, economic, diplomatic, and myriad other variables could affect the war's outcome. In his 2012 speech at Bagram Air Base, US President Barack Obama identified five lines of American effort regarding Afghanistan in coming years. In addition to strengthening the ANSF, these efforts included building a strong Afghan-American partnership; supporting an Afghan-led peace process; enhancing cooperation between Afghanistan and its region; and successfully implementing the 2014 security, economic, and political transition. The latter goal includes transitioning to an ANSF-led war, a private sector-led economy, and successfully holding free and fair elections next year. The Pentagon will have only a modest influence over many of these factors, as is often the case with recent civil conflicts involving the United States. The prospects for a peace agreement between the Afghan government and the Taliban have experienced several ups and downs. However, few expect a meaningful peace deal before most NATO combat troops leave Afghanistan. In their 31 May White House news conference, President Obama and visiting NATO Secretary General Anders Rasmussen did not even mention the possibility of a negotiated settlement to the war. Instead, they announced plans to hold a NATO summit in 2014 that would finalize details for Operation Resolute Support, the alliance's new post-2014 train, advise, and assist mission in Afghanistan. (2) Even so, perhaps the most serious problem preventing a peace agreement is the belief among Taliban leaders that, following the withdrawal of NATO, the ANSF will succumb to their more highly motivated fighters. The Challenging Transition to Afghan Lead Despite a decade of intense work and sacrifice, the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan has yet to secure its main objectives of empowering a legitimate post-Taliban government sufficiently to ensure security throughout the country and prevent Afghanistan from again becoming a terrorist safe haven. (3) The double military surge in Afghanistan--which saw two waves of tens of thousands of additional US and NATO troops enter the country following Obama's inauguration in 2009--helped blunt the Taliban resurgence and restore Afghan government control of the country's population centers, especially in the south. …

Putting our best boots forward: US military deployments and host-country crime

The deployment of military forces abroad has been a major component of the US’s grand strategy since the beginning of the Cold War. However, some scholars have argued that the presence of US military personnel abroad creates a series of negative externalities afflicting local communities. We put some of these claims to the test by looking at the effect of US military deployments on crime rates in the host-state. Using cross-national crime statistics from the United Nations and data on US troop deployments, we examine whether US military deployments are associated with higher levels of criminal activity across a large subset of crimes. In aggregate, the mere presence of troops does not increase the criminal activity in a state; however, there is a conditional effect when we account for a difference in culture between the host-state and the US; the presence of foreign deployed troops is associated with higher levels of property-related crimes in a country. Consequently, this paper contributes to a better understanding of the impact that US military deployments, and US foreign policy more broadly, have had on other countries, and also enhances our understanding of the micro-level factors that might affect relationships between alliance partners

Curbing Gun Violence

The tragic slaughter of innocents in Newtown, Connecticut, has horrified and refocused the nation on the burden of gun violence. Each year in the United States, more than 30 000 individuals are killed by guns1 (homicides, suicides, and unintentional fatalities)—85 deaths per day plus many hundreds of nonfatal injuries. Gun homicide alone causes 11 000 deaths each year, more than all US troops killed throughout the last decade in Iraq and Afghanistan. Remarkably, the 26 deaths in Newtown represent fewer gun homicides than the daily US average. The Newtown shooting has rekindled a national discussion about gun policy. Most proposals focus on gun ownership such as a ban on rapidly firing assault weapons, piercing bullets, and high-capacity ammunition clips; waiting periods for firearm purchases; and universal background checks for all gun sales and transfers. This focus on gun ownership has been controversial due to Second Amendment interpretations and regional, partisan, and personal preferences. Although such commonsense regulations on ownership warrant implementation, a broader public health perspective is imperative. Gun violence arises from sociocultural, educational, behavioral, and product safety issues that transcend gun ownership alone. Addressing this crisis will require a comprehensive, multidimensional strategy. Toward that end, much can be learned from prior public health successes in changing the prevalence, social norms, and cultures of harmful behaviors.2 These major achievements—in the realms of tobacco, unintentional poisoning, and motor vehicle safety—provide a set of evidence-based, successful tactics for immediate application to gun violence.... Language: en

Methamphetamine and Dave’s Story

This story and history are derived from multiple discussions with Dave Park that began when I was a psychiatrist at Turning Point’s Pathways out of Homelessness and Dave was the case manager for many of my patients; a good number of these patients had a current or past history of methamphetamine dependence. When we both left Turning Point, we continued our discussions and thought it might be worth having something in print including Dave’s first-hand eyewitness perspective of the history of methamphetamine use in California. I gave lists of questions and thoughts to Dave and I would then organize his written responses and integrate our research findings. Methamphetamine abuse first appeared in California in the early 1950’s, primarily among former military personnel who had been exposed to methamphetamine or Benzedrine during World War II. The German and Japanese military supplied troops with these drugs to increase aggressiveness and alertness, and Allied soldiers often encountered the stimulants with captured supplies. US and British troops used captured German methamphetamine in North Africa [Amphetamine at War Web Site]. US Air Force pilots used meth during the long-range bombing missions of World War II [Vermont Department of Health Website, 2013; Methamphetamine at War]. After these users returned to civilian life, some became involved in the early motorcycle clubs and gangs, and by the early 1960’s methamphetamine abuse was widespread within the biker community. At one time access to methamphetamine typically had been through physicians, who prescribed stimulants for allergy problems or for weight loss, or through unscrupulous physicians who wrote prescriptions in exchange for cash or favors. In the early 1960’s, bikers or their associates who were college chemistry majors or friends of chemistry majors began manufacturing methamphetamine, which led to the involvement of the motorcycle clubs in the manufacture and distribution of the drug. Although in the early 1960’s methamphetamine was used and abused mostly within the biker community, physicians increasingly prescribed it for women in the general population as an agent for weight loss. In this early period most illegal methamphetamine was pharmaceutical grade, produced from chemical formulas gleaned from the Merck Manual or from information bought from employees of pharmaceutical companies. Though some sellers (connections or dealers) claimed to be using “original German formulas,” buyers usually dismissed these claims as bragging to justify a higher asking price. Rumors of “original German formulas” persist to this day. In the mid-to-late 1960’s, soldiers began coming home from the

The Senior Visiting Surgeons program

Abstract : The use of civilian expertise to assist the military medical corps during times of conflict is not a new concept. Perhaps, one of the most noted examples was the service of Edward D. Churchill, MD, who volunteered to serve as the chief surgical consultant in the North African and Mediterranean theaters during World War II. A colonel in the US Army, Dr. Churchill followed his deployed surgical unit from Harvard Medical School into the war zone, making major contributions to the care of the wounded, most notably in advocating for the use of whole blood for resuscitation. In addition to Churchill and DeBakey, other surgical giants who contributed to combat care during World War II included Loyal Davis, Fred Rankin, Isidor Ravdin, Robert Zollinger, Ben Eiseman, and J. Englebert Dunphy (former chief of surgery at the University of California, San Francisco). For a more in-depth review of the contributions of Dr. Churchill and others, interested readers are referred to the excellent article authored by Cannon et al. The war that has engaged US troops for the past 10 years in Iraq and Afghanistan is unique in American history. This prolonged war has been fought with an all-volunteer military service, including the members of the medical corps. A portion of the surgeons in theater are recent residency graduates and thus relatively inexperienced in trauma surgery. Other deployed surgeons may be reservists in the Army, Navy, or Air Force Medical Corps who have been deployed multiple times from their private or academic practices. Modern technology has brought the war into our living rooms and onto our computer screens, giving civilians a unique look at battlefield injuries. These considerations as well as many others culminated in the development of the Senior Visiting Surgeons (SVS) program composed primarily of civilian trauma surgeons.

Sharing a SOFA with Iraq: Towards a Status of Forces Agreement

JURIST Guest Columnist Kevin Govern of Ave Maria School of Law,says that a viable Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) and Strategic Framework Agreement between the US and Iraq governing future US troop presence in the country requires a variety of institutional, legal and political obstacles to be overcome before the UN mandate for coalition forces in Iraq runs out.

Ending the War in Iraq: The Third Option

Since the war in Iraq began in 2003, public debate over the war has centered on two options: either increase the number of US troops to defeat the insurgency, or withdraw US forces to reduce US losses. Empirical research on civil war termination suggests that neither of these two options is likely to produce a favorable outcome for the US or the Iraqi government. That same research points to the third option – negotiated settlement – that has been the most frequent manner in which civil wars have terminated in the post-Cold War era. I analyze what existing research on civil war termination suggests about how the civil war in Iraq can be brought to an end. Military victory over the insurgents is unlikely, but withdrawal increases the risk of state failure. A negotiated settlement would require a credible third-party mediator to broker an agreement between the government, Sunni insurgents, and Shiite militias, thereby isolating foreign jihadists to spoiler status. Implementation of the settlement and the durability of the peace would be enhanced by multinational peacekeeping forces.

Američané se stáhli z Iráku a změnili vojenskou strategii

American military strategy was preparing long before the US troops left Iraq. The published document reacted to circumstances after the end of Iraq conflict and planning withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014. Pentagton's analysis underlined the fact that in the following years, US forces would not conduct wars similar to Afghanistan and Iraq. Defence secretary Leon Panetta told reporters that American forces were going to be smaller but more effective, innovative and technologically advanced. In spite of budget cuts, military expenditures were planned larger in volume then in the last year of G. W. Bush's presidential term.

The Effect of US Troop Deployment on Host States’ Foreign Policy

Major powers often deploy troops abroad with the consent of host states. The stated aim of these deployments is often both to protect the host state and to foster stability in the region. Drawing from an extension of Palmer and Morgan’s two-good theory of foreign policy, the authors explore some of the (perhaps unintended) effects of troop deployments abroad on the foreign policies of the host states. In particular, the authors focus on the effects of US deployments. The authors argue that as the number of US troops deployed to a host state increases, we should expect the host state to reduce its own troop levels, be more likely to initiate militarized interstate disputes, and be less likely to be the target of interstate disputes. The authors test these hypotheses using data on US troop deployments abroad from 1950 to 2005 and discuss implications that their findings may have for US foreign policy.

Dengue and US Military Operations from Spanish–American War through Today

Dengue is a major cause of illness among travelers and a threat to military troops operating in areas to which it is endemic. Before and during World War II, dengue frequently occurred in US military personnel in Asia and the South Pacific. From the 1960s into the 1990s, dengue often occurred in US troops in Vietnam, the Philippines, Somalia, and Haiti. We found attack rates as high as 80% and periods of convalescence up to 3-1/2 weeks beyond the acute illness. The increase in dengue throughout the world suggests that it will remain a problem for military personnel until an effective vaccine is licensed.

Royal Match: The Army-Navy Service Game, July 4, 1918

The scene in London stadium was as improbable as polo in Brooklyn: King of England and thousands of loyal subjects, cheering American soldiers and sailors batting horsehide around a diamond wedged onto a soccer field. Largely forgotten today, great Fourth of July baseball match of 1918 was most significant athletic event of First World War. Baseball had gained a foothold in England that year thanks to Anglo-American Baseball League (AABL). The original plan of thirty American businessmen in England was for a six-team circuit of civilian professionals playing in Great Britain and in army camps in France. Promoters even began recruiting players in United States. When this scheme proved impractical, AABL gradually morphed into an eight-team US-Canadian military league. Organizers hoped to continue as a major league following war. The AABL played primarily at sites in and near London, including Arsenal football (soccer) ground at Highbury and Chelsea football ground at Stamford Bridge, with a few games slated elsewhere in England and Scotland. Teams played on Saturdays and holidays from May 18 to August 24, with proceeds going to British war charities. The league constituted what Atlanta Constitution later called the crest of a baseball mania that followed American troops everywhere they went in Europe. (1) Various royals encouraged American national pastime in England. Princess Patricia, King's cousin and a patroness of Canadian troops, had known baseball while living in Canada. She attended an AABL game at Highbury on opening day and a nonleague exhibition game at Chelsea on Memorial Day. The Duke of Portland also supported sport. After throwing out first ball at a nonleague game in Nottingham, he commented, Now that we have seen great American game of baseball we appreciate its excellence. (2) The United States and Canada each contributed four teams to AABL. America had nines from US Army and US Navy headquarters in London, plus Hounslow and Northolt aviation fields outside city. Canada fielded squads from Epsom and Sunningdale convalescent hospitals and from two clerical units: Pay Office and Records. Newspapers applied various names to eight teams, but those used here were most common. The league boasted of considerable talent, especially among Americans. Rosters included former professionals from American, Pacific Coast, New York State, Southern, Western, and Illinois-Indiana-Iowa (3--I) leagues, among others, plus amateurs from semipro and collegiate teams. Many Canadian military teams and a few American civilian nines had been playing ball in England since early in war. AABL games now drew well among Allied troops and curious civilians. The sky-blue uniforms of convalescing British Tommies were especially noticeable amid crowds of khaki, navy blue, and mufti. Colorful posters on lampposts and walls all across London announced games. Ticket prices were as low as 8 pence (16 cents)--a fact noted in America. As AABL began its season, military situation on western front deteriorated. The United States had been at war only a little more than a year (compared with nearly four years for Great Britain). Half a million US troops were overseas by May 1918, including 15,000 air service men in England. These numbers were rising rapidly, but were not yet sufficient. Most American troops were still in training. Commanding General John J. Pershing stubbornly resisted pleas to integrate their regiments into French and British divisions. With Russia effectively out of war following October Revolution of 1917, Germany launched huge spring offensives in France. Pershing reported to Washington that situation was very grave. (3) The British Ministry of Information was responsible for disseminating what upbeat war news there was to America. …

Facilitators of War with China

The Military Lens: Doctrinal Difference and Deterrence Failure in Sino-American Relations. By Twomey Christopher. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010. 260 pp., $35.00 paperback (ISBN 978-0-8014-4914-7). In this important and engaging study, Twomey, a professor of national security affairs and a specialist in China–America relations at the Naval Postgraduate School, insightfully explores the proposition that clashes between governments with different understandings of how military victory is achieved are far more likely to escalate into war. His data lead to a careful and vivid analysis of failed deterrence in Korea in 1950 and of successful deterrence in Taiwan. The book is illuminating and riveting. This is excellent scholarship. Twomey's rich, documentary study is on communication and miscommunication, on why signals do or do not get through. Making use of broad and deep knowledge of military history and military doctrine, Twomey has many things to teach, although, as shown by his chapter on wars between Israel and Egypt in 1967 and 1973, his goal is to provide help to governments in general, advice that will make wars less likely, with an especial focus on Taiwan in China–America relations. This is an admirable book of policy analysis. Yet I am not persuaded by Twomey's hypothesis on failed deterrence. It overemphasizes the weight of military doctrine in decisions for war or peace and underestimates the importance of domestic political factors for the choices made by political leaders. The real keys are the political priorities of Mao Zedong and Harry S. Truman. Believing that America's march north of the 38th parallel forced China to militarily intervene in Korea, Twomey asks why US troops marched into the DPRK (North Korea) whose …

Endemic Disease in Afghanistan: How an Improved Biosecurity Framework Could Alleviate the Threat to U.S. Troops

As it is currently structured, Afghanistans biosecurity framework is weak and offers little to no protection to US troops against the threat of either infectious disease outbreaks or a biological weapons attack by terrorists. If fact, the only legitimate biosecurity practice of the Afghanistan government is to respond to outbreaks of infectious diseases. Such responses are debilitated by a devastated infrastructure, harsh and often times impassable landscape, and non-compliance by Afghan citizens.5 As such, US troops (and, indeed, Afghan citizens) are left susceptible to these endemic diseases to a degree beyond their own control. I believe an alternative biosecurity framework could be implemented that would alleviate this threat.6 Because Afghanistan remains a decentralized and tribal society, the crux of this proposal is that biosecurity measures are to be reallocated to the local, tribal level. I will further expound in greater detail on the reasons for this proposal in section four below.

Iraq faces uncertain future as US troops leave

Oil and Energy TrendsVolume 37, Issue 1 p. 3-6 Iraq faces uncertain future as US troops leave First published: 05 March 2012 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1744-7992.2012.00180.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume37, Issue1January 2012Pages 3-6 RelatedInformation

US Allies Respond

Japan, Australia, and South Korea, the three closest Asia-Pacific allies of the United States, have all reacted differently to the modernisation of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, depending on the immediate security situation that each faces. In Japan, which has been most directly affected by PLA Navy operations and other military capabilities, the response has been the most direct: increased investment in maritime and surveillance capabilities while also enhancing cooperation with the US and other like-minded partners in the region. For Canberra, the Chinese threat is still distant, but even down under, the reach and actions of the PLA are raising concerns, leading to plans for augmentation of military forces and a welcoming of permanently deployed US troops. Finally, in South Korea, the DPRK remains the primary threat, though China’s recent unflinching support for Pyongyang has led to discussions about whether or not that decades-old security calculus should be re-evaluated.

A Study on North Korea Military Evaluation During Carter Administration Decision Making towards the US Troops Withdrawal Policy - Focused on Evaluation Change of DoD and Military Authorities -

A Study on North Korea Military Evaluation During Carter Administration Decision Making towards the US Troops Withdrawal Policy - Focused on Evaluation Change of DoD and Military Authorities -

Explaining crude oil prices using fundamental measures

Oil is the world's most important commodity, and improving the understanding of drivers of its price is a longstanding research objective. This article analyses real oil prices during 1984–2007 using a monthly dataset of fundamental and market parameters that cover financial markets, global economic growth, demand and supply of oil, and geopolitical measures. The innovation is to incorporate proxies for speculative and terrorist activity and dummies for major industry events, and quantify price impacts of each. New findings are positive links between oil prices and speculative activity, bond yields, an interaction term incorporating OPEC market share and OECD import dependence, and the number of US troops and frequency of terrorist attacks in the Middle East. Shocks also prove significant with a $6–18 per barrel impact on price for several months.