US-Japan Alliance Research Articles

The “Abe Effect” in Northeast Asia: The Interplay of Security, Economy, and Identity

Asian Perspective 39 (2015), 357-359 The "Abe Effect" in Northeast Asia: The Interplay of Security, Economy, and Identity Yul Sohn In December 2012 Abe Shinzo returned to power after five years in the political wilderness. Since taking office he has solidified his political leadership by winning all successive elections, paving the way to becoming one ofthe longest tenured premiers in postwar Japan. His security and foreign policies have already changed the landscape of international relations in East Asia as Tokyo’s relations with Seoul and Beijing spiraled down to new lows for the post-Cold War era. Abe’s new security policy, under the slogan “Proactive Contribution to Peace,” helped bring the Japan-US alliance to an unprecedented level of closeness, clearly pitted against China. The Abe government is also poten­ tially challenging the China-centered new economic order by promoting the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade net­ work. Abe’s decision to enter the TPP talks became a game changer in the race for free trade agreements in Asia and the Pacific. All these changes motivate the authors in this special issue to restore agency to Japan as a catalytic actor in complex regional trends and provide a more balanced and complete picture of Northeast Asian international relations, which has been overly focused on US-China relations. Explanations these days of trans­ formations in the East Asian regional order mainly focus on themes such as China’s “peaceful rise,” the US “pivot to Asia,” Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s “new model of great power relations,” and China’s “new type of neighboring relations” with Asian coun­ tries. Sino-US relations are indisputably important, but US-China competition and cooperation are not the only independent vari­ ables in the East Asian regional order. With the reemergence of Prime Minister Abe, Japan’s presence and influence have been on 357 358 The "Abe Effect" in NortheastAsia the rise, and the articles in this special issue by Hiroshi Nakanishi and Takashi Terada focus on the Abe cabinet’s ideology, identity, and policies, while T. J. Pempel critically evaluates the Abe effect in the Japanese economy, domestic politics, and the region. Xiaoming Zhang offers a comprehensive overview of JapanChina relations after Abe’s comeback. John Delury provides a genealogical analysis of Korea-Japan relations, while I explore how Abe’s policy has influenced South Korea’s regional strategic posture. In explaining the Abe effect, we adopt a synthetic approach to the international relations of Northeast Asia. Considering that Japan’s military capabilities are basically unchanged, the realist theory of international relations, which posits that a shift in the balance of power between countries would threaten its security, fails to explain Japan’s challenge to regional harmony. Likewise, mainstream liberalist theory cannot account for the Abe effect, given that Japan’s economy remains highly integrated through trade, investment, and financial networks. However, when we also factor in a complex mixture of forces such as emotion, memory, and identity, the pieces of the puzzle start to come together. At a theoretical level, the project focuses on the positive or negative spillover effect caused by the intertwining of security, economics, and identity spheres (the security-economics-identity nexus) in the East Asian order. East Asia’s problem consists in the inability of these spheres to enter into a virtuous cycle. In other words, East Asian states have been unable to replicate the virtuous cycle of economics-security-identity in postwar Western coun­ tries, in which security competition was alleviated by economic prosperity arising from deepening interdependence that in turn drove the formation of regional collective identity. Although inter­ state security competition weakened after the end of the Cold War, state-centric nationalism led to competition in a different form. Strong nationalist sentiments promoted intensified security competition that blocked creation of a regional identity, despite deepening economic interdependence and active people-to-people exchanges. The very experience of Japanese colonialism or semicolonial­ ism during the “modernization” process left deep scars across Yul Sohn 359 Asia, and the politics of memory still profoundly influences Northeast Asian regional politics in a way that contributes to excessive securitization and hinders economic cooperation. In this way, the neofunctionalist...

중·일의 해군력 증강과정 분석과한국 해양안보에 대한 함의

With the end of the Cold War, the world as a whole is heading towards a new era of peace marked by the arms control. In contrast, the augmentation of military power is much of a pattern in Northeast Asia as have been shown by the naval power augmentation by the People``s Republic of China(PRC) and Japan. Significant factors of the such pattern are potential conflicts that may occur out of the PRC-Japan maritime disputes, the increasing awareness of continuing regional instability and uncertainties of security environment. The purpose of the thesis is to analyze the cases of naval power augmentation by PRC and Japan, and thereby to draw implications on the Republic of Korea(ROK) security by suggesting the direction of response strategies and building of forces which should be underscored. The result of the research are as follow. Firstly, the four primary factors of the naval power augmentation by PRC and Japan are the threats imposed on each nation; economic strength to make the building of forces possible; the will of the leaders; and strategies and policies. Secondly, the purpose their naval power augmentation is to secure maritime resources due to the depletion of land resources as well as to defend the sea line of communications. The primary assets required to meet this end would be ones operating in the ocean such as aircraft carriers, large ships or submarines. Thirdly, the naval power augmentation by PRC and Japan is accelerating the arms race in Northeast Asia and it seems neighboring countries will also augment their own naval power in light of the maritime disputes as has been seen in the recent disputes around the Senkaku Islands, also known as the Diaoyudao Islands in the PRC. The influence that may have on Korean security environment is the possibility of realization of territorial disputes such as the one between Ieodo Island and PRC, and between Dokdo Island and Japan. The implication on the Korean Peninsula is to face up to the naval power augmentation of the PRC and that of Japan despite the permanent presence of the USFJ under a firm US-Japan Alliance, and thereby build up naval power on a national dimension for the security of ROK

아베 정권의 우경화와 동북아 안보 향배－집단적 자위권 추진과 대응방향을 중심으로－

By actively propelling policies that would strengthen the ties between the United States and Japan by means of revising US-Japan policies, the Abe regime has recently increased its right for collective self-protection. By closely examining the trend in the US-Japan alliance and its future directions, the Republic of Korea (ROK) should prepare for upcoming changes. First, the ROK government should establish and develop its policies toward Japan under the presupposition that Japan is both “common nation” and “nation of great military power.” Second, attentively observing the possibility of a US-Japan alliance shifting its recognition of a threat from North Korea to China, the ROK government should strategically approach ROK-Japan and ROK-US-Japan cooperation. Third, the ROK government should analyze the competition over power in Northeast Asia between Japan and China based on alliances with the United States and its impact on the security of Korea is necessary. Fourth, even though disparate perceptions of historical events still exist between the ROK and Japan, as an effective measure toward issues such as North Korean nuclear missiles and the currently unstable security environment of Northeast Asia, there is a need for ROK government to make a prudent and yet positive approach toward reopening talks and resuming cooperation with Japan.

The Adjustment of Japan-US Alliance and the strategic Options for Chinese Foreign Policy

Abstract: Japan-USAllianceis the product of the Cold War Era. With the end of the Cold War, the further development of economic globalization, the enhancement of political multi-polarization trend, the role and nature of Japan-US Alliance in the international community, are gradually changing, and it brings out the trend of increasing strength. After the Cold War Era, the adjustment of Japan-US Alliance has posed significant challenges toChina's diplomatic strategy, and constituted a threat toChina's peaceful development. At the same time, the interests of Japan-US Alliance pointing to theTaiwanissue, it has seriously interfered inChina's sovereignty, and obstructedChina's peaceful reunification. Facing the challenges of Japan-US Alliance, China should establish trust, mutual benefit, equality and cooperation as the core of the new security concept in the diplomatic strategy, build more common interests with Japan and America, and strengthen the interdependence; China will correctly handle Taiwan issue, safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity, and implement the strategy of partners in order to promote the construction of China's diplomatic strategy; and what’s more, China should hold up stably a banner of peaceful development, enhance the comprehensive national strength, and establish a good international image.

Japan’s Shifting Military Priorities: Counterbalancing China’s Rise

This article analyzes the most recent phase of Japan’s security policy reform, focusing on its shifting priorities towards the Japan Self-Defense Forces and the Japan–US alliance since mid-2010. From a realist perspective, it argues that these shifting military priorities first and foremost represent a traditional counterbalancing response to China’s rise. Conforming to the logic inherent in balance of threat theory, it moreover argues that this balancing behavior is explained by a confluence of two primary factors, namely Japanese perceptions of aggressive Chinese behavior in the maritime domain and concerns relating to the changing distribution of capabilities in China’s favor.

Asian Alliances: Chinese and Japanese Experiences Compared

In this article I view Asian alliances as a product of universal security needs and culturally constructed variables. While the alliance remains one of the fundamentals of contemporary international politics, I attempt to show through comparative analysis of the Sino-Soviet alliance and the Japan-US security alliance how subtle differences of national developmental experience can significantly affect political outcomes in East Asia.

David Arase and Tsuneo Akaha (eds.) The US–Japan Alliance: Balancing Soft and Hard Power in East Asia

David Arase and Tsuneo Akaha (eds.) The US–Japan Alliance: Balancing Soft and Hard Power in East Asia

Underplaying the ‘Okinawa card’: how Japan negotiates its alliance with the United States

The US military bases in the Japanese prefecture of Okinawa have long been a source of domestic political opposition to the US–Japan alliance. As an alliance management issue, the ongoing troubles surrounding the bases raise questions as to when and why states adopt particular bargaining strategies when dealing with allies. Why, for instance, has the Japanese government not made greater use of this ‘Okinawa card’ when negotiating alliance issues with the USA? Even though highlighting particular domestic problems as a part of a negotiating strategy (known as tying hands) should appeal to a weaker ally such as Japan, this article argues that in the Okinawan case the reverse has been true. Japan has generally, though not always, sought to minimise or downplay domestic opposition to its alliance agreements, essentially preferring a cutting-slack to a tying-hands approach. The Japanese experience suggests that when states which are directly dependent on an alliance for their security see their security environment as unstable, they view tying-hands strategies as too likely to undermine their bargaining credibility. Maintaining credibility is important in an alliance bargaining context because it is a way for such states to signal their commitment to an alliance and so guard against abandonment.

Shigeru Yoshida’s Post-war Design, Revisited: The Idea of Demilitarization and the Reality of US-Japan Alliance

Shigeru Yoshida’s Post-war Design, Revisited: The Idea of Demilitarization and the Reality of US-Japan Alliance

The 2012 Diaoyu Islands Contretemps

The Diaoyu Islands issue had again stirred up diplomatic rows between China and Japan and has further cast a shadow over structural issues like US-Japan alliance and China's foreign and security policies. The 2012 rows were caused by Japan's nationalisation of the islands. Ensuing miscalculation further exacerbated the dispute which has entered a new stage that requires new perceptions, efficient measures and firmer political wills for conflict management and peaceful resolution.

Tokyo Trade-Offs

On becoming Japan's prime minister for the second time, Shinzo Abe has set himself the task of reviving Japan as a regional power, by repairing years of economic and political stagnation. However, his foreign-policy intentions vis-à-vis China, Japan's largest neighbour, are not yet clear. John Hemmings and Maiko Kuroki argue that Abe's first premiership in 2006–07 provides clues which suggest that he will seek rapprochement with China, while simultaneously developing strong regional ties and fortifying the USJapan alliance.

New Trends in the Development of the US-Japan Military and Political Relations

The article examines recent trends in the development of the US-Japan political and defense alliance, including the sphere of operational planning and coordination. A special attention is drawn to the problem of interaction between the two countries in the area of Ballistic Missile Defense, the problem of procurement American fighters F-35, as well as the issue of relocation of the Futemma base in Okinawa. The author reviews the results of the recent US-Japan Summit, held in Washington on April 30, 2012.

A realist theory of peace*

In ‘A Realist theory of peace’ Kōsaka Masataka argues that balance-of-power realism can be used as the basis for pursuing a durable peace. He attempts to bridge the gap between realists and idealists, accepting the goal of peace that idealists seek while asking idealists to recognize the importance of pursuing means rooted in the balance of power. He argues that the US-Japan alliance cannot suddenly be abolished, because to do so would upset the balance of power, thereby risking the very peace that idealists seek to make absolute. While Kōsaka criticizes idealists for ignoring means even while embracing their purpose, he also criticizes Japanese diplomats, ruling politicians and their academic supporters for being slaves to the status-quo rather than realists capable of promoting the national interest. Kōsaka argues that peace can be secured by taking concrete steps that help to stabilize the balance of power, specifically through reducing misperceptions and military tensions. He calls for normalizing relations with China and pursuing arms control on the Korean peninsula. He even backs the idealists' idea of a regional mutual non-aggression pact, because he observes that this would not require Japan to become neutral as the idealists advocate.

Japan's Foreign Policy beyond Short-term Politics

In August 2009, the Liberal-Democratic Party (LDP), which had been in power since 1955, lost the general elections to a recently-formed party, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). The LDP's foreign policy had placed emphasis on relations with the US, and on international cooperation and relations with Asia. The LDP's foreign and defense policy lacked a long term vision; it was incremental, pragmatic and could be described as reactive or passive. An examination of the DPJ's foreign policy, three years after its coming to power, reveals that it has accepted part of the LDP's inheritance. The Japan-US Alliance was reasserted as pivotal to Japan's security. Cooperation with Asia has not given birth to a new regional structure or to new institutional mechanisms, and dialogue with China has not improved; incrementalism is still preferred in the field of defense. Nonetheless, the fact that Japan's opposition is now a catch-all party at the center of the political scene changes the framework of foreign and defense policy-making considerably. Therefore, the likelihood of interpartite cooperation over foreign and security policy is theoretically conceivable. Nonetheless, political and institutional constraints to change in the field remain.

By land and by sea: the potential of EU-Japan security cooperation

This article argues that the EU has a potentially important and unique role to play as a security partner for Japan. The EU, as the broadest grouping of liberal democracies that embraces a broad political spectrum from conservatives to social democrats, can help Japan to redefine its international security role beyond the narrower confines of the US-Japan alliance. This article tests this hypothesis in two potentially promising areas of security cooperation: post-conflict reconstruction operations and counter-piracy deployments off the coast of Somalia. The EU has great potential to help Japan expand its overseas security role precisely because the EU is not controversial or polarizing in Japan, unlike some aspects of the US alliance, especially those related to overseas SDF deployments. Cooperation with the EU can help Japan re-legitmate overseas deployments, disassociate these from the use of force, the controversial ‘normal nation’ discourse in Japan, and expand them into more ambitious, but non-combat areas. Military cooperation with the EU overseas also largely eschews the fears of entrapment that feature prominently in Japanese overseas military cooperation with the US.

From the Secret “Korean Minute” to the Open “Korea Clause”: The United States and Japan and the Security of the Republic of Korea

Using a historical approach based on newly declassified materials, I attempt to explain the correlation or contradiction between the open “Korea Clause” of 1969 and the secret “Korean Minute” of 1960, both of which were issued by the US-Japan alliance regarding the security of the Republic of Korea (ROK). The existing literature has emphasized the Korea Clause in explaining the Japanese commitment to the security of the ROK and the Japan-ROK military connection. However, I argue that the Korea Clause was merely political rhetoric initiated by Japan to neutralize the written Korean Minute. One of the key aims of US military policy toward Northeast Asia was to secure a free hand in using US forces and bases in Japan. In this context, the Korean Minute backed by the authority of the United Nations legalized the right of US forces to carry out sorties without prior consultation with the Japanese government in case of a Korean crisis. While Japan attempted to terminate the Korean Minute by politicizing it, the United States adopted a stance of benign neglect against it, especially by maintaining the United Nations Command. The Korean Minute remains valid today, and the US- Japan-ROK triangle continues to function legally based on it.

The Temper Tantrums of Nations: Why Would Weak Nations Challenge Hegemonic Nations?

Abstract In March 2005, riots erupted in South Korea against Japan in reaction to Japan’s claims of sovereignty over some rocky uninhabited islets (0.23 km2). What explains the moral outrage against Japan, the severity of which could have erupted into a military conflict? Such outrage is a puzzle for two reasons. First, the probability that South Korea could defeat Japan is nil, especially since the US-Japan alliance dominates the US-South Korean alliance. Second, even if the probability of defeating Japan was 100%, the net benefit of conflict was apparently negative – given the meager potential reward vis-à-vis the cost of war. This article offers a rational choice model that demonstrates that the moral outrage cannot be explained as a strategic threat. The analysis demonstrates that sociological and evolutionary game explanations are also unconvincing. This calls for an evaluation of how emotions relate to rational choice in international conflicts.

Okinawa and the Politics of an Alliance

Managing the base relocation issue is linked not only to the political viability of the US–Japan alliance but also to the legitimacy of the Japanese government.

The US-Japan Alliance Policy under the Democratic Party in Japan

The US-Japan Alliance Policy under the Democratic Party in Japan

Substantiating the cohesion of the post-cold war US–Japan alliance

Notwithstanding current disarray, the post-cold war US–Japan alliance has enjoyed its most cohesive status in its history. Japan altered its passive cold war alliance policy and became a more active and equal partner with the United States. Even though there exist many explanations of what has caused this cohesiveness, there is hardly any attempt to substantiate the level of alliance cohesion itself. The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate the cohesion of this alliance by employing concrete operational indicators: homogeneity in goals, threat perception, strategic compatibility and command structure. By investigating how these operational indicators have changed over time, the author proves substantially that the post-cold war US–Japan alliance has developed more cohesively.