Statutory Rape Research Articles

‘I’ll never be one of the boys’: Gender harassment of women working as pilots and automotive tradespeople

Significant research has examined sexual harassment in male‐dominated occupations, but gender harassment — harassment that is not necessarily sexual in nature but is targeted at individuals, or a group of individuals, because of their sex or gender — has received relatively less attention. Drawing on in‐depth, semi‐structured interviews, we analyse the lived experience of gender harassment among women working as pilots and automotive tradespeople in Australia. We find that women in these occupations face a daily barrage of belittling jokes and demeaning comments from colleagues, managers and customers, and such behaviours are retribution for encroaching on traditionally male occupational domains. Although women found these behaviours humiliating, intimidating, and offensive, they lacked a comprehensive vocabulary to define or condemn them. This article contributes to an emerging literature arguing that gender harassment needs to be more clearly problematized, organizationally and legally, as a form of sex‐based harassment constituting unlawful sex discrimination.

Re-Defining The Role Of Indian Legislature In Regulating Consensual Sex Between Minors

The role of legislator is not simply confined to making laws, but they also play a significant role in development of society as a whole as they escalate or attenuate this process of development by the quality of laws they make. The age of consent laws made by the legislator are one set of laws that are working in contradiction of the aims and objectives for which they were enacted and are rather being criticized. The term „age of consent‟ is itself controversial and it has been suggested what is created is an „age of liability‟ for the offender rather than an age of consent.1It has been argued that „age of consent‟ is an establishment of age at which the law of a country decides that a child is allowed to have sexual intercourse and it has very less to do with consent. Much of the behaviour caught within the web of Rape of a child between 16-18 years of age involves the cases of consensual sexual intercourse, thus involving the adolescent youth of the country who are being prosecuted. This necessitates the need to stop this never-ending web of accusations against the boys who are being prosecuted for having sexual intercourse notwithstanding the involvement and consent of the girl to the fullest. The paper is shared out in four sections. In the first section, the author delves into the theme of statutory rape law and POCSO Act to critically analyse its utility in protecting children from consensual sexual acts. In the second section, the author attempts to examine the legislative intent behind setting such a higher age of consent from a historical perspective and brings to the surface a critique of legislative intent and acts. In the third section, based on a critique of traditional ideology and dearth in approbation of principles of criminalization, the author explains the need of decriminalizing consensual sexual acts among adolescents (between 16 to 18 years of age). In fourth section, the author attempts to conclude by quoting suggestions to frame the best practice paradigm to implementing Statutory Rape law in Indian Legal System.

Conceptualizing Consent: How Prosecutors Identify Sexual Victimization in Statutory Rape Cases

ABSTRACTIn the wake of rape law reforms, lack of sexual consent emerged as a key element that defined sexual contact as criminal. Its presence modified the requirement of force or threat of violence, and it gained traction in campaigns to eradicate sexual assault. Little is known, however, about how prosecutors assess consent. In this article, I use the case of statutory rape to better understand the legal construction of sexual consent. By focusing on an age-based class of individuals who are sexually mature but still under the age of consent, I show how legal actors identify sexual victimization among youth. Drawing on interviews with forty-three prosecutors, I analyze prosecutorial decision making during the investigation, charging, and trial phases. I find that sexual consent is not simply a dichotomous legal category but rather a sociological process. Prosecutors define sexual victimization based on informal ideas about normative adolescent sexuality, reproducing social hierarchies based on age, gender, and sexual identity.

Rape related pregnancy: Concept analysis

Rape related pregnancy is a public health problem affecting female rape survivors of sexual assault especially adolescents. A number of factors influence the occurrence of rape related pregnancy which includes environmental, cultural, social, religious beliefs and some family relationships that lead to delays or total failure to seek care. Rape victims who fall pregnant experience considerable physical, psychological, social and spiritual trauma which could be avoided if emergency interventions were accessed but care seeking is low. Therefore, it is essential to obtain data that will assist the caregivers in the difficult task of reducing consequences of rape related pregnancy. Methodology: Walker & Avant (2011) 8 step classic procedure for concept analysis was adopted in analysing the concept of rape related pregnancy. Literature search was done in 3 weeks and out of 28 reviewed only 10 articles were selected for analysis. Google scholar search engine was used to assess journals and papers. Results: Literature focused on defining types of rape which in this paper are attributes of rape related pregnancy. Rape related pregnancy was defined as any pregnancy resulting from forced sex, reproductive coercion, statutory rape and sexual act with a woman of any age who cannot offer consent or resistance due to drug or alcohol intoxication or any other vulnerability. Conclusion: In addressing needs of women with rape related pregnancy, there is need for a well-informed decision-making process covering the scope of legal, religious, social and cultural aspects in the context of each individual survivor. There is therefore need to explore the lived experiences of these women so as to develop client centred care protocols.

The Menace of Rape in the Present Day Nigerian Society and The Effect on Its Victims: The Way Forward

Recently, there has been a great increase in the rate at which rape is being reported in the Nigerian society. Therefore, this article seeks to adumbrate the implications, possible causes of rape and proffers ways forward. The paper identify Rape as encapsulated under Section 357 of the Nigerian criminal code which is applicable to the southern part of Nigeria as “any person who has unlawful carnal knowledge of a woman or girl without her consent, if the consent is obtained by force or by means of threats or intimidation of any kind or by fear of harm, or by means of false and fraudulent representation as to the nature of the act, or in. And that in the case of a married woman, by impersonating her husband is guilty of an offense which is called rape. The possible causes of rape identified includes indecent dressing by the women, drug abuse by the men, rapists in Nigeria are so free due to the laxity of laws against rapist, and culture of silence to avoid social stigma, shame and public embarrassment associated with rape by female victims. To tackle the issue of rape, there should be public enlightenment to make everyone be aware that anybody can be raped, old or young. Equal education of both male and females will go a long way to reduce the rate of rape. Preventive measured should be preferred to curative measures .Women should be encouraged to dress decently and the female victims should speak up and report rape cases to the appropriate authorities.

PREVALENCE OF HEPATITIS C VIRUS AND HUMAN IMMUNODEFICIENCY VIRUS IN INJECTION DRUG USERS OF KHYBER PAKHTUNKHWA, AND FACTORS AFFECTING ITS OCCURRENCE

Objective: Our main objective was to find out the prevalence of Hepatitis C virus and Human immunodeficiency virus and its co presence in injection drug users. We have to show the difference of occurrence of these viruses in injection drug users who had sexual relation with female sex workers or male sex with male, and those who had not; those who share the syringe and those who do not. Condition related epidemiology to be sought out.
 Materials & Methods: This cross sectional analytical study with sub groups of cases and controls on the basis of presence or absence of different variables in injection drug users, was carried out in the rehabilitation center of Dost Welfare Foundation situated in the district Peshawar. Total study duration was 6months. Convenience sampling was done and patients age greater than 15 years, male sex and abusing injection drugs for at least one year were selected. Patients age less than 15 years, not consenting or not completing the interview were excluded. Individuals numbered 57 were selected and interviewed for the questions in the Pro forma (questionnaire). The lab results were obtained from the laboratory and register of Dost welfare Foundation. Results were prepared by manually analyzing data and presented through MS Word.
 Results: The results showed that the prevalence of Hepatitis C virus among injection drug users was 26.3% (95%CI=14.8% to 37.7%) and that of Human immunodeficiency virus was 15.8% (95%CI=6.3% to 25.2%), while 5.3% of the injection drug users were co-infected with Human immunodeficiency virus and Hepatitis C virus . Among the injection drug users 52.6% shared the syringes or other drug equipment and among them 30% (odds ratio=1.5) had Hepatitis C virus, 13.3% (odds ratio=0.67) had Human immunodeficiency virus and 3.3% had both Hepatitis C virus and Human immunodeficiency virus . Similar number of injection drug users had unlawful sex with FSW/MSM i.e. 52.6% and among them 23.3% (odds ratio=0.72) had Hepatitis C virus and 23.3% (odds ratio=3.8) had Human immunodeficiency virus. Injection drug users that had unlawful sex as well as sharing the syringe and other drug equipment were 31.6% and among them 38.9% had Hepatitis C virus and 11.1% had Human immunodeficiency virus.
 Conclusion: The Hepatitis C virus prevalence among injection drug users in our study population is not as common as in other parts of this country. Human immunodeficiency virus seems to be more prevalent in injection drug users in our study area as compared to other parts of this country. Sharing syringes or other drug equipment is an important risk factor for Hepatitis C virus and unlawful sex for Human immunodeficiency virus.

“Suitable Feminine Companionship”: On Mamie Burns and Fat Violet in Long Day's Journey Into Night

ABSTRACT In act 4 of Long Day's Journey Into Night, Jamie tells Edmund a sentimental story of the evening he has just spent with a prostitute, Fat Violet, in the establishment of Mamie Burns. Burns has previously been identified as based on Addie Burns, a madam in the red-light district of New London, Connecticut. Newspaper reports from the period make it clear that Burns was in prison for statutory rape in 1912, when the play is set, and they also lead to the identification of Viney Malady as the original Fat Violet. The idea of the abettor of rape being convicted as the rapist opens a new perspective on what Carlotta Monterey O'Neill and O'Neill's biography have told us about his actual brother's complicity in his traumatic sexual initiation at an early age. This material opens new perspective on O'Neill's Strange Interlude, Exorcism, and “The Ballad[e] of Old Girls.”

The “Statutory Rape” Myth: A Case Law Study of Sexual Assaults against Adolescent Girls

Dans le présent article, les auteures passent en revue trois ans de jurisprudence canadienne impliquant des infractions de nature sexuelle contre des adolescentes âgées de douze à dix-sept ans. Elles tentent d’établir quels types de cas se rendent au tribunal, qu’ils donnent lieu à des condamnations ou non, et quels types de peine sont imposés aux individus condamnés pour ces infractions. Dans la grande majorité des cas examinés, les hommes étaient considérablement plus âgés que les plaignantes. La différence d’âge moyenne entre l’accusé et la plaignante était de dix-neuf ans et, en excluant les membres de la famille, de 15,6 ans. Les quelques cas impliquant de jeunes hommes impliquaient souvent de la violence en plus de l’agression sexuelle. Dans environ 30 pour cent des cas, la plaignante dormait ou était en état d’ébriété lorsqu’au moins une partie de ces agressions était commise. Les cas présentent un portrait des crimes où l’intersection des inégalités et des vulnérabilités contribue à expliquer pourquoi ce groupe démographique est ciblé par la violence sexuelle plus que tout autre groupe d’âge.

Statutory is Not Rape: Reshaping the Criminalization of Underage Sex, and Beyond

Statutory rape is a unique form of rape, age-dependent, on the one hand, and consent-indifferent, on the other hand. This ancient offense had historically aimed to protect little girls' sexual chastity as parental property. Although this rationale is outdated and obsolete, the offense has survived. The battle against underage intercourse endures, relying on the age of victims or age disparities to base the assumption, that intercourse, even with consent, is nevertheless unwanted, causing teenagers physical and emotional harms. When carefully reviewing the modern attributed rationales of the offense, we find some unconvincing so-called harms, on the one hand, and incoherency of over-inclusiveness and under-inclusiveness, on the other hand. Age and numbers ease legal enforcement, prosecution and conviction, as well as social condemnation. However, they also flatten the offense, over-criminalize, and focus our attention away from the main problem: preventing sexual exploitation. The article proposes to reform statutory rape law, to better fit the rationale of preventing sexual exploitation and negate over-criminalization, either by including exploitation as an element of the offense, or by creating a unique defense of proving its absence. What is wrong in underage sex is not really age or age disparity, but something much more significant: abuse of power, lies and manipulation, disrespect and objectification. This valuable normative lesson exceeds statutory rape. This article calls to further utilize the refined normative basis, to tackle other facets of sexual exploitation, far outside the realm of underage sex, and protect adults from offensive social norms and practices, that are currently uncovered by the present rape offenses.

Legal Moralism, Overinclusive Offenses, and the Problem of Wrongfulness Conflation

In the Realm of Criminal Law, Antony Duff seeks to defend the view (termed “legal moralism”) that we should criminalize conduct only if it is wrongful. Skeptics of legal moralism argue that this occurs all the time in supposedly overinclusive offenses whose definitions capture not only the kind of conduct that constitutes the target wrong, but also a wider class of conduct that is not wrongful prior to prohibition. An example is statutory rape. Duff, in response, contends that such offenses need not violate the requirements of legal moralism. Having exploitative sex with juveniles is obviously wrong even prior to its legal regulation (these wrongs are mala in se). But having non-exploitative sex with juveniles is also potentially wrong, inasmuch as it involves a violation of a prohibition that society has decided is justified for instrumental reasons (such wrongs are mala prohibita). While Duff’s analysis offers an ingenious explanation for why offenses like statutory rape need not violate the bare minimum requirements of legal moralism, it simultaneously exposes separate, largely unacknowledged, problems of fair labeling and proportionality. By combining in a single offense wrongs that are primarily malum in se with ones that are primarily malum prohibitum—a process referred to as “wrongfulness conflation”—we risk treating unlike wrongs alike, imposing disproportionate punishments, and blurring offense labels. And such problems occur not just in the context of statutory rape, but also with respect to a host of other supposedly overinclusive offenses, including various forms of sexual assault.

Children's human right to sexual health: age of consent

The Mexican criminal law system sanctions under the crime of statutory rape adult offenders who have sexual relations with minors below the age of consent in order to protect their legal right to a healthy psychosexual development. 27% of criminal codes of federal entities set the age of consent at 12 years old. It is claimed that the age of 12 is too low to make teenagers legally responsible for the free exercise of their sexuality due to the serious effects it can cause on their dignity and sexual health. The aim of this article is to make an interpretation of criminal law under the concept of guarantism, to argue based on the best interest of the minor, the State obligation of legislating to set in a homogenous way in the criminal codes of the country, the minimum age of consent at 15 years old.

THE ELUSIVE OBJECT OF PUNISHMENT

AbstractAll observers of our legal system recognize that criminal statutes can be complex and obscure. But statutory obscurity often takes a particular form that most observers have overlooked: uncertainty about the identity of the wrong a statute aims to punish. It is not uncommon for parties to disagree about the identity of the underlying wrong even as they agree on the statute's elements. Hidden in plain sight, these unexamined disagreements underlie or exacerbate an assortment of familiar disputes—about venue, vagueness, and mens rea; about DUI and statutory rape; about hate crimes, child pornography, and counterterrorism laws; about proportionality in punishment; and about the proper ambit of the criminal law. Each of these disputes may hinge on deeper disagreements about the identity of the wrong a statute aims to punish, and these deeper disagreements can be surprisingly hard to resolve, fueled as they are by the complex inner structure of our penal laws and the discretionary mechanisms of their administration.

The New Virtual Crackdown on Sex Workers’ Rights: Perspectives from the United States

On 11 April 2018, the Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act (FOSTA) was signed into law in the United States. FOSTA introduced new provisions to amend the Communications Act of 1934 so that websites can be prosecuted if they engage ‘in the promotion or facilitation of prostitution’ or ‘facilitate traffickers in advertising the sale of unlawful sex acts with sex trafficking victims.’ While supporters of the law claim that its aim is to target human traffickers, its text makes no effort to differentiate between trafficking and consensual sex work and it functionally includes websites where workers advertise services or share information, including safety tips.[3] Following the law’s passage—and even before its full implementation—sex workers felt its impact as websites began to eliminate platforms previously used to advertise services. Backpage, an adult advertising website, was pre-emptively seized by the FBI. Other platforms began to censor or remove content related to sex work, including Google, Craigslist, and many online advertising networks. Sex workers in the United States have denounced the passage of FOSTA for reducing workers’ ability to screen clients and ensure safety practices. This paper provides an overview of the findings of a recent survey with sex workers in the United States, details the advent of similar initiatives in other countries, and explores how the legislation conflates trafficking with consensual sex work.

ACOG Committee Opinion No. 758: Promoting Healthy Relationships in Adolescents.

Obstetrician-gynecologists have the opportunity to promote healthy relationships by encouraging adolescents to discuss past and present relationships while educating them about respect for themselves and mutual respect for others. Because middle school is a time when some adolescents may develop their first romantic or sexual relationships, it is an ideal timeframe for obstetrician-gynecologists and other health care providers, parents, and guardians to play a role in anticipatory guidance. Creating a nonjudgmental environment and educating staff on the unique concerns of adolescents are helpful ways to provide effective and appropriate care to this group of patients. Obstetrician-gynecologists and other health care providers caring for minors should be aware of federal and state laws that affect confidentiality. Obstetrician-gynecologists should screen patients routinely for intimate partner violence along with reproductive and sexual coercion and be prepared to address positive responses. Furthermore, obstetrician-gynecologists should be aware of mandatory reporting laws in their state when intimate partner violence, adolescent dating violence, or statutory rape is suspected. Pregnant and parenting adolescents; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or questioning (LGBTQ) individuals; and adolescents with physical and mental disabilities are at particular risk of disparities in the health care system. The promotion of healthy relationships in these groups requires the obstetrician-gynecologist to be aware of the unique barriers and hurdles to sexual and nonsexual expression, as well as to health care. Interventions to promote healthy relationships and a strong sexual health framework are more effective when started early and can affect indicators of long-term individual health and public health.

ACOG Committee Opinion No. 758 Summary: Promoting Healthy Relationships in Adolescents.

Obstetrician-gynecologists have the opportunity to promote healthy relationships by encouraging adolescents to discuss past and present relationships while educating them about respect for themselves and mutual respect for others. Because middle school is a time when some adolescents may develop their first romantic or sexual relationships, it is an ideal timeframe for obstetrician-gynecologists and other health care providers, parents, and guardians to play a role in anticipatory guidance. Creating a nonjudgmental environment and educating staff on the unique concerns of adolescents are helpful ways to provide effective and appropriate care to this group of patients. Obstetrician-gynecologists and other health care providers caring for minors should be aware of federal and state laws that affect confidentiality. Obstetrician-gynecologists should screen patients routinely for intimate partner violence along with reproductive and sexual coercion and be prepared to address positive responses. Furthermore, obstetrician-gynecologists should be aware of mandatory reporting laws in their state when intimate partner violence, adolescent dating violence, or statutory rape is suspected. Pregnant and parenting adolescents; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or questioning (LGBTQ) individuals; and adolescents with physical and mental disabilities are at particular risk of disparities in the health care system. The promotion of healthy relationships in these groups requires the obstetrician-gynecologist to be aware of the unique barriers and hurdles to sexual and nonsexual expression, as well as to health care. Interventions to promote healthy relationships and a strong sexual health framework are more effective when started early and can affect indicators of long-term individual health and public health.

NEW WORDS FOR OLD WRONGS

ABSTRACTThis paper begins with the idea that there are sometimes gaps in our shared linguistic/conceptual resources that make it difficult for us to understand our own social experiences, and to make them intelligible to others. In this paper, I focus on three cases of this sort, some of which are drawn from the literature on hermeneutical injustice. I offer a diagnosis of what the gaps in these cases consist in, and what it takes to fill them. I argue that these gaps are filled in, at least initially, by labels of a particular kind. Specifically, these are labels that allow us to see the experiences in question as novel instances of phenomena with which we are already normatively familiar. Further, I also show that these labels bring with them important downsides: they introduce distortions into our understandings of these experiences. Using a pair of case studies (‘statutory rape,’ ‘sexual harassment’), I illustrate these distortions.

Child Marriage as Child Abuse and Constitutional Violation

According to a study conducted by the Tahirih Justice Center, more than 200,000 children under age 18 were married between the years 2000 and 2015 in the United States. Although all states have statutory minimum age requirements for marriage, there are exceptions in some states that allow children as young as eleven years old to marry with the consent of parents or courts. While the parental and judicial consent requirements are intended to protect children, sometimes parents are complicit in the exploitation of the child, and judges are often unwilling or unable to determine whether the marriage is in the child’s best interests. In fact, in many cases, young girls who were impregnated in violation of statutory rape laws were encouraged to marry their rapists. In those cases, the parents and courts are not protecting the child; they are legalizing child abuse. The Constitution protects children as well as adults. If minors are legally incapable of giving informed consent to marry, then parental and judicial consent exceptions allow minors to be married without their consent. This Article argues that such marriages violate minors’ rights under the Equal Protection and Due Process Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment. Allowing adults to marry young girls and take advantage of the marriage exception to states’ statutory rape laws deprives the girls of the protection that the laws provide to unmarried girls. Furthermore, allowing minors to marry when they lack the maturity to understand or appreciate the consequences of marriage deprives them of their fundamental right to choose whether and who they will marry. In order to protect their constitutional rights, children who are incapable of giving informed consent should never be allowed to marry. While some older minors may be mature enough to make an informed choice about marriage, the Article concludes that states may restrict marriage to those over eighteen years of age. The mature minor’s constitutional rights are not violated because the restriction merely delays a minor’s ability to exercise their right to marry rather than foreclosing it entirely. If states choose to allow those mature minors to marry, they should take their parens patriae obligation seriously and conduct an evidentiary hearing to verify that the minor is not being forced or coerced into the marriage, and that marriage is in the minor’s best interests.

#MeToo, Statutory Rape Laws and the Persistence of Gender Stereotypes

In the late 1970’s and early 1980’s, feminists pushed for reform of statutory rape laws. At that time, states’ laws explicitly provided that only males could be charged with the crime of having sexual intercourse with a female below a certain age. The victims of statutory rape were always female. Feminists advocated that the law should be rewritten in gender-neutral terms. They hoped that formal equality in statutory rapes laws would lead to the recognition that both males and females have sexual agency and greater equality in society as a whole. Unfortunately, the prosecutorial discretion granted by the language of these laws perpetuate rather than abolishes traditional male/female stereotypes. In October 2017, a social movement erupted out of the unacceptable exercise by men of their power over female subordinates. The #MeToo movement exposed the widespread prevalence of sexual harassment, sexual abuse, and sexual violence that women experience in the workplace. The #MeToo movement’s objective is not dissimilar to the goal of proponents of gender-neutral statutory rape laws, which seek to have men and women treated equally. Unfortunately, #MeToo and state adoption of gender-neutral statutory rape laws share another phenomenon. Both the #MeToo movement and the practical enforcement of gender-neutral laws create a “victimology paradigm.” It seems that recognizing inequality among genders requires conceding perceived female frailties. Using the example of statutory rape laws, this article explains how movements for increased equality between men and women can fail to meet their stated goals. The article begins by exploring traditional statutory rape laws, which stereotypically gendered perpetrators and victims. It follows with a discussion of the political forces behind the nation-wide change to neutralize gendered statutes. The article dedicates significant attention to the flaws of gender-neutral statutory rape laws, which, by removing gender designations of victims and perpetrators, grant prosecutors unchecked discretion to choose which partner to charge in cases of mutual consent to the same prohibited conduct. Today prosecutors are three times more likely to charge males with statutory rape than they are to charge females with the crime. Parents of females’ alert authorities of prohibited sexual activity of their daughters at a rate that is largely disproportionate to that of parents of males. Prosecutorial stereotyping as it pertains to prohibited sexual intimacy between consenting teens has created an unfortunate return to the female-victim paradigm that proponents of gender-neutral statutory rape laws sought to erase. The article concludes with a recommendation for achieving a more balanced application of gender-neutral laws. Cultural movements can have unintended consequences. This article explains how the women’s rights movement’s campaign to neutralize gendered statutory rape laws failed to achieve its goal of an equal society. Today, a growing number of voices suggest that #MeToo, like the practical application of gender-neutral statutory rape laws, disempowers women. This article exposes the pernicious effects of the legislative shift to gender neutrality and explains how it serves as a cautionary tale to the #MeToo movement and the fight for workplace equality.

The Shifting Shape of the Rape Discourse

This article reports findings based on non-participant observation during eight weeks of rape trials in a Fast Track Court (FTC) in Lucknow, established exclusively to hold trials of cases involving ‘crimes against women’. Research methods included an in-depth study of 15 ‘disposed off’ case files, in-depth semi-structured interviews conducted with 12 lawyers and focus group discussions (FGDs) with police officials held at 15 police stations in Lucknow district. Around 50 per cent of the rape trials were found to be related to the offence of statutory rape in cases of runaway marriages of minors. Another distinct category of cases that came to trial as rape cases were those involving ‘breaking of or false promise of marriage’. This article problematises and contests the construction of these categories of cases as ‘rape’ and argues that it points to a shift and hijack of the rape discourse by patriarchal familial and legal forces.

She Touched Me: Five Snapshots of Adult Sexual Violations of Black Boys.

Too often the idea of young Black boys as sexually aggressive or criminally assaultive displaces the idea that they can be victims at all. As such, Black boys are not theorized or researched as victims of sexual violations in current gender literatures. Instead they are almost exclusively represented as perpetrators of sexual violence, not victims of it. This study examines five snapshots of Black men who were victims of sexual violations as young boys. Our findings indicate that Black males are uniquely at risk for sexual impropriety and statutory rape, primarily via older women and teenage girl female-perpetrators (although risk also includes same-sex violations). This study, the first of its kind, argues that Black boys must be understood as a population at risk to be victims of sexual violations and require an earlier sex education emphasizing their sexual vulnerability.