United Russia Research Articles

Обеспечение национальной экономической безопасности: сценарии выхода из коронакризиса

Introduction. The COVID-19 pandemic has become a trigger mechanism for the deployment of a global economic crisis that has engulfed all countries of the world. The aim of the study is to analyze the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic as a global threat to the world’s largest economies. Theoretical analysis. Within the framework of the basic AD-AS model, variants L, V, N, W were modeled and possible scenarios for overcoming the crisis were considered. Empirical analysis. Anti-crisis measures and the main indicators of the economic security of China, the United States, Germany and Russia are analyzed. Based on international statistics, forecasts have been made to overcome the economic crisis caused by the coronavirus. Conclusion. It is concluded that ensuring national economic security depends on the scenario conditions for economic recovery, on the effectiveness of macroeconomic policy and risk management at the global level.

Political repressions of the Soviet era in the party historical politics of modern Russia.

The political repressions of the Soviet era became one of the traumatic events for society, despite the past years, the assessment of their causes and consequences remains an important element of political discourse. Although the state authorities condemn them and define them as a crime, they focus on the achievements of the Soviet era. Against this background, political parties, within the framework of forming their own memory policy, have proposed different approaches to this tragic event of national history. The author of the article analyzes the attitude of parties to the causes and consequences of political repression, highlights certain features of the image they have formed and differences from the generally accepted assessment, suggestions for comment. The main sources were the programs of the most popular parties, interviews and publications of their leaders. The main conclusion of the study is the lack of a unified approach of modern parties to the problem of political repression. We can conditionally distinguish two large groups. The first group (the Communist Party, "Motherland", "Communists of Russia") is characterized by the recognition of repression as falsified or overestimated in order to discredit I.V. Stalin, whose image these parties largely mythologize. If individual violations of the rule of law are recognized, they are explained by the supreme necessity (modernization, preparation for war, the fight against conspiracy). The second group consists of parties condemning repression as an unjustified crime against the people. This group is not homogeneous: some ("Just Russia", "United Russia", to some extent LDPR) believe that this topic has been studied as a whole and it is enough to maintain the current commemorative practice; others (PARNAS, "Yabloko") expand the scope of repression for almost the entire existence of the USSR, insist on large-scale de-Stalinization and decommunization, referring to the practices of the historical policy of the countries of Eastern Europe.

Партия власти и системная оппозиция в Государственной Думе: различия в структуре территориального образа России

Abstract. Introduction: the legislative speeches at plenary sessions in the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation provide rich material for analyzing deputy’s ideas about the world arrangement, including the issues of territorial and political nature. The latter are of interest because they are a kind of gateway to the “real world” in which real people and organizations live and operate in specific localities and territories. It can be assumed that with regard to the parties represented in the State Duma, their place in the partypolitical system is one of the factors of differences in Russia’s territorial image. The period under analysis covers the time between the State Duma’s 4th and 7th convocation (2003–2021), characterized by the formation of a fairly stable party-political system with the dominance of “United Russia” party and the representation of three parties of systemic opposition in the lower house of the Russian parliament. Objectives: to identify the differences between the factions of the State Duma in the volume and structure of references to geographical objects. Methods: “Natasha” library tools for analyzing natural language text based on deep learning methods, the OpenStreetMap automatic geocoding system, and content analysis. Results: compared to other factions, “United Russia” refers less to geographical entities in relation to the total speaking volume of its deputies. At the same time, the mention of Russia and everything “geographically” connected with it has a more abstract, that is, high-level character among “United Russia” members. This is manifested, at least, in two ways. Firstly, “United Russia” deputies talk less about geographic objects of the regional level and below. Secondly, in their general reference to specific regions, they are much more likely, compared to other factions’ deputies, to limit themselves by only naming the region. In other words, systemic opposition deputies talk more about towns and localities “within” regions. Conclusions: The territorial image of the country in the “United Russia” rhetoric significantly differs from the other factions’ image in the level of its abstraction. This may be explained by the role of “United Russia” as the party of power, i.e. the instrument of presidential dominance in parliament. Being politically dominant, it bears the main administrative burden in the Duma processes. This reduces its incentive for using the rhetoric that opens up the gateways to the “real world”.

ПАТРОНАЖ КАК КЛЮЧЕВОЙ ПРЕДИКТОР РОТАЦИИ ГУБЕРНАТОРОВ: ФАКТОРЫ УСТОЙЧИВОСТИ ГЛАВ РЕГИОНОВ РОССИИ ПОСЛЕ ВОЗВРАЩЕНИЯ ГУБЕРНАТОРСКИХ ВЫБОРОВ В 2012 г.

The return of direct gubernatorial elections in 2012 did not lead to an increase in the autonomy of regional heads - on the contrary, the federal center only strengthened control over the staffing of regional executive power. Moreover, the rotation is only growing despite the positive dynamics of «United Russia» representation and support in the federal and regional legislatures. In this regard, the thesis that the good results of the "party of power" ensure the stability of governors (Reuter, Robertson, 2012) needs to be revised. The study aimed to identify the key predictors influencing the rotation of Russian governors after the return of direct elections of the heads of Russian regions. Using logistic regression analysis on panel data, the high significance of patronage as a predictor of the resignations of Russian governors from 2012 to 2020 was revealed. The hypothesis was confirmed that the higher the degree of patronage of the governor, the lower the likelihood that the head of the region will leave his post or not be promoted in the formal hierarchy. It turned out that the loyalty expressed in the results of the "United Russia" in the regional and federal elections is no longer a key predictor of the rotation of governors.

Электоральная активность молодёжи в качестве кандидатов в депутаты Законодательного Собрания Омской области в 2007-2016 гг.

The number of research papers covering the subject of the article at the regional level is small. The publication presents the analysis of the peculiarities of recruiting young people for the Omsk Region Legislative Assembly. The Omsk Region is a border region with an average Russian rate of economic development. The political landscape has a regional peculiarity. The Communist Party enjoys strong support of the Omsk Region population. This party has significant organizational resources. The purpose of this paper is to study the electoral activity of young people as candidates for deputies to the Legislative Assembly of the Omsk Region during the period 2007-2016. An empirical research method is used to analyze the results of the elections presented on the official website of the Election Commission of the Omsk Region in the State Automated System “Elections” for various periods from 2007 to 2016. The data collected concern candidates under the age of 35. The study revealed the following regularities. The three electoral cycles (2007, 2011, 2016) demonstrated a steady increase in the number of youth representatives elected as deputies. Despite the attempts to recruit young people as candidates to the Legislative Assembly of the Omsk Region from several parliamentary parties (“United Russia”, LDPR, “Just Russia”, CPRF), young candidates from United Russia have the greatest chances of being elected. During three electoral cycles, the self-nomination procedure proved to be unpromising for young people. The lack of their own resources and the difficulties associated with collecting signatures and registration do not lead young candidates to victories.

Linguo-discursive analysis of deliberative practices in the online space: <i>United Russia</i> - eighth convocation state duma elections

Linguo-discursive analysis of deliberative practices in the online space: <i>United Russia</i> - eighth convocation state duma elections

Партийные системы российских регионов на финише электорального цикла 2017-2021 гг.

The article is devoted to the characterization of party systems in Russian regions. The empirical basis of the work was the statistical data of the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation on the progress and results of the elections held in 2017-2020 in regional legislative assemblies. Aggregating this data, the author analyzes the dynamics of the distribution of Russian regions by the level of voting for the ruling United Russia party, by the number of its deputies, as well as general changes in the average level of voting for parliamentary parties in regional elections and the representation of these parties in legislative assemblies. The fragmentation of regional parliaments elected in 2017-2020 is investigated using indicators such as the total number of parties in the assembly, the number of factions and the effective number of parties. The calculation of the effective number of parties is carried out on the basis of the formula proposed by G.V. Golosov. Compared to previously investigated data on the electoral cycle of 2012-2016, current trends have been identified in the decrease in the level of support for United Russia and the representation of this party in a significant part of regional parliaments. Also, the results of the study demonstrate the increase in the number of factions and fragmentation of the deputy corps of legislative assemblies of Russian regions. Differences between regions in the level of fragmentation and competition between parties are shown. The classification of Russian regional parliaments on the basis of comparing their party-factional composition with the State Duma and taking into account the number of factions was proposed. More factions are represented in polyphractic legislative assemblies than in the Duma until 2021, in small factions - less, and in similar ones - the same, i.e. 4. The trend of increasing the number of polyphractic legislative assemblies and decreasing low-factional ones compared to the previous electoral cycle is shown.

ОСОБЕННОСТИ ИСПОЛЬЗОВАНИЯ МОРАЛЬНОЙ ЛЕКСИКИ ДЕПУТАТАМИ ФРАКЦИЙ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЙ ДУМЫ: ЭМПИРИЧЕСКАЯ ОЦЕНКА НА ОСНОВЕ КОНТЕНТ-АНАЛИЗА

The results of a study of the features of the use of moral language by deputies of various factions of the State Duma are presented. The conceptual basis of the study was the moral foundations theory developed in the USA, which reveals the difference between the moral foundations of conservative and liberal political ideology. Along with the main provisions of the theory, the features of the Russian political and ideological space and political practice, which limit the possibilities of its application in Russia, are considered in detail. The texts of all deputies’ speeches of the State Duma of the 4th-7th convocations were processed by computer content analysis using the moral foundations dictionary in the LIWC2015 program. The results of the analysis showed that in the speeches of the “United Russia” parliamentary faction much more often (in comparison with other factions) the language of the moral foundation "Authority" is used. This fact reflects its “administrative” conservatism, which expresses the peculiarities of its political and administrative status as a “party of power”. Generally, the parties represented in the Duma gravitate more toward “binding” (group-centric) rather than “individualising” moral foundations, which corresponds to stereotypical ideas about the important role of these values ​​in the Russian context. The results of the study indicate the promise of the approach based on the moral foundations theory to the study of socio-political discourse using computer content analysis of moral language.

The role of international standards in improving labour law of the Republic of Kazakhstan to ensure the well-being of society

The striving of the Republic of Kazakhstan for international integration and entry into influential international structures is impossible without the introduction of advanced experience in the field of labour law. Therewith, the labour law of each country is a unique and very broad branch of law; therefore, for the purposes of this study, such parameters as wages, provisions on weekends and holidays, as well as the issue of concluding and terminating an employment contract as the most fundamental labour law issues. To achieve the objectives of the study, the comparative method is used as the main one, both in horizontal and vertical as-pects. At the same time, the classical inductive method is used to formulate many provisions as an addition. For comparison, the authors of the study take the expe-rience of the United States, Russia, and China as the main trading partners of Ka-zakhstan, relations with which are of decisive importance for the country. From the stated provisions, it was concluded that the labour law of the Republic of Ka-zakhstan is quite progressive, although they need to be adjusted. Among the ana-lysed provisions, first of all, it is necessary to correct the size of the minimum wage, as the most important economic and legal indicator, and also to consider the pos-sibility of extending the minimum paid leave from 24 to 28 days. Therewith, the provisions on a written employment contract and the protection of employees from unjustified dismissal are quite progressive.

The consequences of Latin America’s “right-wing turn”: the regional and global scopes

The article examines the conceptual basis, characteristics and nuances of the “right-wing turn” in Latin America, as well as the reasons of its reappearance in the 21st century. Despite all positive changes that came after “the golden decade”, the popularity of left-wing politicians has been declining steadily, which influences the international relations both within and beyond the region. The “right-wing turn”, being in fact the consequence of inner-political shifts in many states of Latin America, has led to the gradual fall of the present cooperation institutions and the emergence of new ones that rely more on right-wing politicians’ values. Moreover, Latin America is now divided into two rival blocks owing to traditionally solid positions of socialist leaders in some of the region´s countries. The relationships between Latin America and the major Powers (United States, China and Russia) have undergone changes. It is worth mentioning that considerable attention has been paid to the analysis of not only political, but also economic ties. The purpose of this study is to show the scale of international political consequences of the “right-wing turn” in both regional and global dimensions on the basis of analysis and generalization of certain cases.

КОММУНИКАТИВНЫЕ ПРАКТИКИ ПРЕЗИДЕНТОВ США И РФ 2000-2008 ГГ.

The public communication practices of U.S. and Russian presidents are built on the basis of legal norms, political culture and established national traditions. The key genres of public communications of presidents in both the U.S. and Russia are: messages to parliaments, inaugural and crisis speeches, press conferences, and interviews. In the practice of the United States and Russia, the genres of messages and inaugural speeches practically coincide in this case. This is not coincidental, since the institution of the presidency in Russia is much younger and the key genres of public communications have been borrowed from Western practices. However, there are also certain specifics. In particular, the genre of crisis speeches is quite often used in the public communication practices of American presidents. In Russia, the practice of crisis speeches is used as a rhetorical tool of presidential communication much less frequently. The exceptions include presidential speeches about the most critical events; as a rule, they are broadcast on record. The know-how of presidential communication in Russia is the format of multihour direct lines with the president, which are broadcast by federal TV channels. The genre of press conferences is used by Russian presidents much more frequently. The rhetoric used by specific presidents adds to the peculiarity of their communication practices.

ОСОБЕННОСТИ ПОЛИТИЗАЦИИ ГОРОДСКОГО МИФА «МЫ ИЗ ЕЛЬЦА» В УСЛОВИЯХ ПРОВЕДЕНИЯ ЭЛЕКТОРАЛЬНОЙ КАМПАНИИ (НА ПРИМЕРЕ ЛИПЕЦКОЙ ОБЛАСТИ)

In the article, the author gives an example of the politicization of the urban myth. In accordance with the hypothesis, the author believes that in the interests of their own legitimation, the authorities seek to control meanings and memory. And it is the myth that holds the city identity together. The empirical base of the article is the materials of the campaign on September 11, 2022 for the elections to the city council of Yelets, Lipetsk region. The uniqueness of this campaign lies in the attempt of the authorities to appeal to the urban identity of the United Russia candidates. Purpose of the work: to present how the concept of "We are from Yelets" is present in the political practice of the authorities during the election campaign. Research methodology: sociological method, case-study method, which allowed the author to note both general and specific features of the past electoral campaign. As a result, the author came to the following conclusion, the authorities, using the concept of "We are from Yelets" conducted a campaign for their own legitimization. However, such activities are difficult to assess in terms of efficiency. On the one hand, the authorities have achieved a certain result, allowing them to control the majority of parliamentary seats. But on the other hand, in a number of constituencies the authorities failed to win their candidates over using patriotic mythology. The involvement of this mythology in political agitation by other political forces (KPRF and LDPR) confirms the author’s argument: it is not possible to completely control urban political discourse only with the help of the concept “We are from Yelets”.

«КОНСЕРВАТИВНАЯ ДЕМОКРАТИЯ» КАК ВАРИАНТ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО КОНСЕРВАТИЗМА

The article describes the conservative discourse in modern Russia, focused on finding an adequate conservative model for the country, taking place from 2014 to 2022 on the virtual platform - ‘Russian idea’. The article uses extensive materials of the web-site, with focus on the position of the project manager Boris Mezhuyev, one of the most famous inspirers of the conservative turn. Relying on the ideas of Vadim Tsymbursky, Mezhuyev builds an independent line of conservative discourse, taking into account current situation. The project managed to include many representatives of different backgrounds and views, which allowed Boris Mezhuyev to form his concept of “conservative democracy” taking into account different positions. The formation of the concept is based on the Mezhuyev’s desire to combine theory and practice, including the conservative bias of the United Russia Party, and to do so based on what they see as the main values of conservatism as a political ideology. The change in the political situation on February 24, 2022 caused Mezhuyev's decision to close the project. We believe that this experience is useful for Political Science, especially since the life of virtual platforms can be short, so it is necessary to carry out their scientific screen shot.

Политическая культура избирателей Республики Тыва как индикатор отношений власти и общества (по результатам социологических исследований)

The article aims to review and analyze the phenomenon of political culture based on the case of the Republic of Tyva through the system of the electoral process as an indicator of the relationship between the authorities and the public using quantitative and qualitative research methods. The process of scientific understanding of the phenomenon of political culture is presented through the system of electoral sentiments and values of the population in the Republic of Tyva. The definitions of political culture are presented as a historical phenomenon that has been of scientific interest since the time of Plato and Aristotle. The definitions of modern Western scientists focus on the psychological basis of this phenomenon - political sentiments, attitudes, behavior, and affiliations. Russian scientists consider political culture as a more multifaceted and broader concept. Political culture is both a model of the functioning of political institutions and a system of sacred characteristics, as well as a synthesis of political thinking and behavior, etc. The research was conducted in January-May 2021 in two stages: at the first stage, a sociological survey was conducted; at the second stage, 20 focus groups were organized. The territorial coverage of the research included the city of Kyzyl and 11 districts of the republic. The sample of the survey was 1200 respondents, that of focus interviews was 240 people. The data obtained from the sociological survey demonstrate high interest of respondents in politics. This interest is associated with specific acts of party leaders and public actions within the city or district. The region has a high level of support for the United Russia party, which is associated with such political values as individual freedom, security and order. Focused interviews showed a high level of trust in Sergei Shoigu, a leader of the United Russia party. At the same time, the participants noted a number of problems hindering the development of the region - unemployment, corruption of the heads of public bodies, clannishness, and bribery. Respondents note the need for personnel changes to solve the problems identified. The results of the study show that societies with a traditional political culture are characterized by trusting relations of the public and the government, loyalty to federal and regional leaders, solidarity with the ruling government's course, as well as a lack of readiness for political protests, actions and other forms of expression of discontent, despite the presence of acute social and economic problems in the region.

Трансформации в политических предпочтениях избирателей (сравнительный анализ избирательных кампаний 2016 и 2021 гг.)

In the article offered to the readers, the author analyses the results of the 2021 Russian legislative elections, using a comparative method. The parallels with the results of previous election campaigns on the basis of the results obtained by both political parties and individual candidates are drawn. The purpose of the article is to evaluate the level of political activity of voters in different regions of Russia and to identify changes that have taken place in the moods of various social groups. The article analyses the peculiarities of the election campaigns organized by different political forces as well as the course of preparation and conduct of the elections themselves, both at the federal and regional levels. Finally, the author concludes that the United Russia political party (Edinaya Rossiya), which received a constitutional majority in the renewed State Duma again, will have to consider the realities highlighted by the election campaign. But most importantly, it is this party that will have to take responsibility for passing the laws that would ensure socio-economic development of the country as a condition of increasing the welfare of the population.

The role of the Moscow city branch of the All-Russian public organization "Young Guard of United Russia" in the formation and implementation of youth policy in the city of Moscow

The role of the Moscow city branch of the All-Russian public organization "Young Guard of United Russia" in the formation and implementation of youth policy in the city of Moscow

Socio-political choice of Russia in the context of ideologies

In the article, the author analyzes the differences in value orientations and the specifics of the party-political systems of Western countries and Russia, the features of the basic values of the United Russia party and the value orientations of Russian citizens. The problem of borrowing and using successful foreign experience and finding one's own way of development has always been in the center of Russian political discourse. Today conservative as well as liberal approaches prevail in politics in Western countries, until recently they were present in the form of the ideology of the new right. In Russia the dominant “United Russia” party has been in power since 2003 and it positions itself as an all-encompassing or "catch-all" party. However, there are liberal and conservative wings in United Russia. The second one is closer to the ideological platform of the parties of the new right, which in practice in politics abandon the model of the welfare state. According to the surveys, in Russia the neoliberal values recorded in the program documents of United Russia do not meet the expectations of the majority of Russians who demand an active social policy. This contradiction, according to the author, is connected with the decline in popularity of the pro-presidential United Russia, which Russian President Vladimir Putin is trying to stop by supporting social programs, while relying on some members of United Russia and the ONF. United Russia won the elections to the State Duma in 2021, but the influence of socially oriented political parties in society and the state is increasing.

Персонификация современной политической коммуникации

In recent decades, the political game in democratic societies has become increasingly personalized. The weakening of the role of parties as representatives of public interests is caused by the influence of personification, which in turn is facilitated by the growing importance of social media. Personalization is largely manifested in the period of election campaigns, since the electorate chooses specific individuals based on the image of a politician recreated in the media. Thus, the purpose of this study is to test the hypothesis about the increasing role of social media and the personification of the political game during election campaigns. The author chose bibliography analysis and content analysis as the research method. The author analyzed the profiles in social networks of candidates for deputies of the Legislative Assembly of the city of St. Petersburg, nominated by the electoral association "St. Petersburg regional branch of the All-Russian party "Unity and Fatherland" - "United Russia". Based on the analysis of the social media profiles of the candidates under consideration, the hypothesis put forward has not been confirmed. The paper concludes that the key factor in the personification of political discourse in the media is political competition. In the absence of political competition, politicians lose their incentives to disclose personalized information and form a positive image of a person in social media. The practical significance of the work for representatives of the political community lies in the fact that in order to increase public loyalty to the dominant party and trust in the activities of political leaders, politicians at all levels of government need to conduct a competent policy in social networks, based on the experience of democratic countries.

Российская «партия власти» vs доминантная партия

The article presents a factual analysis of the origin and formation of the “party of power” in Russia. The work demonstrates that at all stages the Russian “party of power” was designed and controlled by the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. The research carried out by the author shows that Russia’s “party of power” does not meet the criteria that would allow to qualify this political party as dominant, in any of its “incarnations”. This fully applies to the United Russia party that does not exert a significant impact on the appointments to the political and administrative positions and does not have any effect on the decisions that determine the state’s policy. The dominance of the United Russia party in the electoral field is ensured primarily by the electoral corruption, as well as by the fact that its “electoral machine” is represented by the system of public authorities at all levels, from federal to local. In turn, the dominance of this party in the State Duma and the rigid and strictly hierarchical administrative structure that it built in the lower chamber of the Russian Parliament allows the Presidential Administration to control the legislative process and parliamentary activity in general. According to the author’s conclusion, the “party of power” is an externally controlled political organization of a party type that protects the interests of Russia’s ruling nomenklatura and implements its goals in the processes of the formation of public authorities through electoral procedures, as well as in the course of the legislative and parliamentary activity. Not only does such an organization fail to meet the criteria of the dominant party, but it also fails to fully correspond to the concept of a political party per se.

In the ‘Shadow’ of the EU: Perceptions of China and Strategic Considerations in Poland and Ukraine

The European Union (EU) has continuously extended its presence in the post-communist neighbourhood through the offer of membership and/or closer political and economic association. Meanwhile, the growing competition among various powers in the region brings a potential of new divisions in Europe, as Ukraine’s crisis demonstrates. Furthermore, while the presence of such powers as the United States (US) or Russia is somewhat traditional for the region, China’s growing economic engagement with post-communist states reveals its potential to become an equally important actor. This article examines this potential of China on the examples of Poland and Ukraine, as both countries share geographic and historical similarities but differ in their Europeanization progress. We believe that this convergence with the EU may affect the way Ukraine and Poland perceive and accordingly engage with China and test this hypothesis within the neoclassical realist framework. We find that the perceptions of China in the two countries affect the intensity of their engagement with China, especially when the EU is concerned. Moreover, the effectiveness of the relationship-building with China, in line with neoclassical realism, depends on the extent to which their political decisions are guided by strategic considerations as opposed to perceptions of international affairs. This is true for the dynamics of China’s relations with the two countries not only in the long run but also in light of the most recent developments in the international arena. perceptions, China, the EU, Poland, Ukraine, Russia