US-Japan Alliance Research Articles

English-language news representations of the Fukushima nuclear-treated-water discharge at the initial phase in Japan and neighbouring countries

There is a gap in our knowledge that has not been filled much yet: the interplay between uncertainty and transparency, as well as the social amplification of risk and potential manipulation, interconnected with the media agenda-setting theory in risk communication. To fill this gap, this study investigates how China’s, South Korea’s, and Japan’s leading English-language newspapers present their respective stands on the issue of the Fukushima nuclear-treated-water discharge in the initial phase between 1 January 2021 and 31 May 2021. Discourse analysis reveals divergent discourses in the selected newspapers, with The Japan Times employing scientific evidence, discussions of radioactive emission, proactive measures, details on contaminated water treatment, treated water disposal, and counter-blaming tactics to construct the discourse of image protection; China Daily utilising arguments from the politically-driven US-Japan alliance, expert discourse on the lack of a scientific basis, and empathy for the fishery trade to create the discourse of politically-driven public health concern; and The Korea Herald using accusations of Japan’s irresponsibility, historical facts, geopolitical problems, and violations of human rights to construct the blaming discourse. The analysis also reveals the striking similarities among the three press coverages, which underpin the discourse of transnational alignment and shared concerns, highlighting environmental, human health, and economic concerns related to the fishing industry. Even though the three news outlets had different points of view, both CD and TKH focused on the lack of transparency in Japan’s handling of uncertainty in risk communication and the social amplification of risk. In contrast, TJT amplified the safety of the nuclear-treated water discharge to attenuate people’s perceptions of its risk. Theoretically, this study demonstrates the close relationship between the handling of uncertainty in risk communication and transparency, as well as the social amplification of risk and potential manipulation, with practical implications for newsrooms to communicate risks.

Rising sun in the cyber domain: Japan’s strategic shift toward active cyber defense

This paper provides an in-depth analysis of Japan’s evolving cyber defense capabilities and explores its future challenges. National security has transformed in the twenty first century, with cyberspace becoming a key conflict domain. Japan, like other nations, has adapted to these changes. In 2022, the Japanese government introduced its active cyber defense concept. The National Security Strategy of 2022 stated the government’s posture for active cyber defense, which pre-emptively neutralizes adversary computers. This marked a turning point in Japan’s security and defense. This strategic shift, which occurred notably between 2000 and 2022, exemplifies Japan’s transition in the cyber domain. The scope of protecting cyberspace has evolved from primarily safeguarding civilian infrastructure to adopting proactive measures. This evolution is analyzed in the paper, which contrasts Japan’s approach with Western nations’ military-driven cyber policies. Additionally, the multifaceted challenges and opportunities arising from this paradigm shift in cyber capability development are explored. The analysis encompasses key aspects, including the policy formation, international cooperation, budgetary allocations, and the progress of organizational structures regarding the cyber domain. Furthermore, the study explores Japan’s future trajectory in cyber defense, with a particular focus on its role within the ‘Multi-Domain Defense Force’ and the dynamics of the Japan-US alliance.

Sengo Nihon no Anzen Hoshō: Nichibei Dōmei, Kenpō 9 jō kara NSC made (Japan’s Postwar National Security: From the US-Japan Alliance and Article 9 to the NSC)

Sengo Nihon no Anzen Hoshō: Nichibei Dōmei, Kenpō 9 jō kara NSC made (Japan’s Postwar National Security: From the US-Japan Alliance and Article 9 to the NSC)

The US–Japan alliance and the role of the US Marines on Okinawa in extended deterrence

Abstract The relocation of the controversial Marine base at Futenma on Okinawa to Henoko in the north of the same island has been framed by Japanese politicians, officials, and analysts as crucial to deterrence. Critics respond that deterrence is merely a pretext, and the relocation is a politically convenient solution that perpetuates discrimination against Okinawa by the central government in Tokyo. This article draws on deterrence theory to evaluate the deterrence claims made by relocation proponents. It finds little evidence to support them: the Marines’ capabilities pale against the massive US forward deployment, including the Seventh Fleet and the Fifth Air Force. As for the local balance of forces, the Marines are unlikely to participate immediately in a local conflict, and their geographical location leaves them vulnerable; current US strategy is to down-scale and disperse Marine units. If one were focusing on defence rather than political convenience, the Marines would be relocated off Okinawa. In terms of credibility, the article finds that other US bases in Japan play a much more important ‘tripwire’ role, and ultimately, given inter alia the security treaty, joint exercises, and deep interoperability, US extended deterrence to Japan is as credible as possible under the circumstances.

The security policy community and the consensus on the US–Japan alliance: the role of think tanks, experts and the alliance managers

The article addresses the issue of continuity of the consensus on the US–Japan alliance in the post-Cold War era, by employing the concepts of a security policy community (SPC) that comprises both government office-holders and non-governmental actors focused on the foreign and security policy. The main argument is three-fold; firstly, one of the major forces behind the continuity and enhancement of the security consensus on the US–Japan alliance has been the formation of the transnational SPC that includes members from the US and Japan; secondly, since the end of the Cold War, the SPC has developed a dense network of members, institutions, and practices that supports the advocacy of alliance enhancement as well as community cohesion and nurturing of new members; and thirdly, the think tank- and university-based experts play an increasingly vital role in the formation and dissemination of the security consensus. The article suggests that such arrangements can have both positive and negative consequences and that a proper balance between openness and exclusiveness, expertise and novelty, and continuity and innovation is required in order to maintain a vibrant marketplace of ideas for security policy. The article also indicates that with the transformation of the Indo-Pacific security architecture from the hub and spoke to the networked system, SPC might serve as a model in other US alignments.

중국 내 한·일 사회과학 연구 이슈 분석 - CSSCI 데이터베이스의 CiteSpace 시각화 분석을 기반으로

Based on the quantitative analysis of 13432 and 2458 articles related to the theme of " Korean Studies" and " Japanese studies", this paper uses the CiteSpace to compare and analyze from the perspectives of keyword co-occurrence, cocitation, burst, clustering and so on. The results show that the research on economy, education and the correlation with China are the focus of the research on Korea and Japan. "Korean film", "localization" and "Korean diplomacy" are the research hotspots in the field of Korean studies in recent years, and "Rural revitalization", "Japan-US alliance", "artificial intelligence" and "Indo-Pacific strategy" are the research hotspots in the field of Japanese studies in recent years. At present, the Korean study circle pays more attention to the history and culture, while the Japanese study circle pays more attention to the foreign policy and national strategy of the Japanese government, the agricultural economy and rural revitalization of Japan. 本文圍繞“韓國研究”與“日本研究”主題相關的2458和13432篇文獻進行計量分析，利用CiteSpace視覺化工具，從共詞、共被引、突現、聚類等視角對韓日研究進行比較分析，呈現中國國內學術界對韓日的區域國別研究面貌。研究結果表明，經濟、教育領域和與中國的關聯研究都是中國國內韓日研究領域的研究重點；“韓國電影”、“本土化”和“韓國外交”是韓國研究領域近年來的研究熱點，“鄉村振興”、“美日同盟”、“人工智慧”和“印太戰略”是日本研究領域近年來的研究熱點；目前韓國研究學界對歷史文化關注度較高，而日本研究學界则較為關注日本政府的外交政策以及國家戰略、日本的農業經濟以及鄉村振興。

Space and the US–Japan alliance: reflections on Japan's geopolitical and geoeconomic strategy

AbstractJapan, and its alliance with the USA, is central to the unfolding politics of the new space race. This essay draws attention to the ways the Japanese state has positioned its geopolitical and geoeconomic interests related to space in the context of the US–Japan alliance. It probes the material and ideational elements that are driving the Japanese state to closer alignment with its formal ally in the military, civilian, and commercial space domains. But while all these realities bode well for alliance collaboration, there are reasons to be cautious. While the Japanese state has proactively aligned its space policy and postures with the USA, it is not forever caught in the US orbit. Given the uncertain fate of US domestic politics that bears on great power competition, Japan is also prudently positioning for how the status of its ally may evolve. This is what complicates straightforward projections about alliance cooperation and balance of power politics in the unfolding international space order.

Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks

This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the United States, China, Russia, ASEAN, and Taiwan. Examining the origin and further development of the QUAD, the authors highlight the absence of ASEAN members and India’s hesitation to institutionalize the grouping, while analyzing the Russia-Japan relations they focus on common interests in security cooperation, as well on its limitations. As a result, in the short term, the expansion of the Japan-US alliance to the Indo-Pacific region is the most plausible option. However, without involving the ASEAN countries, the Free and Open IndoPacific (FOIP) strategy can only add Australia and India to the existing Japan-US alliance. In the midterm, an alliance with Russia may be, with some serious limitations, geographically a natural option. In the long term, Japan might need to find a proper place in a China-centered order in East Asia. Therefore, the authors conclude that the relative decline of US influence in East Asia is unavoidable in the coming decades, Japan must adjust or even reconsider its security policy.

Scale and development of foreign economic interaction between the USA and Japan in 2009–2021

The article analyzes the dynamics of economic cooperation between the US and Japan for the period 2009–2021: bilateral trade, export and import, FDI flows. Particular attention is paid to Japanese FDI and activities of Japanese manufacturing companies in the United States. Bilateral economic relations are a part of the broader context of economic integration in the Asia-Pacific, activities of multinational enterprises and their global production networks. A "triangular" model of trade relations has developed between Japan, China and the United States, with significant part of trade going through global value chains (GVCs). Over the past decade, the US foreign trade policy priorities have changed several times: from the attempt to create a free trade area in the Asia-Pacific under the Obama administration to President Trump’s protectionism and to more liberal economic agenda of the Biden administration. The role of Japan in the Trans-Pacific Partnership creation and reformatting after the US withdrawal is shown. The prerequisites for the progress of bilateral relations to a new stage of scientifi c, technical and economic cooperation in the context of confrontation between the USA and China are analyzed. President Biden’s economic policy priority in the Asia-Pacific is attracting allies to crucial technologies development and increasing global value chains sustainability. Japan is a key partner for the US to secure control over technology transfer, diversify supply sources and strengthen GVCs. Coordination of approaches to promoting economic security is an important priority for the renewed US-Japan alliance, so the two countries can reach a new level of cooperation.

Force Multiplier

Formal and informal modifications to the US-Japan Alliance have expanded the value the Alliance operational structure delivers in support of US and Japanese national and combined naval activities in Southeast Asia. This article analyzes how the Alliance now serves as an increasingly powerful force multiplier which magnifies the capabilities, efficiency, and impact of the two allies’ naval activities in Southeast Asia. Unlike previous studies on the role of the United States or Japan in the region, it focuses on the evolving functionality of the Alliance operational structure. The article systematically discusses how the evolving nature of the Alliance operational structure is enabling it to provide expanded support for Southeast Asian maritime security in five areas: basing, combined operations, partnerships and access, extra-regional coordination, and cooperative capacity-building. Those evaluations enable discussions of prospects for US and Japanese initiatives in Southeast Asia.

Cold War Democracy: The United States and Japan

The special relationship between the US and Japan has proven remarkably resilient. American policymakers continue to see great strategic value in sustaining the Japanese alliance, while Japan’s conservative elites still view the US as the surest means to national security. The collapse of communism created some uncertainty as to the alliance’s purpose; however, North Korea’s nuclearization and China’s rapid rise to geopolitical prominence have removed any such doubts. Symbolic and ideational discursive constructs justifying the US–Japan alliance have undergone far more profound changes since the late 1940s. Jennifer Miller’s Cold War Democracy gives equal emphasis to institutional and ideological expressions of this special relationship from its inception in 1945 to the early 1960s. This well-researched monograph delineates ways in which American and Japanese elites wrestled with, and ultimately contained, popular democratic movements calling for Japan’s disarmament and neutrality. Rather than lending political support to anti-communist dictatorial strongmen, as was the...

Asia and Europe in Japan’s Alignment Policies: Drivers, Strategic Expectations and Future Outlook

This article examines Japan’s security alignments with key Asian and European partners, notably Australia, India, the UK, France and the EU itself. The articles explores Tokyo’s strategic expectations with regard to each of the five partnerships, as well as probing the likely future evolution of these alignments by providing a comparative perspective. Japan’s alignments with Australia and India conform with and supplement the US-Japan alliance, addressing Japan’s primary geostrategic concerns in the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region. Tokyo’s security partnerships with the European partners, and the EU, are more recent and not rooted in any US-led alliance in Asia. The degree of traditional kinetic military power these European players can bring to Asia is very limited. However, the pace with which Japan’s new European alignments are quickly moving beyond the non-traditional security areas to encompass more traditional defence and military-security fields attests to their potential of evolving in the future into mechanisms able to perform a broad range of security functions in response to complex security threats. The boundaries between these two categories of partnerships are likely to be further blurred, providing Japan with various mechanisms at different levels to shape and influence the regional and global security environment.

The US-Japan security alliance – ready and equipped to deal with China?

The US-Japan security alliance – ready and equipped to deal with China?

Japan and Foreign Territory Strike: Debate, Deterrence, and Defense Strength

The increased frequency of debate in Japan over foreign territory strike points to it being officially affirmed as a Japanese Self-Defense Force (SDF) mission in the near future. This article explores the foreign territory strike debate through the lens of the four key questions that have structured the post-war debate on all new overseas SDF operations: is it constitutional?; is it (militarily) plausible?; is it (strategically) wise?; and, is it (politically) acceptable? After discussing the contours of the Japanese post-war legal and policy debate on the use of force in foreign territory, the article describes contemporary doubts over the tactical effectiveness and strategic opportunity cost of configuring the SDF to conduct overseas strike operations—especially for missile defense purposes. Foreign territory strike would divert scarce fiscal resources and political attention from adaptations that enhance the US-Japan alliance’s posture resilience and enable it to sustainably generate force even after an initial attack, thereby augmenting regional deterrence. The article concludes by noting that political barriers could also still prevent the mission from being substantively and credibly implemented. Acrimonious domestic debate on foreign territory strike could also hamstring government attempts to attract public buy-in for future defense transformation in areas of greater priority and that add more to deterrence than the acquisition of modest strike capabilities.

Japan’s long 1968 cinema: resistance, struggle, revolt

ABSTRACT This introductory essay contextualizes the articles that comprise the special issue by focusing on a historical period known as the ”Japanese long 1968” or the “season of politics” (roughly 1966 to 1972), in order to address the trends in the period’s cinematic production as a social and political expression of its time. The prevailing socio-political unrest – from the massive student occupation of university campuses, to the campaign against Japan-US alliance within the framework of the Vietnam War, to the struggle against the construction of the Narita International Airport – had a considerable impact on the way some Japanese filmmakers conceived cinema. Beginning with a review of those events, the article demonstrates how analyzing the impact of the Japanese long 1968 on cinema, and how filmmakers intervened in that phenomenon, enables us to reach not only a better comprehension of the films in question, but also of the way they reflect and interact with the historical moment in which they were produced.

Arms Control Dialogue is Japan’s Interest: An Agenda for a New Nuclear Posture Review

ABSTRACT In debates on the Biden administration’s Nuclear Posture Review (NPR), the issue that has attracted the most attention in Japan is whether or not the declaratory policy of “no first use” or “sole purpose” of nuclear weapons will be adopted. There is a strong argument in favor of declaratory policies as a method to promote nuclear disarmament. However, it is unlikely that the adoption of a declaratory policy at this time will lead to progress in nuclear disarmament in Northeast Asia. This is because the security environment in the region is undergoing major changes. Force asymmetries, such as the medium-range missile gap between the United States and China, and the pursuit of a deterrent architecture based on entanglement between nuclear, conventional, cyber, and space domains, as well as the rise of emerging technologies that influence the modality of strategic stability, will have a significant impact on deterrence and arms control. Japan is moving toward ensuring the credibility of deterrence within the Japan-US alliance. Under such a circumstance, instead of focusing on declaratory policies to reduce nuclear risks and threats, it is important to establish communication mechanisms among stakeholders in the regional security for crisis management and a multi-layered mechanism to discuss issues of common interest, such as the impact of emerging technologies. Confidence building through these mechanisms for risk management and strategic dialogue provides a foundation for declaratory policies functioning for enhancing nuclear disarmament.

Wedge strategies in Russia-Japan relations

This article analyses wedge strategies in the context of Russo-Japanese relations. In particular, it looks at how both countries have sought to generate a dis-alignment in the opposing side, preventing further steps toward the consolidation of potentially threatening partnerships: the US-Japan alliance for Russia, and the Russia-China entente for Japan. After identifying the respective goals of Russia and Japan, the article examines the conditions that enable the success of wedge strategies. Looking at the case of Russia-Japan relations from 2012 to 2020, the article argues that a strategy constituted of a mix of positive economic and political incentives and a limited amount of coercion can succeed in producing a degree of dis-alignment in the opposing camp. Russia’s strategy seems to be more productive than Japan’s since Moscow has managed to minimize the effect of sanctions imposed by Japan and it has reduced political differences to mostly bilateral and regional issues. A greater level of cooperation with established partners for both Russia and Japan, and limited costs of wedging strategies, have resulted in dis-alignment but not a reversal of existing alignments. The article also indicates that in this case credibility issues do not fundamentally affect the degree of success of wedge strategies.

Exploring the China factor in Japan’s foreign and security policy in outer space

ABSTRACT In the new millennium, Japan's strategy for outer space has strengthened with growing concerns about North Korea's launching of ballistic missiles and China's enhanced space capabilities. The main aim of this research is to examine Japan's foreign and security policy in outer space and explore strategic implications in relation to China. The article argues that outer space has assumed an increasingly important position in the Japan-US alliance as Japan is playing an auxiliary role in enhancing the guarantee of the US mission assurance against China's space capabilities. It also contends that Japan has engaged in regional community-building through a multilateral space forum with open and horizontal character, which challenges China's aspiration to lead regional cooperation in outer space. Furthermore, this article offers the prospect of the extension of the quadrilateral security dialogue to the space field and the deepening of community-building through more commitments to human resources development.

Okinawa Beyond the Hub-and-spoke Alliance System: A Reappraisal

Okinawa is a cornerstone of the US–Japan alliance. However, it has been marginalised in East Asian international relations whereby a state-centric view of international relations predominates. In an era of power transitions and increasing importance of non-traditional security concerns, Washington and Tokyo need to recognise Okinawa’s contribution as a non-state actor in upholding human security values for the alliance to stay attuned to shifting regional and global needs.

푸틴-아베시대 러-일 평화조약 체결교섭에서 본 분쟁4도의 군사안보적 중요성

In November 2019, President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Shinzo Abe proceeded with negotiations after agreeing to accelerate negotiations on a peace treaty centered on the 1956 Joint Declaration between Russia and Japan.<BR> However, President Putin is in a position to have to discuss now about the Island will be placed under whose sovereignty because the joint declaration only mentions the return of Shikotan and Habomai Island after the conclusion of the peace treaty. However, Japan takes the return of the island including sovereignty, as a matter of course. Regarding such a position of Japan, Russia is not only able to maintain its sovereignty, but it is difficult for even Russia to return to the island because of military security reasons.<BR> Such a negative position can be summarized in two ways. First, the US-Japan alliance is an obstacle to negotiations on the conclusion of a peace treaty between Russia and Japan. It is a security anxiety perception that returning the sovereignty to the two islands may damage the military security balance in Northeast Asia.<BR> Second, in the conflicting composition between US and Russia, the security situation in Northeast Asia, such as the construction of US missile defense systems and the placement of medium-range missiles in Japan and South Korea, is also having an adverse effect on the progress of territorial issues. Ultimately, in order to conclude a peace treaty that is acceptable to all, a friendly environment and conditions must be created in terms of security.<BR> Putin and other Russian officials have consistently argued that returning the island would threaten Russia