US Cooperation Research Articles

COLOMBIA: ASSESSING THE ROLES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION AND PEACEBUILDING

Colombia’s internal armed conflict, dating back to the 1960s, has garnered interna tional attention and become a priority for many donor countries. The resurgence of violence in the 1990s, combined with the influx of drug trafficking funds and the emergence of new illegal actors, resulted in fresh humanitarian crises and human rights violations. Concurrently, the internationalization of the armed conflict, spearheaded by the government of Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002) through the policy of diplomacy for peace, brought the shared responsibility approach to drug control onto the global stage. The European Union has played a significant role in Colombia, particularly in conflict resolution, peacebuilding, and supporting the country’s development process. In contrast to US cooperation, European engagement has been characterized by a less militaristic approach to addressing the ongoing armed conflict in Colombia. This approach is evident in intervention strategies more directly linked to civil society. These strategies encompass cooperation in peacebuilding and the promotion of human rights. This research aims to elucidate and analyze the strategies employed by the European Union in resolving the conflict and fostering peace in Colombia, while also as sessing their effectiveness. Keywords: European Union, Colombia, strategies, peacebuilding, conflict resolution.

‘Anti-Chinese’ course and expansion of US cooperation with allies in the Asia-Pacific

The new American economic policy emphasizes economic security priorities, including efforts to ensure greater autonomy and resilience in key supply chains. Considerable effort is dedicated to partial ‘decoupling’ from China in strategic industries such as semiconductors and critical minerals. The Biden administration actively fosters scientific and industrial cooperation within bilateral and multilateral alliances in the Asia-Pacific region.

The Policy of the United States towards Russia after the Aggression in Ukraine: Striving for a Permanent Weakening or Readiness to Rebuild Cooperation?

The article analyses and evaluates the United States’ reaction to Russian aggression in Ukraine in the context of US strategic interests. The main research problem is contained in the questions: What are the main goals of the US response to Russian aggression in Ukraine? Is the United States striving to weaken Russia permanently? Is it possible to rebuild US cooperation with Putin’s Russia? The main hypothesis is that the direct goal of the USA is to prevent Russia from winning the war in Ukraine and rebuilding its military potential, and its long-term goal is to maintain the dominant position of the USA and the West in the world. The US wants to convince both Russia and China that the undermining of the basic principles of the international community and the dominant American position in the world will meet with a strong response. If Moscow positions itself as the enemy of the West, it will be in the interest of the United States to weaken Russia permanently, ensuring that China does not take advantage of it. On the other hand, a positive change in Russia’s foreign and domestic policy would favour the recovery of cooperation and a gradual withdrawal from sanctions.

China's Rise in the Global South: The Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's Alternative World Order by Dawn C. Murphy

Reviewed by: China's Rise in the Global South: The Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's Alternative World Order by Dawn C. Murphy Jiarui Wu Murphy, Dawn C. China's Rise in the Global South: The Middle East, Africa, and Beijing's Alternative World Order. Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2022. [End Page 237] China's rise as an economic powerhouse competing with the United States for power and influence globally is a development that has received mixed reactions from different players on the global scene. While to African nations, China's interest and support of developmental projects have been received as a blessing by these nations, the Western world and especially the United States remain wary and critical of China's growing influence in these developing nations. Fears of neocolonialism and the support of nations of interest that might lead to the resurgence of terrorist groups are some of the areas of concern raised by the United States. China's interest in the Middle East also concerns the United States. The Middle East is a central national interest area for the United States, which is concerned with fighting ISIS, preventing Iran from gaining nuclear power, and providing support to Israel. Competition for resources is also a critical factor in the emerging competition between China and the United States. Africa and the Middle East are rich in valuable resources, and China's interest in them raises concerns about the United States' future access to the resources. Additionally, it is still unclear whether China will be a cooperative or competitive player in the global market. Dawn Murphy's book provides an in-depth analysis of China's increased involvement in the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa and the implications from a global perspective. Although China's relations with Africa are not a new development, the increase in its involvement in Africa and its increased influence on Africa's politics, economy, and provision of foreign aid and military engagements have raised Western nations' interest as they try to figure out how China's increased involvement will shift the global power dynamics. Similarly, China's increased sway in the Middle East threatens to shift the power dynamics in an area where the United States previously held much sway. The book looks at China's approach in relating to African and Middle Eastern nations. It also provides an in-depth look at the tools China employs in its foreign policy, including China's cooperation forums, United Nations (UN) Security Council voting, foreign aid, and free trade agreements. By providing a detailed look at China's approach, the book objectively compares China's and the United States' approaches and notes areas of similarity and divergences between the two. This comparison provides an excellent basis for predicting future China–US relations. Studies by various authors have reached vastly different conclusions on the impact of China–Africa relations, while the impact of its relations with Middle [End Page 238] Eastern nations has largely been understudied. The book argues that despite China not aggressively attempting to interfere in US–Africa relations, its rapid growth puts it in a competitive place with Western nations and makes it challenge the "rules of the liberal international system as it increasingly builds spheres of influence in these areas" (8). In essence, although not in outright competition, China–Africa/Middle East interactions are creating an alternative international order that might eventually lead to the collapse of the existing system and the emergence of a new order primarily influenced by China's model. The possibility of such development provides ample basis for the global interest in studying China's activities in African and Middle Eastern nations. In a departure from previous studies that have focused on the arising China–US tensions in their look at China's increasing influence in Africa, Murphy adopts a new approach. The author proposes a more wholesome approach to understanding China's growing influence in these regions. Rather than just focusing on the competitive relationship between the two nations, the book also analyzes the areas of cooperation. For example, some areas where China–US cooperation can be observed are participation in UN peacekeeping operations, limiting arms sales...

US-Polish Relations: Stability of the Euro-Atlantic Community in the Focus of NATO

The issue of stability in the Euro-Atlantic community is related to NATO’s activities and the interaction of European states with the United States. In turn, an important place in the security environment of the European subcontinent is occupied by Poland, due to the geopolitical position of the state (critical influence on the stability in Central and Eastern Europe) and its activities in cooperation with the United States within NATO.
 US cooperation with Poland has some conceptual background and determined by Warsaw’s participation in NATO operations, military and defense cooperation with NATO allies. There is a certain cyclical nature in US-Polish relations, given the political priorities of both countries (priorities of American Presidents’ administrations and activities especially of the Law and Justice (PiS) party in Poland), however, the security sphere is becoming an element of expanding allied relations. In connection with the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, US cooperation with Poland has gained new significance both in the format of strengthening bilateral cooperation and in the regional context.
 In turn, a tendency to change the European architecture of regional security due to the transformation of the Western European security complex in accordance with the theory of B. Buzan is existed, given the military threat from Russia, which determines the strengthening of Poland’s role in NATO, cooperation with the United States in the Euro-Atlantic community.

Dynamics of US Inter-American cooperation during 1991-2023 through the view of the treaties

The article analyses the change in the intensity of US cooperation with the countries of the Inter-American system in the period from 1991 to 2023. The Analysis consists of the database of bilateral treaties, as well as visits done by US Presidents and Secretaries of State to Latin America and Canada. It seems that these indicators indirectly allow to highlight the priority in US foreign policy (for the Latin American track), and contribute to a different view of the results of the Biden administration in this direction.

Radiotherapy Use and Locoregional Recurrence Rates on SWOG 1007, a US Cooperative Group Trial Enrolling Patients with Favorable-Risk Node-Positive Breast Cancer

<h3>Purpose/Objective(s)</h3> Trials suggest benefit from regional nodal irradiation (RNI) in node-positive breast cancer patients (pts), but absolute benefit is not uniform. SWOG S1007 randomized pts with hormone receptor-positive, HER2-negative breast cancer and 21-gene assay recurrence score (RS) ≤25 to endocrine therapy alone (ET) vs chemotherapy then ET. Little is known about modern RNI practice patterns or rates of locoregional recurrence (LRR) in such pts. Here, we report use of radiation therapy (RT) and patterns of LRR on S1007. <h3>Materials/Methods</h3> RT receipt, targets, and dose were prospectively collected. For analysis of LRR, invasive disease-free survival (IDFS) was separated into local/regional events while other IDFS events were competing risks in a Cox model. Since RT occurred after randomization, landmarked analysis starting at 1 year was used for analysis of LRR incidence and IDFS. Analyses adjusted for menopausal status, treatment arm, RS, tumor size, and number of positive nodes. <h3>Results</h3> Of the 4,983 eligible pts, 4,871 (97.8%) had RT forms and 3,947 (81.0%) reported RT receipt. Of pts who had breast conservation (BCS), 95.7% received RT. Of pts who received BCS+RT, 52.7% had RNI (at least a supraclavicular field). Predictors of RNI after BCS were larger tumor (p<0.0001) and more positive nodes (p<0.0001), but not RS (p=0.92). For pts who had mastectomy (mast), 54.2% received RT, of whom 81.1% had RNI. Significant predictors of RT among mast pts were being premenopausal (p=0.022), larger tumor size (p<0.0001), and more positive nodes (p<0.0001), but not RS (p=0.33). The cumulative incidence of LRR between 1-5 years was 0.85% among pts with BCS+RT with RNI, 0.55% after BCS+RT w/o RNI, 0.11% after mast+RT, and 1.7% after mast w/o RT. In premenopausal pts, BCS+RT had reduced LRR compared to mast w/o RT (HR=0.41, 95% CI 0.19-0.91, p=0.028) adjusting for RS, systemic treatment, tumor size, and # of positive nodes. The reduction in postmenopausal pts was not significant (HR=0.48, 95% CI 0.20-1.13, p=0.09) with similar adjustment. IDFS did not differ among BCS+RT, mast w/o RT, mast+RT groups in premenopausal (p=0.14) or postmenopausal (p=0.98) pts after adjustment for other factors. IDFS also did not differ in these 3 groups in the ET arm after adjustment for other factors. <h3>Conclusion</h3> On S1007, practice was evenly divided for use of RNI in the setting of N1 disease & favorable biology. Rates of LRR were low even in pts who did not receive RNI. IDFS did not differ across locoregional treatment groups, even in the ET only arm. Omission of chemotherapy among pts eligible for this trial does not appear to be an indication for use of RNI. These findings reinforce the importance of prospective trials like NCIC MA-39, randomizing pts with RS ≤25 to RNI or not.

Assessing the Defence Cooperation Agreements Between the USA and African Countries

International security cooperation is regarded as one of the key and successful mechanisms to fight terrorism and other cross-border criminal activities worldwide. This paper focuses on the benefits and challenges of the US and African countries' defence cooperation, using Ghana as a case study. This study used 21 people as participants. The subjects were selected based on their unique knowledge and expertise in the phenomenon under study. The researchers used interviews to solicit the views of the participants on the Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA) between Ghana and the US focusing on the benefits and challenges. In conclusion, the study disclosed that no country has a monopoly on what it takes to fight terrorism and other transnational organised crime alone. The major challenges identified include the breach of domestic law, limited mutual trust, and discriminately ethnic and misguided religious practices. The challenges were stated as indispensable for the sustainability of the DCA and the successful mitigation of terrorism and transnational organised crime in West Africa.

US Trade Policy With China: Proposing A New Framework for US Economic Competitiveness

Due to the Biden Administration’s decision to uphold a large majority of the Trump administration’s protectionist trade policies, US manufacturing industries are failing to control the market share. This paper explores the proper solutions that need to be taken to restore US competitiveness with China, prioritizing US cooperation with allies and China instead of unwarranted tensions. This paper analyzes the effects of US tariffs on Chinese imported goods on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in the US, US Gross Domestic Product (GDP), US manufacturing wages, and overall US manufacturing costs to argue that key US tariffs on Chinese imports should be eliminated. This paper explores the benefits of trade specialization and its effects on the US’s Revealed Comparative Advantage (RCA) to argue that the US should champion free trade policies such as revitalizing the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Finally, this report recommends that the US kickstart wholesale WTO reforms that change the process by which member states identify as “developing” or “developed” nations, and institute stricter litigation statutes against Chinese WTO violations.

Sexism and Attitudes Toward Policy Spending in Australia and the United States

Sexist attitudes influence a wide range of political behaviors, including support for explicitly gendered policies like gender quotas. But we know much less about how sexism might broadly shape policy preferences. We argue that some policy domains are implicitly associated with being pro-women or pro-men because of gender socialization, gender segregation in the workforce, and differences in policy preferences in the general population and among political elites. As (hostile) sexists view women as inherently undeserving, making illegitimate claims on government, and getting ahead at the expense of men, we hypothesize that they will oppose policies associated with women, while supporting “male” policies such as defense and law enforcement. We test our hypothesis using the 2019 Australian Election Study and 2018 US Cooperative Congressional Study. We find similar patterns of policy preferences, wherein those holding sexist attitudes (net of other attitudes and demographic characteristics) want to cut funding for pro-women policies like social services, education, and health, while they approve of increased funding for law enforcement and defense.

How Much of a New Agenda? International Structures, Agency, and Transatlantic Order

This article focuses on the links between transatlantic relations—a structured array of markets, hierarchies, networks, ideas, and institutions—and broader elements of international structure and world order. It argues that the changing state of transatlantic relations reflects changes in the structure of the relations themselves, but also structural change in the global and domestic arenas and how such change shapes or reflects the actions of a wide variety of agents. The first part of the article briefly explores the importance of international structure in order to identify the global forces that shape the context for transatlantic relations. The article then examines the key mechanisms in transatlantic relations which interact to create forms of transatlantic order; these create spaces for a wide variety of agents, operating within broader elements of international and domestic structure, and the article illustrates this through the ways in which the EU’s “new agenda for EU–US relations” sought to shape transatlantic interactions during the first year of the Biden presidency. The article examines the implications of transatlantic responses to the Russian attack on Ukraine in February 2022, and concludes that despite the move to enhanced EU–US cooperation in the short term, the interaction of structures, mechanisms, and actors will contribute to continuing differentiation of transatlantic relations, at least in the medium term, whatever the preferences of US and EU policy-makers.

MO900: Diuretic Prescription Patterns in Haemodialysis Patients: International Variation Reported in the Dopps

Abstract BACKGROUND AND AIMS Loop diuretic use during maintenance haemodialysis (HD), including use of very high doses in Europe, is thought to maintain diuresis and reduce interdialytic weight gain, but is based on little evidence, with impact on clinical outcomes unclear. To help better inform international therapeutic strategies, we investigate regional variation in loop diuretic use and dosing strategies. METHOD This study included 71 756 HD patients from the international Dialysis Outcomes and Practice Patterns Study (DOPPS) phases 2–5 (2002–15), including 27 759 patients with dialysis vintage (time since HD initiation) &amp;lt;1 year. We report the proportion of patients in each country prescribed a diuretic (loop, thiazide or other) by dialysis vintage. Among patients with vintage &amp;lt; 1 year at enrollment and prescribed a loop diuretic, we report the distribution of loop diuretic dose (mg/day) by country. Doses of torsemide (4:1) and bumetanide (80:1) were converted to oral furosemide-equivalent dose. RESULTS Diuretic use varied widely by country, ranging at vintage &amp;lt; 3 months from &amp;gt;80% in Germany and Sweden to &amp;lt; 35% in the US, Spain, and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries (Figure 1). The proportion of patients prescribed a diuretic decreased with dialysis vintage in all countries. At vintage &amp;gt;5 years, diuretic use was 30%–35% in Germany and Sweden and &amp;lt; 20% in other countries. In all countries, &amp;gt;90% of diuretic prescriptions were for loop diuretics. Loop diuretic dose varied widely across countries. Among patients with vintage &amp;lt; 1 year, median dose ranged from 400–500 mg/day in Belgium, France, Germany and Sweden to &amp;lt; 100 mg/day in the GCC, Japan, Spain and the US (Figure 2). CONCLUSION We observed substantial international differences in diuretic prescription patterns to HD patients, with usage and doses much higher in some European countries than the US, where high-dose formulations are not available. The potential impact of diuretic prescription patterns on outcomes, including residual urine volume, volume-related complications and others should be investigated.

The technology challenge in the transatlantic relationship

Technological innovation has become a critical element of international cooperation and geopolitical rivalry. This has impacted key areas of the transatlantic partnership, presenting both opportunities and challenges for EU–US relations, either rejuvenating a relationship mired in rifts or deepening those rifts. Instead of examining how these structural cracks have emerged and are growing, this article zooms in on the challenge to transatlantic relations posed by technological innovation, both as a driver of cooperation and a cause for further rivalry. In doing so, the article explores three interrelated elements: the transatlantic technology gap and the EU’s quest for technological sovereignty, approaches to technological innovation and the role of emerging and disruptive technologies, and the values-based governance of digital and technology issues. As fast-paced technological transformation continues to disrupt societies and economies on both sides of the Atlantic, technology should be at the heart of a revived phase in EU–US cooperation and trust.

The Impact on Carbon Emissions of China with the Trade Situation versus the U.S.

The China–US trade conflict will inevitably have a negative impact on China’s trade imports and exports, industrial development, and economic growth, and will affect the achievement of climate change goals. In the short term, the impact of the trade conflict on China’s import and export trade will cause the carbon emissions contained in traded commodities to change accordingly. To assess the impact of the trade conflict on China’s climate policy, this paper combines a model from the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) and the input–output analysis method and calculates the carbon emissions in international trade before and after the conflict. The conclusions are as follows: (1) The trade war has led to a sharp decline in China–US trade, but for China as a whole, imports and exports have not changed much; (2) China’s export emissions have changed little, its import emissions have dropped slightly, and its net emissions have increased; and (3) China’s exports are still concentrated in energy-intensive industries. Changes in trade will bring challenges to China’s balancing of climate and trade exigencies. China–US cooperation based on energy and technology will help China cope with climate change after the trade conflict.

On Western strategy towards Russia: From ‘Putin first’ to ‘democracy first’

The article analyses two distinct approaches that Western leaders have taken to relations with Putin’s Russia. It argues that the dominant approach of fostering good relations with Vladimir Putin, prioritising these over support for longer-term democratic change in Russia, has not brought any results and is damaging the interests of Russian society, neighbouring countries and the West. The article analyses the prerequisites for deep change in Russia and argues that there is a need for the EU to comprehensively review and change its strategy towards Russia, putting democracy at its core. It discusses in detail the deterrence, containment and transformation elements of a new EU strategy. The article emphasises that the strategic approach of ‘democracy first’ in relations with Russia also relates to the future of democracy in general and should be a priority of EU–US cooperation.

Observational constraint on the dark energy scalar field * *H. Li is Supported by the Sino US Cooperation Project of Ministry of Science and Technology (2016YFE0104700), Youth Innovation Promotion Association Project of CAS. The research is also Supported in part by NSFC (11653001) and Pilot B Project of CAS (XDB23020000)

In this paper, we study three scalar fields, namely the quintessence, phantom, and tachyon fields, to explore the source of dark energy via the Gaussian processes method from the background and perturbation growth rate data. The corresponding reconstructions suggest that the dark energy should be dynamical. Moreover, the quintom field, which is a combination of the quintessence and phantom fields, is powerfully favored by the reconstruction. The mean values indicate that the potential in the quintessence field is a double exponential function, whereas in the phantom field is a double Gaussian function. This reconstruction can provide an important reference for the scalar field study. The two types of data employed reveal that the tachyon field is disadvantageous for describing the cosmic acceleration.

Інтереси США в Азіатсько-Тихоокеанському регіоні: кінець ХХ – початок ХХІ століття

The article is devoted to the analysis of ideas on determining the place of the United States within the Asia-Pacific region, their interests and prospects for cooperation with leading countries in the region. It is established that in the conditions of significant changes in all spheres of life the Asia-Pacific region positions itself as perspective, dynamic with prosperous future, and among the testifying factors, it is possible to allocate the following: geographical location, location within the region of major world economies and political actors, rapid integration process within the region, characterized by intensive formation of regional forums and mechanisms, contributing to the close relationship between the main actors in the region and strengthening its position in the world political process. The article identifies the main strategic interests of the United States inthe Asia-Pacific region, including: encouraging economic liberalization and investment and trade penetration into the markets of the subcontinent, preventing a full-scale conflict between India and Pakistan and preventing the spread of nuclear weapons outside the region, fight against international terrorism, development of mutually beneficial multidisciplinary US cooperation with India, Japan, Australia within the framework of the so-called “Quadrilateral Security Dialogue” (QUAD). The article also notes that the economic recovery of the United States is seen in direct connection with the growth of the Asia-Pacific region, the formation of free trade in the region, however, in the late twentieth century there was a priority for traditional military-political alliances, a high degree of militarization of American foreign policy in the region. It is established thatWashington’s policy in the Asia-Pacific region is aimed primarily at curbing the ambitions and capabilities of China as a regional center of power and a leading political actor in the future through the use of political and diplomatic deterrent measures.

Research on the Quality Control System of Sino US Cooperation in Running Schools — Taking Putian University as an Example

Model of running school; Teaching quality monitoring; Evaluation system; Sino-US cooperation

Перспективы политики Джозефа Байдена в отношении Восточной Азии

The article provides a forecast of a potential Joseph Biden’s East Asian policy. The forecast is prepared using the recently developed indirect coding language (ICL), which allows to interpret any state as a system and to build models based on official strategic documents. Through this approach, governmental strategies and official documents accepted as the ones can be translated into specific codes, which are connected to particular subsystems characterizing different aspects of a state’s development. The dynamic character of the model is provided by a temporal approach. The author analyses the Interim National Security Strategic Guidance using the ICL to build a model matching the interpretation of the global and regional development by J. Biden and his administration. Dynamically J. Biden’s policy inherits basic goals of Donald Trump’s in general or partly. Substantial changes of priorities can only be observed in food-agricultural, ecological-environmental and military subsystems. It allows forecasting that in general the 46th president will follow major directions of his predecessor’s policy. ICL-modeling of the J. Biden’s interpretation of East Asia allows forecasting the next basic parameters of probable future US policy in the region. First, the Chinese vector will be its core while all other priorities will be regarded as subordinate with an exception to counteracting the regional threats posed by North Korea. Second, policy toward China as a complicated threat will create a dividing line in several dimensions between United States and its allies and partners on the one hand and PRC and its partners on the other hand. It will affect such fields as economy, trade, technology, energy industry, raw materials, environment and ecology, military development, law, civil and humanitarian affairs. The dividing line will acquire global character because the US will be pursuing their policy priorities in the relations with the Indo-Pacific allies and partners as well as NATO ones, as the Pacific region recently becomes more important. Third, there is less and less space for the US and China cooperation. In the nearest future, it is likely to be limited to the climate change problem, health and nuclear non-proliferation.

Tunisia – US Cooperation Deal

Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural SeriesVolume 57, Issue 9 p. 22888C-22888C Military Tunisia – US Cooperation Deal First published: 21 October 2020 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825X.2020.09684.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume57, Issue9October 2020Pages 22888C-22888C RelatedInformation