Union Republics Research Articles

Генеральные планы новых городов 1960–1980-х гг.

The features of the general plans of new cities that were built in the USSR in 1960–1980s are studied. The features of the general plans of such cities were due to the fact that the construction of the city was caused by the construction of an industrial facility. The plans were commissioned not by local authorities, but by the directorates of the enterprises under construction or by central departmental institutions. The customers financed the development of master plans. This approach led to a lag in the design of housing and public facilities. The main normative acts on master plans are identified, the state bodies that issued them are indicated. The order of coordination and approval of general plans of cities is studied. The order of approval of master plans of new cities was the same as that of the capitals of the Union republics. The volume of materials that were included in the master plan of the city was analyzed. A reference plan of a new city was developed to accelerate urban planning. Design organizations from all over the country were involved in drawing up master plans of new cities. Master plans of new cities were given great importance. They reflected the requirements to ensure comfortable living conditions for the employees of enterprises, population resettlement in the territory of the country, application of advanced construction and architectural solutions. Master plans of new cities were not only technical, but also legal documents.

Нормативно-правовые основания организации штрафных подразделений Красной армии в годы Великой Отечественной войны (1941–1945)

The article deals with one of the most controversial problems that attracts the attention of both professional historians and artists, namely the topic of disciplinary battalions, disciplinary companies and their servicemen in the Red Army during the Great Patriotic War of 1941- 1945. This topic is multidimensional and, without claiming to cover all or at least most of its aspects, we have focused on the study of the normative and legal foundations of the organization of disciplinary battalions and disciplinary companies. The exploration of this aspect is inevitably connected with the confrontation of facts and their analysis with various mythologems and speculations on the subject of disciplinary units in the Red Army. The author examines not only the orders of the People's Commissariats of the USSR, primarily the People's Commissariat of Defense (hereinafter - PCD), but also pre-war legislation, in particular, the Criminal Code of the Russian SFSR of 1926 and the criminal legislation of the Union republics within the USSR, which allows us to find in the pre-war criminal legislation the possibility of replacing a conviction, punishing a serviceman in wartime with imprisonment without loss of rights, with sending him to the active army, with the sentence execution being postponed until the end of hostilities. Consequently, there is a reason to assert that the normativelegal acts issued during the Great Patriotic War and, in one way or another, related to disciplinary units were adopted on the basis of and in fulfillment of the Criminal Code of the Russian SFSR of 1926 and similar codes of the Union republics. We believe that, contrary to the opinion that the creation of disciplinary units was an extremely cruel and unjustified measure of the Soviet command, this decision was dictated by the extremely difficult situation at the fronts at the height of the summer of 1942 and contributed to the strengthening of discipline both at the front and in the troops of the internal districts, i.e. was necessary and justified. The very assignment to a disciplinary unit did not mean a death sentence, either legally or actually, ; rather it gave a chance to perpetrators to be released or to have their criminal punishment commuted. The author also examines the grounds for assignment to the Red Army disciplinary units

The Impact of russia’s Military Aggression on the Formation of Macroeconomic Indicators of Post-Soviet Countries and Support for Ukraine

The economic consequences of the war in Ukraine are felt all over the world. Russian aggression has put pressure on global commodity prices, exacerbated disruptions in supply chains, and fueled inflation in most countries around the world. The countries that have decided to support russia today, or are trying to avoid confrontation with them, should be clearly aware that in the eyes of Ukrainians and the whole world they are silent accomplices in crimes and genocide against the Ukrainian people. The purpose of the article is to analyze how the countries of the former USSR reacted to the russian aggression against Ukraine, the statements of politicians and the decisions of the governments of the countries that, together with Ukraine, were part of the USSR until 1991; to determine how Westernization affects macroeconomic indicators and the formation of European values in the countries of the post-Soviet space. The article defines aspects of the formation of macroeconomic factors in the countries of the post-Soviet space. It was determined that despite the right of the union republics to state sovereignty formally enshrined in the Constitution, the USSR was actually a unitary state. It was created as a highly centralized, totalitarian and authoritarian system, incompatible with the principles of democracy, free and full development of nations. The study analyzes when the whole world expresses support and help to Ukrainians, at the same time, some post-Soviet countries, in particular, the leader of Kyrgyzstan, expressed support to the Russian president. Another ally in russia's war against Ukraine is Tajikistan. The main components of the economic factor of Westernization are considered: GDP per capita, capital investments and the size of the minimum wage. To calculate the extent to which groups of post-Soviet states are related in the studied macroeconomic indicators, we calculated the coefficient of variation based on the standard deviation.

Strike ballots in present-day South Africa

The amendments introduced by the Labour Relations Amendment Act 8 of 2018 (LRAA) saw what was widely held as the reintroduction of compulsory secret and recorded strike ballots into the South African collective labour relations system. This was until the Labour Appeal Court (LAC) affirmed the status of prestrike ballots, grounded in deference to the constitutional right to strike, and the statutory protections afforded to unions in terms of sec. 67(7) of the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (LRA). This contribution examines the impact of the LAC decision, along with two further judgments that saw the respective consideration of the role to be played by the Registrar of Labour Relations (the Registrar), and the setting aside of the Guidelines on Balloting for Strikes and Lockouts. This assessment is set against the reasons why balloting was initially excluded from the LRA, and what the LRA now provides for in terms of balloting. The aforementioned flows into examining how the Registrar could hold unions to account for repeated non-compliance with the provisions of sec.95 through the de-registration mechanism contained in sec. 106, read with secs. 99 and 100 of the LRA. It is accordingly argued that the Registrar is best placed to act without infringing the right to strike, and to simultaneously uphold both union democracy and the constitutional principles of accountability, transparency, and openness. This is a duty owed to union members by the Registrar. Ultimately, it is concluded that members will benefit from greater protection against violent intimidation that so frequently accompanies industrial action, thereby resulting in improved industrial relations’ stability in South Africa.

On the Path of Strategic Development of the Economy in the Sakha Republic (Yakutia) (to the 100th anniversary of the State Planning Committee of the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic)

In 2023, the planning authorities of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia) will celebrate their 100th anniversary, and the article is devoted to the analysis of the strategic planning system in the republic. A historical cross-section of the Soviet and Russian planning systems is presented with intermediate results achieved at different stages of the socio-economic development of the republic by the beginning of the 2020s. The purpose of the study is to analyze long-term planning documents at various stages of the development of Yakutia, from its formation as the Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic to the present day of the Sakha Republic (Yakutia). The early 1990s saw the collapse of the administrative-directive economic system in the Soviet Union that had existed for 70 years, while the creation and functioning of market economy institutions was protracted. The breakdown of the single economic space made it difficult for the union republics of the former USSR to transit to a market economy: most of their economic potential was lost, technological supply chains for goods, works and services were broken, unemployment and poverty appeared. Russia was no exception. It is advisable to turn to the experience of regions that have successfully passed the planning stage together with domestic research institutes and scientists. The article is addressed to representatives of government authorities, researchers, teachers and students of higher and secondary specialized educational institutions, as well as a wide audience of readers interested in various aspects of the development and implementation of state economic policy in Russia.

The contestation of international ties and regime transitions: evidence from the former Soviet republics

ABSTRACT Studies of noncooperative transitions find that domestic balances of power shaped postcommunist regime trajectories in favor of the powerful. Then, what determined the balance of power during a transition? Drawing on relational-network analysis in IR, I argue that the configuration of international ties determined the relative strength of democrats and Soviet-era elites. States with diversified ties between the US and the Soviet Union - that occupy a brokerage position- were more likely to democratize. Their ties with the US funneled material and non-material assistance into democrats in postcommunist states. However, states deeply integrated into the Soviet order resisted democratization to a greater extent. Their extensive ties to the Soviet order resulted in stronger Sovietization and Soviet legacies impeding democratization. The interplay of states' ties with the US and the Soviet Union, as a function of brokerage and integration, shaped the domestic balance of power, conditioning postcommunist political changes. Empirical analysis using medium-N analysis and case studies on the former Soviet Union republics lends support to the argument. The finding contributes to the literature on international determinants of regime changes by highlighting how underlying global power structures frame the domestic balance of power.

Machine-tool industry retrospective analysis in member countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States

The article examines the dynamics of machine tool production in the countries of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and post-Soviet states from the standpoint of statistical science. In the course of the work a data was obtained, the tabular and graphical presentation of which made it possible to identify certain periods of time in the machine tool industry of the USSR and the Commonwealth of Independent States (including the Baltic states), characterized by different dynamics and production structure in individual states. The initial stage of development fell on the territory of modern Russia, but during the years of the existence of the USSR, a number of machine-tool industries were opened in the Union Republics. This gave impetus to industrial development on the periphery of the Soviet state, and by the time the domestic machine tool industry flourished in the late 1970s, the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic accounted for less than half of the all-Union output. However, after 1978 there was a significant decline in the dynamics of production in the industry. And after the collapse of the country there is almost complete destruction of the machine-tool industry on the territory of the countries of the former USSR. The results obtained in the course of the study can be useful in scientific and practical activities in assessing the current situation, as well as prospects for the production and consumption of machine tools in the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States, including Ukraine and the Baltic states.

Homestead Steel Mill: The Final Ten Years—USWA Local 1397 and the Fight for Union Democracy

Homestead Steel Mill: The Final Ten Years—USWA Local 1397 and the Fight for Union Democracy

The EU as an innovative force for global governance

The EU has outgrown the Westphalian system of international relations. In its present form, the EU is neither a state nor an association of states. It can be described instead in new terms as a democratic union of democratic states, which operates on the global stage as a democratic international organisation. Although it is far from perfect, the EU demonstrates that perpetual peace and effective global governance are not only thinkable but also practicable. While the modern state system of centuries past elevated the principle of absolute state sovereignty as the exclusive dogma of international relations, the world needs a new paradigm to address the global challenges of the twenty-first century. Academics from relevant disciplines, notably lawyers, political theorists, historians and philosophers, are called upon to undertake an interdisciplinary endeavour to devise a new template for the multilateral era.

КЫРГЫЗ САТИРАСЫ: ТЕК, ТҮР, ЖАНР МАСЕЛЕЛЕРИ

It can be said that after the October Revolution, namely in the 20s of the twentieth century, a period of great success, controversy and heated discussions began for the former Soviet literature. These materials alone would give grounds for considering them as objects of special scientific research. After all, at that time, the literature of the Union republics was making a new step in professional terms, and with the publication of the first samples of written literature, its theoretical and practical issues were put on the agenda and aroused considerable interest. New concepts for the literature of the 1920s often arose within the framework of the Russian literature of that time, and with great difficulty they reached the remote mountainous regions, especially those like us, whose literature lived and developed in oral form. Its objective reasons are also known to us. Nevertheless, in 1924 the first Kyrgyz national newspaper Erkin Too was published on November 7 and served as a source of our literature. Starting from the first issues of the aforementioned Erkin Toon, some genres of Kyrgyz written literature appeared. Kyrgyz professional satire is also created on the pages of this newspaper. In a satirical work, laughter is necessarily critical and sarcastic. He pokes fun at petty flaws in people's behavior, work, and character with mild humour. Humor can be found in all genres of fiction - novels, short stories, essays, short stories, dramas, feuilletons, fables and others.

The 1974 Constitution of SFR Yugoslavia: certain content aspects

he aim of the work is to study and analyze the main provisions of the 1974 Constitutionof SFR Yugoslavia.The methodological basis of the study is a system of methods, scientific approaches, techniques and principles that were aimed at achieving the study objectives. Universal, general scientific and special legal methods were used. Thus, for example, the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction and deduction allowed to generalize the acquired knowledge, which became the basis of scientific intelligence.Results. The authors focus on Constitution role in the legal acts hierarchy of the former Yugoslavia.The study identifies the structure and provisions content of the Basic Law. As part of the analysis of this document, the authors delineate the spheres of competence between the federation and its constituent entities, and also pay attention to state apparatus functioning and the powers of individual governmental institutions.Conclusions. The article outlines a scheme for analyzing the 1974 SFRY Constitution. It should be emphasized that the Constitution made serious changes to all spheres of life in Yugoslav society.The SFRY Constitution was at the top of Yugoslav legal acts hierarchy. The constitutions of the union republics, union laws and all other regulations and joint acts had to comply with it, but in case of non-compliance, they continued to be in force until the CCJ decision. The working class as the main component of the socialist system was the SFRY law source. As a result of the 1974 Constitution adoption, Yugoslavia acquired a lot of confederal system features, transforming from a partial union state into a union of states. The vertical links between the subjects were more formal, defining Yugoslavia as a voluntary union of peoples. The legislators’ attempts to ensure the principle of equality among peoples and nations in Yugoslavia led to the spread of centrifugal tendencies and sentiments in the union republics, creating the basis for the possibility of national entities independent functioning and, as a result, led to the collapse of the union state.

General foundations of the mechanism of (non) implementation of the principle of sovereignty in Soviet Ukraine 1922–1991

The principle of sovereignty is one of the most fundamental principles of organizing the internal and external life of the state. Studying the operation of the principle of sovereignty during the period of the Soviet Union (USSR) is particularly difficult given the sometimes conflicting assessments of this state-legal phenomenon. The article attempts to form a conceptual approach to the consideration of mechanisms for the implementation of the principle of sovereignty during the period of Ukraine’s stay as part of the USSR in the context of the state-legal processes of the middle of the 20th century. An analysis of Chapter 1 of the Constitution of the Ukrainian SSR of 1978, which established the results of Ukrainian Soviet state-building for 60 years and determined the foundations of the political system, gives grounds for asserting that there was an actual dichotomy in the organization of power: the Soviets were the nominal subject (carrier) of sovereignty, and the CPSU acted as its administrator. In fact, a state was created with two verticals of power - the Communist Party and the Soviet, when the exercise of power in the Soviet-parliamentary manner enshrined in the Constitution was actually an imitation of parliamentarism. Taking this into account, it was necessary to propose some conceptual approaches for researching the mechanisms of implementation of the principle of sovereignty in the Ukrainian SSR. It is argued that sovereignty is a qualitative, not a quantitative category, one of the characteristics of which is inalienability and indivisibility. At the same time, the sphere of exercising the sovereign rights of the state can be limited in acertain way (self-limited). The analysis of the constitutional norms of the Ukrainian SSR indicates a significant limitation of the material content - the possibilities and means of realizing sovereignty - due to the transfer to the union center of a significant range of fundamental sovereign rights, which, in turn, does not allow us to speak aboutthe Ukrainian SSR and other union republics as full-fledged states. On the other hand, there was the declaration of sovereignty and the realization of a certain part of sovereign rights, their formalization. Therefore, it can be argued that the sovereignty of the Ukrainian SSR is state sovereignty, which was ensured by the state-legal mechanism, had formal and legal grounds and itself was the basis for the realization of legal opportunities, which are recognized as inalienable, should be common and equal for every country, which she endows herself with her will. Their actual implementation became possible in 1991. The foregoing gives reason to consider the Ukrainian SSR (URSR) as an integral component of the integral Ukrainian state-building process, which was characterized by the establishment of formal and legal institutions and mechanisms, which allowed them to be used, in particular, in the implementation of the sovereignty of Ukraine as a Ukrainian national state. Key words: Ukraine, history of law, sovereignty, sovereign rights of the state, state-legal mechanism, state-making process.

The history of the activity of the “Pavlovian Council” and its negative impact on the development of scienсe in 50s of the 20th century

Further development of the history of science including history of physiology requires the analysis of a number of methodological problems which related to the history of the development of science in Ukraine during the dramatic times of the rule of the communists in Soviet Union. The article considers the ideological distortion of achievements and teachings of I. Pavlov by party structures. It is talking about the events that took place in the early 50’s XX sentures. The scientific community of the world should remember the negative events that resulted from the decisions of the joint meeting of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR and the Academy of Sciences of the USSR in June-July 1950 (“Pavlovian session”). It is shown that the Moscow authorities forced scientific community of many union republics, including Ukraine, to carry out similar meetings. The results of this conference had a long-term negative impact on physiology, psychology, and medicine. In fact, at the meeting, the work of world-famous scientists and the scientific directions of some institutions were criticized, although the organizers of the meeting declared the main problem of the discussion the physiological teaching of academician I. Pavlov. They aimed to establish the methodology of conditioned reflexes and the doctrine of the leading role of the cerebral cortex in considering all physiological and psychologycal processes. Some of Pavlov’s students, who had their own concept were labeled as “anti-Pavlov”. “Anti Pavlov” scientists were forced to admit their mistakes. Organizers of session recommended them to work within the framework of the Pavlov’s theory of higher nervous activity and to avoid Western influences. To control the implementation of Pavlov’s teachings, the “Pavlovian Council” was created. The article presents the results of the activity of this committee. On the basis of archival documents, the author describes how, at these meetings, council members put pressure on physiologists and persist new topics on research institutes. It has been proven that the task of the council was to destroy physiology under the guise of developing the teachings of I. Pavlov. According to the author of the article, the resolutions of the Pavlovian Committee provided only the methodology of the experiment on the physiology of higher nervous activity. The positive effect for some scientists was usually related to the official doctrine. However, the decisions of the Pavlovian Committee inhibited the development of those studies that did not relate to the official doctrine. These scientific investigations were branded as “hostile”. The aim of the article is to show the negative impact of the “Pavlovian Session” and the activities of the “Pavlovian Council” on the development of physiology, medicine, and psychology. The author proved that physiologists of Ukraine, having experienced the consequences of the joint session, were able to defend their science thanks to the organization of the All-Union Congress of Physiologists, Biochemists and Pharmacologists in Kyiv in 1955. At this congress, the scientists were rehabilitated and the activity of the “Pavlovian Council” was stoped.

ВЕРХНЕВОЛЖСКИЕ ОБЛАСТИ И МЕЖРЕГИОНАЛЬНОЕ ВЗАИМОДЕЙСТВИЕ В СССР (1960-1980-Е ГГ.)

The central concept of the study is interregional interaction. The article discusses the main forms of interregional cooperation in the late USSR. The interregional cooperation of the institutions of power in the USSR in the 1960s-1980s is analyzed. The features of interregional communication of the leading personnel of the Upper Volga regions of the RSFSR (Ivanovo, Kostroma, Yaroslavl) are studied. Attention is paid to the consideration of significant "horizontal" links ("region-region" line) in interregional interaction. The corpus of sources includes declassified archival documents from the State Archives of the Ivanovo Region (GAIO), the State Archives of Contemporary History of the Kostroma Region (GANIKO), official regulatory documents, data from oral history and scientific literature. The article states that in the 1960s-1980s. there was an increase in interregional communication based on production chains. It is emphasized that there was an increase in contacts between the Upper Volga regions and various regions of the USSR, including the union republics (Belarus, Uzbekistan, Ukraine). It is concluded that the interregional interaction of the Upper Volga regions was influenced by three factors: economic, ideological, personal.

TRANSNISTRIA FROM THE FORMATION OF THE MOLDAVIAN AUTONOMOUS SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLIC TO ITS INTEGRATION INTO THE MOLDAVIAN SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLIC (1924-1940)

The creation of autonomous regions on the territory of the union republics of the newly created Soviet state was a practice often used by the communist regime to resubordinate the provinces lost at the end of the First World War. In order to theoretically preserve the chance to integrate the former province of Bessarabia into the new empire during 1924, the new Kremlin leader Joseph Stalin decided to form a republic and a new people, the Moldavian SSR and the Moldavian people distinct from the Romanian one. This decision proved to be catastrophic for the Romanians living in Bessarabia over the next 100 years, who in this way could be forced to link their fate to Russia.

Our Htamein, Our Flag, Our Victory: The Role of Young Women in Myanmar’s Spring Revolution

Since the early days of the 2021 Spring Revolution, young women have been at the center of many of the protests against Myanmar's military coup. Women in Myanmar are traditionally viewed as mothers, carers, and wives whose roles mostly belong to the domestic sphere. However, the political landscape shift since the 1 February 2021 coup has galvanized young women to the forefront of the pro-democracy movement, finding new and creative ways to demand an end to both the military dictatorship and the patriarchy. This article examines the role of young women within Myanmar's Spring Revolution and how this upends traditional views of women as passive and domestic carers. It draws on postcolonial and intersectional theories that question assumptions of women's uniform (disadvantaged) position and asks how gender intersects with age, race, and class to mediate social status. This article also reflects on some of the broader shifts in gendered and generational roles and identities that have taken place in Myanmar over the last ten years, which provide possibilities for solidarity and positive change in a future federal democratic union.

A Matter of Moral Justice: Black Women Laundry Workers and the Fight for Justice

A Matter of Moral Justice: Black Women Laundry Workers and the Fight for Justice

Women in the Sky: Gender and Labor in the Making of Modern Korea

Women in the Sky: Gender and Labor in the Making of Modern Korea

Whither is Bound Humanity: A Scrutiny of the Select Plays of Sharon Pollock

A torchbearer of history and a dramatist awakening the humane self, buried deep in the quagmire of social evils, Sharon Pollock has won laurels in the realm of Canadian Literature. According to Pollock, Canadians think of themselves as a clique of cultured race who have never partaken in historical transgressions and atrocities. But that is a mistaken notion. Canadian history is bleak only because it has been dishonestly bowdlerized. This contention voiced forth by Pollock paves the way for subverting the myth of Canada. Her Plays Komagata Maru Incident and One Tiger to Hill present Canada in its true colours. Pollock unearths the archives of history in order to give an avant-garde explication about the Canadian past. The objective of the paper is to scrutinize the historical dossiers connected with the Komagata Maru Incident of 1914 and the New Westminster hostage-taking of 1975. An analysis of the plays relying upon the chronicles is attempted to find out the discrepancy between history and reality. Canada though glorified as a multicultural mosaic and a democratic union has in reality traces of internal colonialism, racism and Eurocentric attitude pushing the voiceless to the margins. The plays bear testimony of the unheard agonies of the minorities. The two epithets that captures the essence of the plays selected are “Brown Children” referring to the Indians who relocated to Canada and “Waste Paper Basket,” an appropriate synonym for ‘prison.’

Workplace democracy and democratic legitimacy in Europe

This study investigates the political spillover and stealth democracy hypotheses as complementary mechanisms to account for any relationship between workplace democracy and democratic legitimacy in Europe from micro (employee-level) and macro (country-level) perspectives. The results from the micro-level analyses reveal that neither workplace democracy nor self-reported membership in trade unions has any direct impact on democratic legitimacy; rather, past union membership produces a negative impact. However, the effect of workplace democracy on democratic legitimacy becomes salient only when mediated by job satisfaction and political interest. On the other hand, the macro-level analysis demonstrates that union density, a measure of workplace democracy at the country level, plays a significant role in explaining democratic legitimacy. The relevance of union density may indicate that employees wish to keep democratic institutions in check by recruiting into the trade unions and applying legal and mobilizational pressure on the mainstream political institutions.