Political Union Research Articles

Peranan Badan Kesatuan Bangsa dan Politik (Kesbangpol) Dalam Menangani Daerah Rawan Konflik di Kota Medan


 
 This study focuses on how the role of the entity of the Nation and Political of the City of Medan in handling conflict prone areas based on various problems or conflicts occurring in Medan City. This study aims to determine whether the role of the entity of the nation and the political entity of the city of Medan has been running well or not yet as well as analyzing what factors are inhibiting in handling conflict prone areas and knowing the effort to overcome these obstacles. The research method used is qualitative method with descriptive approach. The data collection technique used by researchers in conducting this study is observation, interview and also documentation. This study shows that the role of the Union and Political Unity of the United States in handling conflict prone in the territory of Medan has been done maximally despite obstacles in the process of its organizations. The Nation and Political Unity Agency has had an effort to overcome such obstacles to maximize the handling of conflict prone in the territory of Medan.
 Keywords: Role, Nation and Unit Agency, Conflict House Region

How Do We Grow Grassroots Critiques of the State? A Close Reading of Triple Jeopardy from East Baltimore

How Do We Grow Grassroots Critiques of the State?A Close Reading of Triple Jeopardy from East Baltimore Lenora R. Knowles (bio) When I sit with the images, concepts, and community voices of the Third World Women's Alliance (TWWA) in their Triple Jeopardy newspaper, I am struck by how this movement publication served as a key mechanism for the New York City chapter of the TWWA to grow leadership and critical consciousness of the racial capitalist U.S. state among their base of Third World women and Third World people more generally. In this first issue, the TWWA elucidates how members were teaching and circulating Third World political analysis and movement strategy, along with the meanings and values of Third World movement leadership. As a revised organic intellectual, organizer, and nepantlera,1 I find joy and possibility in the complex process of growing grassroots movement leaders struggling for broadscale social transformation. From its first issue through its last, Triple Jeopardy offers important considerations for doing the relational and processual work of political education and leadership development today. Below, I explore how writers of Triple Jeopardy utilized the rhetorical device of the question as a method for critical inquiry and political education. Moreover, I trace how they mobilized radical critiques of the state at multiple scales, ranging from global regimes of violence to everyday trauma, in order to build political unity. I suggest that these approaches provide invaluable tools for the grassroots base-building and leadership development that I attempt to practice while organizing in East Baltimore. To better understand some of what this first issue teaches us about leadership development, I provide a bit of context for the TWWA (see Springer 2005; Farmer 2017), the stakes of their organizing and theorizing within a Cold War context, and how they conceptualized the role of their [End Page 191] grassroots publication. The TWWA was a radical women of color organizing collective that first took shape in New York through the leadership of Black women organizers Frances Beal and Gwendolyn Patton. The organizational life of the New York–based TWWA spanned roughly from 1969 to 1977; during this time, they created an organizing program and collectivist organizational structure that centered a Third World woman of color politics that was anti-racist, anti-imperialist, and anti-sexist. The collective's effort to develop a united front of Third World women necessitated multimodal work that was deeply personal, epistemic, collective, analytical, and embodied in nature. Their writings and organizing articulated a Third World women's consciousness among working-class women of color. They mobilized members around key local and international campaigns that promoted reproductive justice, opposed the Vietnam War, and resisted police and carceral violence. Their growing numbers demonstrated the resonance of the organization's intersectional analysis and its strategies for organizing among Third World women. In addition, their thriving base spoke to their increased organizational capacity. Thus, we might think about the TWWA's increased grassroots power in terms of its potential threat to the U.S. nation-state's stability and working-class women's allegiance to a U.S. status quo. By 1971 the organization expanded into the West Coast with the formation of the Bay Area and Seattle chapters. The national membership has been estimated to be somewhere around two hundred members. While the NYC chapter mostly organized among Black diasporic and Puerto Rican women, the West Coast chapter expanded the membership of Chicana and Asian American and Pacific Islander women alongside African American women. The NYC chapter mobilized women for the annual International Women's Day and supported local workers' picket lines, as well as protests spearheaded by groups like the Black Panther Party, La Union Latina, and the Campaign to Free Angela Davis. One of their first actions as a collective was participating in the 1970 New York women's strike, during which members publicly delivered a critique of the hegemonic white feminist organizations of the time (TWWA [1974?], 2). The organization challenged state and corporate violence domestically and abroad, most notably in their work to end the country's imperial intervention in Vietnam, state discipline of Black activists, and attacks on Third World Women's reproductive capacity...

A “Wild and Ambiguous Medium”: Democracy, Interiority, and the Early American Epistolary Novel

AbstractThis essay argues that early American novelists’ sustained commitment to epistolary fiction reflects their recognition that the mediated access it offered to inner life made it a potent vehicle for highlighting the limits of our ability to decipher the concealed interiorities of other people. Faced with the question of how novels might best prepare readers for republican social and political life, novelists such as Charles Brockden Brown and Susanna Rowson turned to this increasingly outmoded form because it foregrounded the uncertainties inherent in reading inner life. Eschewing third-person fiction’s fantasy of direct access to another mind, these novels foster an epistemological humility regarding other interiorities that would be valuable in negotiating civic life in the early republic. While early American novels have long been regarded as encouraging sympathetic identification as a means of establishing political union, novels such as Brown’s Clara Howard and Rowson’s Sincerity instead harness the epistolary novel’s partial, uncertain revelations of interiority to highlight our inability to access fully someone else’s thoughts or feelings. These novels warn readers that successfully navigating the epistemological challenges of this new democratic social order requires resisting the fantasy that another person’s true feelings can ever be fully known.Rowson and Brown saw epistolary novels as a means of not just teaching Americans how to read inner life, but also of cautioning them that they could never do so with certainty.

Confessional Cultures and European Identity: Religion, Ideology, and Economics

Proponents of greater European political unity through the development of the European Union (EU) have long sought to foster a “European” identity among citizens as a way of advancing their cause. And there is now a substantial body of scholarship devoted to understanding the social, economic, and demographic factors contributing to the development of such an identity. Recently, there has been a growing interest in cultural influences, but the possible impact of religion has been largely ignored. Using Eurobarometer 65.2 (2006), we show that religious groups differ systematically in their propensity to take “European” identity markers. Using multivariate analysis, we demonstrate that Catholics are most likely to be cognitive “Europeans”, while Protestants and other Christians are less likely to take such perspectives. Religiosity tends to reinforce the dominant propensity of each tradition. These religious differences persist even under statistical controls for other demonstrated influences, although their effects are strongest in the old Western European “core” of the EU. The long-term decline of Catholic religiosity thus has important implications for the future of “European” identities: their growth will depend increasingly on less “diffuse” and more variable influences, such as successful economic management by EU and national governments.

SOCIAL AND CULTURAL FACTORS OF INFLUENCE ON THE MEDIA FORMATION OF LVIV ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN SPACES

Architecture ensures a person's orientation in space, affects his emotions and mental state. A group of social and cultural factors influencing the formation of media formation of architecture and city spaces determines the aspects of human perception of the architectural environment. Each of its elements performs a certain function and at the same time is the context of people's everyday life. The media formation of architecture and urban spaces creates material conditions for providing the physiological needs of a person because it carries certain information about the possibilities of their satisfaction. The article identifies sociological, cultural and spiritual factors and examines their influence on the media formation of the Lviv city. The evaluation of the relationships between social and cultural factors and media formation was carried out on the basis of a multidimensional matrix of relationships. It was established that social and cultural factors have the greatest influence on mental media formation of architecture. On the other hand, connections with the physical media formation, except for the visual, are absent. The assessment also made it possible to discover that the psychological state of a person has the most count of connections with informative essence of the architecture. The desire to find the meaning of life is manifested in architecture through emotional properties associated with the disclosure of the life processes of society with the expression of national, social, political unity of people, with the value of family unity, with self-affirmation of the individual. Therefore, it is necessary to take into account aspects of the psychological perception of future objects in architectural practice.

Historians and the Decade of Centenaries in Modern Ireland

The Irish ‘Decade of Centenaries’ is, at last, drawing to a close, ending the ‘interminable round of national soul-searching’ which one prominent historian warily anticipated in 2013.1 The final major event to be commemorated is the Civil War of 1922–3, when the Irish republican movement split bitterly and violently over the terms of the treaty granting the southern part of Ireland partial independence from Britain. As it turns out, the government in charge of overseeing that commemoration is a coalition made up of the two principal political parties that emerged from the aftermath of that civil war. Where for a century these parties had formed the binaries of the Irish political division, now their peaceful cooperation in government could be seen as proof of the ‘end of history’, Irish-style. Even erstwhile political enemies – whose ancestors one hundred years ago executed and assassinated each other – could unite in a shared project of ‘inclusive’ and ‘ethical’ commemoration informed by an expert advisory panel made up of prominent academic and public historians. Their unprecedented political cooperation would be encapsulated by the peaceful swapping of the position of Taoiseach (Prime Minister) half-way through the government's term. The third great strand of the Irish Revolution, the labour movement, was fortuitously represented by the election to the Irish Presidency in 2007 of Michael D. Higgins, an academic sociologist and former Labour Party TD (member of parliament). Casann an roth, as Higgins declared in one of his many addresses during the ‘Decade’, as it is colloquially known in Irish history parlance.2 The wheel turns, and this time had come full circle, repairing the fractures in the national movement and restoring national political unity.

European Regional Integration and its Partnership with Türkiye: An Assessment of the Specific Customs Union

International economic integrations, especially after the end of World War II, result from the long-term goals of establishing political unity based on countries' orientation towards their common economic interests. Customs unions, in which states abolish tariffs among themselves and apply common tariffs to third countries, are the next advanced stage of international integration after free trade zones. While customs unions eliminate tariffs and related taxes in trade within their jurisdiction, they also establish a common external tariff. This entails some asymmetrical disadvantages for the countries within the Union. A new step by Türkiye in its efforts to integrate with the West was its application to join the EEC in 1959. The Customs Union, defined by the Ankara Agreement signed in 1963, came into effect in 1996 as a result of the agreement made at the meeting of the Association Council of 6 March 1995 adopted "Customs Union Decision". The aim of this study is to examine the bilateral trade impact of the Customs Union between Türkiye and the EU. H1: Which fields should be included in the customs union between Türkiye and the EU? H2: How will the inclusion of trade in digital goods and services in the Customs Union affect EU-Türkiye trade? The results from the analysis covering the years of 1996-2021 showed that the Customs Union has had a positive but limited effect for the trade between EU-Türkiye. The customs union needs to be updated taking into account public procurement, agriculture and digital services.

The Fractured-Land Hypothesis

AbstractPatterns of state formation have crucial implications for comparative economic development. Diamond (1997) famously argued that “fractured land” was responsible for China’s tendency toward political unification and Europe’s protracted polycentrism. We build a dynamic model with granular geographical information in terms of topographical features and the location of productive agricultural land to quantitatively gauge the effects of fractured land on state formation in Eurasia. We find that topography alone is sufficient but not necessary to explain polycentrism in Europe and unification in China. Differences in land productivity, in particular the existence of a core region of high land productivity in northern China, deliver the same result. We discuss how our results map into observed historical outcomes, assess how robust our findings are, and analyze the differences between theory and data in Africa and the Americas.

Military and political cooperation in the institutional concepts of the theory of international relations

Military-political cooperation in the institutional concepts of the theory of international relations is considered. The retrospective analysis of the existing concepts of representatives of the main scientific schools and directions in the theory of international relations, primarily supporters of «institutionalism» and political realism regarding the basic principles and mechanisms of military-political cooperation have been done. Comparative analysis of the main scientific schools and approaches in the paradigm of globalization has been accomplished. Possibilities and prospects for changes in views on the principles of military-political cooperation in the international arena are outlined. Principled positions on the issue of deepening and improving the mechanisms of military-political cooperation are formulated. It was found out, that the central problem of the military- political union is the reliability of guarantees that the allied states will come to the rescue and act together. In weakly institutionalized unions, their members cannot trust others because states retain virtually unlimited freedom of action in foreign policy. Therefor their members need guarantees and confidence that the allied states will come to the rescue at the appropriate moment, acting in solidarity to achieve such a goal. In the opposite case, the union will be unable to act as an effective means of uniting the military potential of the member countries, and will remain an empty paper document. Solving the problem of the effectiveness of the union is possible only by building a system of mutual obligations. It was determined, that an essential point for clarifying the criteria for the internal viability of military-political alliances is the ability of the leaders of the member-states to fulfil the alliance obligations to act in spite of strong internal opposition to the country’s foreign policy course or its change. It was concluded that military-political alliances can act as providers of international security and stability not only for their members, but also for the international community as a whole. It was found out, that confidence-building measures proved to be quite effective tools to prevent war. In the absence of trust, it is impossible to build a stable and safe world, and the best embodiment of trust in practice is a military-political union in which the mutual trust of the member-states reaches the highest possible level. If such an alliance is capable of acting as a stabilizer of the system of international relations, deterring its members and other states from aggressive actions and depriving them of reasons to count on victory «at a small price», then its activity strengthens the security of all countries without exception.

Religious and political consolidation in Southern Dagestan in 2010-2020: the inclusion of local communities in the general Dagestan Muslim space

This article analyzes a little-studied aspect of the consolidation of Dagestan society in 2010-2020: how the process of religious and political unification took place in Southern Dagestan. The paper traces the process of alternation of political and administrative-coercive methods in the unification of local Islamic communities in the region. The author proves that the murder of Sheikh Sirazhudin Khuriksky, who had maintained the religious independence of Southern Dagestan since the 1990s, was a turning point in the process of eliminating the religious autonomy of this sub-region. These changes coincided with the coming to the post of the head of Dagestan Ramazan Abdulatipov, who actively interfered in local politics. The Dagestan Muftiate took advantage of this situation to extend its influence to Southern Dagestan. The described processes led to the consolidation of political power in the republic and the unification of the Muslim space. The former fragmentation and complication of religious and political life have been stopped. Because they threatened the emergence of uncontrolled processes associated with the radicalization of Dagestan Muslim society.

Die Europäische Politische Gemeinschaft: multilaterale Koordination und differenzierte Integration in „Wider Europe“

The founding of the European Political Community (EPC) was motivated by both geopolitics and integration policy. This article examines this new format from the perspective of summit diplomacy and as a sub-case of (external) differentiated integration in the Wider Europe. The first meeting of 44 heads of state and government in October 2022 was a demonstration of (geo-)political unity against Russia, which is waging a war of aggression on Ukraine and destroying the European security order. Participating states might also find it useful in the future to exchange views on the reordering of Europe in this high-level political forum. In contrast, it is unclear what added value the EPC can develop with regard to preparing the current ten (potential) candidate countries for membership in the European Union (EU). Moreover, the EPC has revived the political debate on partial and gradual integration and partial or staged membership. Still missing is a strategic positioning of the EU on how to deal with the nexus of its reform, enlargement and geopolitical role.

Slímusetur in Early Icelandic Law and its European Context

Iceland received new law from its king in 1271, Járnsíða (Ironsides). Among other novelties, it forbade unwelcome and overbearing guests ‘slimesitting’ at other people’s feasts, sitja slímusetri. Analogous articles appear in the Norwegian Landslǫg (National Law, 1274) and Jónsbók (1281). To understand the king’s newly acquired interest in legislating against slímusetur, it is necessary to appreciate both the local context of legal reform and the European context of political language. Many things that had not been the concern of the king now became so. My present argument is that law forbidding people from imposing themselves on others by enforced hospitality must be understood in its European context and in comparison with similar legal provisions made elsewhere during the high Middle Ages. The two contexts, local and European, are but different viewpoints; however, they are useful in separating the specific and contextual from that which is general. The local context of legal reform in the Norwegian realm during the second half of the thirteenth century is principally a variant on a European theme that rang loud in the central Middle Ages. Essentially, it was a part of a larger, European process of state building. The introduction to Icelandic law of a prohibition against slímusetur, in Járnsíða and then Jónsbók, was not a response to local political conditions. Mainly, it was symptomatic of the fact that Iceland had now joined a new and different political unity, the Norwegian realm. In Norway, its introduction corresponded better to local conditions. Ultimately, however, the legal measures taken against forced hospitality in Scandinavia were echoes of a European development in which kings and princes increasingly policed their territories as legislators, supreme judges, and protectors of public peace and order.

V.I. Lamansky: Civilizations and the War of Languages

The article deals with the problems of language and war in the civilizational concept of the Slavist Academician V.I. Lamansky. Lamansky's attitude to the Crimean War and Russian-Turkish War of 1877–1879 is traced on the basis of archival documents. His assessments of military and political events are given. It is pointed out that Lamansky's political-geographical doctrine formulated in his treatise «The Three Worlds of the Asian-European Continent» (1892) and in his earlier works, was a development of the Slavophile ideas and included the provisions later developed by Eurasianists. It is pointed out that he gave not only a geographical but also a linguistic definition of civilizations, in particular, he believed that civilizational worlds are held together by a common language (world-historical language). According to Lamansky, who formulated the doctrine of linguistic hegemony, the competition between peoples and states, including military, is replaced by the competition of world-historical languages. In Europe, he believed, three Romance languages (French, Italian and Spanish) and two Germanic languages (English and German) are struggling with each other. Of these, only Spanish and English, thanks to the vast colonies of Great Britain and the former colonies of Spain, could retain their world-historical significance. In time, he suggested, even Spain's former colonies in South America might come under Anglo-Saxon rule, and the center of the Western world would shift to the New World. In the Middle World or the Greco-Slavic world, Russian has no competitors, so it should be a common literary, scientific and diplomatic language, uniting the peoples of the Middle World in a civilizational unity. Language is the main geopolitical force through which cultural and, in the long term, political unity is first formed. Based on the philosophical and historical analysis of the contradictions between the Romano-Germanic and the Greek-Slavic worlds, Lamansky concluded that the coming world war was inevitable.

Towards a history of compromise: comparing political unions in the British-Irish Isles and Poland-Lithuania

This article is a modified and expanded version of the British Academy Raleigh Lecture, delivered at Queen�s University Belfast. It argues that historians, as opposed to political scientists, sociologists, and philosophers, have neglected the history of compromise and compromises, despite compromise being a significant social and political practice. It considers how historians might approach the problem of compromise, and what a historical perspective might add to study of compromise. It concludes with a comparative consideration of three political unions, between Poland and Lithuania, between England and Scotland, and between England/Britain and Ireland from the point of view of a historian of compromise.

Legal Framework for the Regulation of Sanctions Measures in the European Union

The subject of this article is the legal basis of the mechanism for the adoption of sanctions (restrictive measures) within the European Union. The author traced the evolution of the application of sanctions since the creation of the European Economic Community (1957) to the present day, analyzed the relevant sections of the most important constituent acts of the EU and considered the features of the EU sanctions mechanism at the present stage. In recent decades, the practice of applying political and economic sanctions has significantly expanded in the system of international relations. At the same time, if earlier the initiator of international restrictive measures was usually the UN Security Council, now the world is dominated by unilateral national sanctions adopted on the basis of domestic political and legal norms. Somewhat apart in this process are the countries of the European Union, which are guided by collective sanctions measures approved within the EU. The purpose of this article is to study the specifics of the EU sanctions policy, to determine the legal nature of collective sanctions, as well as their compliance with the current principles and standards of modern international law. In the course of the evolution of the European Union as a subject of international legal relations, a special place was given to the formation of the common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU. The author comes to the conclusion that the gradual transformation of an economic association into a political union has led to the need for a unified coordinated policy in the international arena. According to the author, at the present time, the sanctions measures of the European Union have become an integral part of the PRSP, strengthening its role and importance as an important chain in the system of international relations. At the same time, the EU, not having its own armed forces, increasingly considers collective sanctions as an instrument of its political and economic influence in the world. The novelty of this study lies in the consideration of the EU sanctions mechanism from the point of view of the formation of a single common foreign policy of this supranational union.

Bishops and Archbishops of the Papal States on the Seizure of Its Territories by the Piedmontese Army (1859—1861)

Abstract. The achievement of the political Unification of Italy is related to the emergence of a prolonged conflict between Church and State that was not limited to the confrontation between Pope Pius IX and the Italian government. It was also quite noticeable at the local level. In 1859—1861 Bishops and Archbishops of the Papal States faced the seizure of the papal possessions by the Piedmontese troops and its consequences. The attitude of the Archpastors to these events was caused by various considerations of both general and particular nature. The article is an attempt to systematize and explain the reaction of the Bishops and Archbishops of the Papal States to the change of authority and the policy of the Piedmontese administration regarding these territories in 1859—1861.

СТВОРЕННЯ І РОЗВИТОК СИСТЕМ ВАГОВИХ МІР НІМЕЧЧИНИ, АВСТРІЇ І КРАЇН СКАНДИНАВІЇ

The development of the economy in the territories of modern Germany, the peninsulas of Jutland and Scandinavia, inhabited since ancient times by tribes that spoke Germanic languages, required the use of various measures, the units of which must be related to each other. Since primitive times, the Germans, like other peoples of the world, used the so-called primitive natural measures, the standards of which were borrowed from nature itself. The political disunity of the Germanic tribes led to their lack of a single system of measures. However, a generally accepted standard of weight measures appeared with them. It was a mass of wheat or barley grain. When using units of measure in production and trade, the calculation was based on the numbers of ten and twenty adopted by the Indo-European peoples. In the II–I century B.C., the Romans conquered the territory of modern Germany to the west bank of the Rhine River. Roman colonies were founded there; the Roman system of measures and the monetary system were put into use. The Germanic lands to the east of the Rhine were not part of the Roman Empire. However, due to political ties and trade exchange with the Roman Empire, Roman monetary and weight measures gradually came into use in these lands. In the first centuries A.D., Germanic tribes attacked the Romans. In the 5th century, the Western Roman Empire fell. The territory of its provinces was conquered by Germanic tribes who created independent kingdoms here. In the 8th century, Charlemagne, the ruler of one of them, namely Frankish, united the former territories of the Western Roman Empire under his authority. In the empire of Charlemagne, a single system of measures was created, in which Roman and German measures were combined. In particular, instead of the Roman siliqua, which is a carob bean, the mass of a barley grain was adopted as the standard of weight. The calculation of units according to this system was conducted not only with the help of Roman numerals for 6 and 12, but also by dividing by the two system and using the decimal system. Charlemagne’s weight measures included units of coin and trade weight. Subsequently, as the analysis of the sources shows, it was on the basis of the Carolingian units of trade weight that systems of weight measures were created in the territories of Germany, Austria and the Scandinavian countries during the Middle Ages. In the 9th century, the Carolingian empire fell apart. In the 10th century, Otto I, the king of Germany, having united under his authority certain territories of Western Europe, announced the foundation of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation. Later, this state gradually fell apart into separate possessions, the rulers of which introduced their own monetary and weight measures. They were based on the division into marks. Initially, this monetary weight unit was equal to 2/3 of a Roman pound. Subsequently, various stamp weight standards appeared in German lands. From the 15th century, the gold and silver mass standards of the Cologne mark are being distributed in Western Europe. In the second half of the XIX century, the political unification of Germany took place, which coincided with the introduction of the international metric system in the territories of Germany, Austria and the Scandinavian countries.

On the Description of Oda Nobunaga’s Conquest of the Takeda Domain in “Shinchō-kō ki”

The paper examines the features of the narrative of the chronicle “Shinchō-kō ki”, one of the most valuable sources on the history of Japan of the Sengoku and Azuchi-Momoyama periods, written by Ōta Gyūichi, a vassal of Oda Nobunaga. The characteristic features of the description of Nobunaga's conquest of the Takeda domain, which became an important stage in the political unification of Japan at the end of the 16th century, are analyzed. The author of the chronicle seeks to justify the inevitability of the victory of the Oda army and the defeat of Katsuyori, the head of the Takeda house. Katsuyori appears in the chronicle as an unjust and cruel ruler, who is the antithesis of Oda Nobunaga, who in the work of Ōta Gyūichi is endowed with the qualities of a virtuous Confucian ruler. The fall of the Takeda house is explained in the spirit of Buddhism as retribution for the deaths of people during the wars waged by three generations of the Takeda house (Nobutora, Shingen, Katsuyori). The narrative of Ōta Gyūichi in the corresponding fragments of the chronicle of book XV, which describes the “pacification” of the Takeda domain, becomes more expressive, closer in style to earlier military epics of the Kamakura and Muromachi periods. In general, the narrative of the conquest of the Takeda inheritance reflects the intention of Ōta Gyūichi, which permeates other parts of the chronicle, which consists in exalting the military valor and dignity of Nobunaga. At the same time, the author of the chronicle uses both Confucian and Buddhist ideas and concepts. The appendix to the article also contains a commented translation into Russian of an excerpt from book XV, which tells about the conquest of the Takeda domain.

From Democracy to Dictatorship: Historiographic Problems of the Sociopolitical Development of Germany in 1918—1933

The article attempts to analyze one of the most difficult historiographical problems of the recent history of Germany — the transition of the first German democracy to the National Socialist dictatorship. Its necessity is dictated by the fact that in recent years new assessments and judgments of historians have appeared in historiography, which significantly supplemented traditional approaches. The authors of the article are of the opinion that due to the relatively late political unification of Germany and the preservation of medieval monarchical traditions and structures of domination, the subjects of modernization changes that began at the turn of the 19—20th centuries were social groups, associations, unions, political movements and parties. The war unleashed by the German monarchy and its subsequent tragedy clearly showed the reverse side of national unity under the influence of the euphoria of the “spirit of 1914”. The confusion and fears of the uncertainty of the future that followed the defeat in the war again forced the nation to unite, however, no longer on the basis of a common conviction that war was inevitable, as a means of overcoming land hunger, but in connection with the vision of political prospects and the intention to achieve them through parliamentary compromise. However, the fragile foundations of the first German democracy were again shaken by the upheavals of two world economic crises in the early and late 1920s. The fear of social and economic disasters was exacerbated by the lack of discussion about Germany's guilt in starting the war, which contributed to the emergence of a completely different belief in the form of a legend about the innocence of the Germans (“the stab-in-the-back myth”). Its dangerous potential, legitimizing the mass consciousness, could at any moment undermine the foundations of the fragile German democracy. The conviction that the defeat of Germany could be explained by circumstances not of a military nature, but of a domestic political nature, became part of the so-called “conservative revolution”, which arose as an opposition to the Weimar Republic and contributed to the radicalization of the right forces along with the subsequent rise of National Socialism.

Концептуалізація ідеї соборності в незалежній Україні: генеза смислотворення

In the article, the author analyzes the development of the idea of the unity of Ukraine, contradictions and heterogeneity in interpretive and normative approaches, which were explicitly or latently aimed at forming the value orientations of the Ukrainian nation, starting from 1991 until 2014, when the Revolution of Dignity took place. It was revealed that the specified period was characterized by the relentless search and production of new meanings, which had a contradictory nature, on the one hand, they were aimed at the rehabilitation of national history, and on the other hand, they served as a manipulative tool for the formation of public opinion and had a disintegrating effect on Ukrainian society. Special attention was paid to the issue of highlighting the idea of unity in normative and legal acts, in particular those that regulated the rehabilitation of national history and the restoration in the public field of the country of the discourse on the Day of Unity of Ukraine as an event that directly symbolized the aspirations of the Ukrainian people for the establishment of a sovereign and independent state. The article also reveals modifications of the concept of unity in the context of the ideological foundations of the work of a number of public organizations at the national and local levels. It was revealed that the period 1991–2014 was fundamental for the production of new meanings and orientations in nation-building, which ideologically prepared the ground for the events of 2014, the Euromaidan and the Revolution of Dignity, as well as the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of part of Donbas, which marked a new stage a test of the stability of the Ukrainian nation, in particular its unity not only in the symbolic dimension, but also in the practical plane of a direct military conflict, when the context of previous worldview contradictions was removed for the sake of preserving the political unity of the Ukrainian nation, which was subjected to a direct external attack from кussian federation. It was stressed that speculative discussions, discriminatory rhetoric surrounding the concept of the unity of the Ukrainian political nation over time transformed into a political technology of undermining the unity of Ukraine, in particular at the level of popularizing the idea of „incompatibility” and „mutual exclusivity” of the West and East of Ukraine, their economic, cultural, and foreign policy orientations. Political manipulations, multiplied by significant financial and organizational resources, led to the emergence and strengthening of regional political regimes, the actualization of disintegrating separatist political projects.