Union Of South Africa Research Articles

National Parks for Natal? Zululand's Game Reserves and the Shaping of Conservation Management Policy in Natal 1920s to 1940s

This article sets out to explore the question of why conservation management in Natal took the particular form it did by 1947 - a form largely retained in the region today. The Act which brought into being the Union of South Africa in 1910 made wildlife preservation a provincial competency. However over the next century three of the four original provinces in the Union gradually brought their most important parks and game reserves under the 1926 National Parks Act. Natal did not: it retained provincial control of all its conservation resources. Tourists to the province of KwaZulu-Natal today may not realise that the main reserves in the Zululand region - for example what is now the combined Hluhluwe-Umfolozi park, for many years the province's flagship game reserves - are not in fact national parks. At least for the present, they continue to fall under the provincial conservation board (currently called the KwaZulu-Natal Nature Conservation Services or Ezemvelo-KZN Wildlife) rather than under the South African National Parks Board.

C Louis Leipoldt's ‘valley trilogy’ and contested South African nationalisms in the early twentieth century

C Louis Leipoldt has long been received as a major figure within the Afrikaans literary canon. The recent posthumous publication of his English‐language Valley Trilogy (written in the 1920s, when the white Union of South Africa experienced contestation between Anglophone and Dutch or Afrikaans political lobbies) now reveals him as a dedicated liberal, squarely set against the isolationist policies of his Afrikaner peers. Leipoldt is a complex figure who fits partially into both these camps. His background in Moravian mission culture was more continental than Cape Dutch; his experiences as a journalist and medical student gave him broad perspectives of Britain, Europe and the Far East. He worked with nationalists such as Gustav Preller, yet his sympathies lay in the liberal Cape. The essay reads these dynastic novels as novels of ideas in which from 1840 to 1920 the characters enact in microcosm the formation of South African civil society, and engage with the unfolding tragedy of racial rivalry.

The Conservation and Utilisation of the Natural World: Silviculture in the Cape Colony, c. 1902-1910

Abstract The period between the culmination of the South African War in May 1902 and the Union of South Africa eight years later witnessed a significant phase in the development of the Cape's Forestry Department. The Colony's scientific foresters articulated a rhetoric of crisis, based on the assumption that global timber supplies were almost exhausted, in order to encourage politicians to take action to forestall an impending disaster. After the War, the conservation and extension of the country's dwindling woodlands was promoted as a key political issue by Jameson's Progressive Party, which held office from February 1904 to February 1908. The organisation of the Forest Department and the work it performed became the subject of government investigations in an endeavour to achieve silvatic self-sufficiency through the application of more systematic and scientific land management procedures. As a consequence, the Department was centralised under the Chief Conservator of Forests and nationally based conservation programmes, based on German precedents, were put into place. Protecting the trees and encouraging sustainability of yield involved the imposition of restrictions on felling and access to woodlands. This paper explores the ideology of forest conservation and the evolution of silviculture in the post bellum Cape, as well as the socio-economic impact of these policies, focusing in particular on African populations residing in the Eastern Cape and the impoverished woodcutters from the Knysna Forests.

'The Justice of Queen Victoria': Boer Oppression, and the Emergence of a National Identity in Lesotho

The growth of a national identity in Lesotho after 1910 was a direct response to the threat of incorporation into the Union of South Africa. The Basotho feared being governed by what they considered to be an unjust and hostile South Africa. The Basotho appealed to the justice of the British government - for them to continue to honour the protection that they had extended to the nineteenth-century Basotho chief, Moshoeshoe. The protection which Moshoeshoe had secured entrenched his position as the centrepiece of the Basotho's emergent national identity in the twentieth century.

Desegregating Health Statistics

> first brought to my attention in June, 1970, when I * 2 was teaching at the Graduate Summer Session in I . 5 Epidemiology at the University of Minnesota. The question was raised by one of the students, an internist who had taken an important public health position in the Ferre government in Puerto Rico, and is a supporter of Statehood locally and the Republican Party nationally. He asked: Why do you always present data on white and nonwhite, on white and Negro, on white and black? In Puerto Rico, we present data on Puerto Ricans, not on white Puerto Ricans and nonwhite Puerto Ricans. Why do you and your colleagues insist on making this separation? I stammered out an answer, but it convinced neither him nor me. What the rest of the class thought, I do not know. More recently, in developing some material on mortality statistics, I was struck again by the problem raised by this white middle-class Puerto Rican physician. In going through the United Nations' Demographic Yearbook for I970 (i) for data on expectation of life, I noted that the Union of South Africa, which frankly pursues a policy of apartheid, provides data for three racial groups: Asiatic, colored, and white. The United States does not. Yet, in its domestic publications, the United State always provides separate data for whites and nonwhites. For example, the United States Life Tables for 1959-6I (z) provide the life tables for the total population, total males and total females; for total whites, white males and white females; and for total nonwhites, nonwhite males and nonwhite females. For each of the ten geographic divisions of the

The King and I: Bronislaw Malinowski, King Sobhuza II of Swaziland and the vision of culture change in Africa

Recent research into the life and work of Bronislaw Malinowski, one of the most important figures in British social anthropology in the 20th century, has concentrated upon his early life up to and including the years he spent in the Trobriand Islands undertaking his epoch-making fieldwork. However, very little of this research has been into the last decade of his life, especially his work on the impact of imperialism upon Africa’s colonized peoples. The purpose of this article is to extend this interest to his later research by contextualizing, describing and analysing Malinowski’s relationship with King Sobhuza II of Swaziland to whom he was introduced in 1934. I demonstrate that over the following four years, Malinowski sought to assist Sobhuza in regard to a number of matters, most notably his efforts to establish a national school linked to the Swazi age-grade system and his negotiations over the proposed transfer of Swaziland to the Union of South Africa. I argue that Malinowski gave this assistance because Sobhuza personified for him his vision of colonial and even postcolonial Africa which is contained in the largely ignored works of Freedom and Civilization and The Dynamics of Culture Change. Thus, these works reflect not only his background as a Pole in the Hapsburg empire, but also his contemporary experiences of colonial Africa.

Monuments, Holidays, and Remembering Moshoeshoe: The Emergence of National Identity in Lesotho, 1902-1966

In response to the threat posed by the Union of South Africa, citizens and politicians in Lesotho have constructed a na-tional identity using symbols of Moshoeshoe such as monu-ments and holidays. One such monument is Moshoeshoe's mountain fortress of Thaba-Bosiu. Its use as a site for political events and its prominent place in popular legends illustrate the transformation of Thaba-Bosiu into a monument to honor Moshoeshoe. The emergence of Thota-ea-Moli as a symbol illustrates the contribution of invented traditions to na-tional consciousness. The development of national identity in Lesotho was a dynamic process in which opposing politi-cal and social forces competed for the same symbols, which served to increase their cultural significance. The example of Moshoeshoe's representation through monuments and holidays indicates the complementary roles of popular and political culture in the construction of a national identity.

‘THE PRODUCT OF CIVILIZATION IN ITS MOST REPELLENT MANIFESTATION’: AMBIGUITIES IN THE RACIAL PERCEPTIONS OF THE APO (AFRICAN POLITICAL ORGANIZATION), 1909–23

Historical writing on the coloured community of South Africa has tended to accept coloured identity as given and to portray it as fixed. The failure to take cognizance of the fluidity of coloured self-definition and the ambiguities inherent to the process has resulted in South African historiography presenting an over-simplified image of the phenomenon. The problem stems partly from an almost exclusive focus on coloured protest politics which has had the effect of exaggerating the resistance of coloureds to white supremacism and largely ignoring their accommodation with the South African racial system. Furthermore, little consideration has been given to the role that coloured people themselves have played in the making of their own identity or to the manner in which this process of self-definition shaped political consciousness. This is particularly true of analyses of the period following the inauguration of the Union of South Africa in 1910, a time when the legitimacy of coloured identity was not in any way questioned within the coloured community and when coloured protest politics was dominated by one body, the African Political Organization (APO).

‘White woman's country’: Ethel Tawse Jollie and the making of White Rhodesia

Until recently, the role of European women in the expansion and consolidation of the British colonial empire has been largely ignored by both historians and women's studies scholars. This is an analysis of one such woman who played a leading role in the development of the British Empire in south‐central Africa, Ethel Tawse Jollie (1875–1950), formerly Ethel Colquhoun. In partnership with her first husband, Archibald Ross Colquhoun, explorer, writer and Cecil Rhodes's first Administrator of Mashonaland, she became steeped in the philosophy of the Edwardian ‘Radical Right’, the post Anglo‐Boer War reaction to imperial decline, and she played a prominent role in the opposition to the women's suffrage campaign before the Great War. As a member of the Legislative Council of Southern Rhodesia, she became the first woman parliamentarian in the British overseas empire. She was a prolific writer on imperial affairs and a leading intellectual of her political generation and, as the founder and principal organiser of the Rhodesian Responsible Government Association (RGA) (1917–1922), she imported from Britain a singular political philosophy shaped by the Edwardian ideology of ‘National Efficiency’. She played a central role in the achievement of responsible government in Southern Rhodesia in 1923, which set the territory's separate course outside the Union of South Africa. No other Rhodesian politician had achieved such prominence in the metropolis, or possessed such a thoroughly formed and comprehensive ideology, or the propaganda skills necessary for a simultaneous confrontation with the imperial and South African governments, local capitalists and the ruling British South Africa Company. During her parliamentary career she sought to promote European settlement and improve the educational, health and communications infrastructure of Southern Rhodesia. She paid particular attention to the development of a strong local identity which would attach the settlers more closely to their community and to the British Empire at large.

Britain and South Africa at the United Nations: ‘South West Africa’, ‘Treatment of Indians’ and ‘Race Conflict’, 1946–1961

The British alignment with South Africa at the United Nations in the years 1946 to 1%0 seems simple enough to explain. A British government preoccupied with protecting its economic and strategic interests in South Africa (or even just its economic interests there) supported South Africa in this international forum until the domestic and international resction against apartheid forced a limited change of British policy; and though in 1%1 the British government joined the majority of nations represented in the General Assembly in admonishing With Africa, it continued to resist Assembly initiatives that threatened those same economic and strategic interests for many years to come. This is a familiar explanation of Anglo-South African relations at the United Nations (UN), though a far from accurate one.’ For the first fifteen years after the Second World War, the British government was indeed South Africa’s leading ally on the issues that most directly concerned South Africa at the UN the future of South-West Africa (Namibia), the treatment of ‘Indians’ in South Africa and the ‘race conflict’ there. The British government backed the Smuts government’s initial attempt to incorporate South-West Africa within the Union of South Africa and supported the South African contention that the UN could intervene in the administration of South-West Africa only with the agreement of the South African government itself. In these years, the British government also supported 1. According to Andrew Young, American ambassador to the United Nations during the Carter administration, ‘[tlhere was always a desire on the part of Britain to avoid any confrontation with South Africa because of economic connections’: quoted in H. Hunke, Namibia: Zhe Sestgrh of the Powle.~~ (Rome, lW), 17. For further expressions of theview that economic, or economic and strategic, considerations were decisive, see G.R. Benidge, Economic Power in Anglo-SOruh Africrm Dipn J. Mayall, ‘The South Africa Crisis: The Major External Actors’, in S. Johnson, ed., South Africa: No Twning Back (London, 1988), 304; H. Bull, ‘Implications for the West’, in R. Rotberg and J. Barratt, eds, Conjlict and CompromiW in South Af.ica (Cape Town, 1980), 175-7.

Namibia--The First Postapartheid Democracy

Namibia—the First Postapartheid Democracy Joshua Bernard Forrest (bio) Namibia became a free nation in March 1990, after 75 years of South African colonial rule. It has been functioning as a multiparty democracy ever since. Its people had suffered the same racially and ethnically based legalized inequalities that existed in South Africa itself. During the course of their long years in exile abroad, however, Namibia's black nationalist politicians had generated an abiding commitment to national reconciliation, which came to be shared by the domestic white community as a result of internal political reforms that long preceded the abolition of apartheid in South Africa. Consequently, black and white political leaders in Namibia were able to establish a postapartheid political framework that has thus far proved conducive to the success of democratic institutions. Their experience holds important lessons for South Africa's newly elected interim government. Namibia's contemporary multiparty democracy can best be appreciated in its historical context. South West Africa, as Namibia was previously called, had been initially colonized by Germany between 1884 and 1915. During this period, the Germans dispossessed indigenous Africans of their land in the central and southern areas of the country, which came to be known as the "police zone." This process was hastened by the wars of mass annihilation conducted by German troops against the Nama and Herero peoples from 1904 to 1907, which resulted in the deaths of between one-half and two-thirds of the members of these groups. The rural areas within the police zone were settled by German farmers, while Windhoek, the colonial capital, was built on the central plateau. The far-northern regions bordering Angola, densely populated by the Ovambo, [End Page 88] Kavango, and several smaller ethnic groups, were located outside the police zone and remained politically untouched by German colonialism. At the beginning of the First World War, South African troops, prodded by Britain, seized control of the colony and imposed military rule for the duration of the war. In 1919, the League of Nations mandated control of the territory to Britain, which in turn conferred it upon the Union of South Africa, whose responsibility for the colony the League confirmed in 1920. Over the next several decades, Pretoria consolidated its rule by hardening the division between the white-dominated police zone and the largely black far-northern and far-eastern regions—known then as "native reserves." African chiefs in the reserves were coerced or bribed into sending large numbers of young men to work temporarily (under a system of pass laws) in mines, in towns, or on farms located within the police zone. A South African-appointed administrator-general ruled South West Africa with extensive executive and policy-making powers and the assistance of an all-white, elected Legislative Assembly whose writ covered only the police zone. South Africa determined policy within the native reserves and remained exclusively responsible for South West Africa's legal system (in all regions) and for its police, military, transport, customs policies, and foreign affairs. The National Party of South Africa, which came to power in 1948, appointed the Odendaal Commission in 1962 to devise a plan for the implementation in South West Africa of the same ethnically segregated "homeland" system of apartheid that was already being established within South Africa itself. The Odendaal plan that emerged essentially preserved the native reserve system already in place in the far-northern and far-eastern regions by declaring these regions "homelands," with tiny black reserves within the police zone being joined to form contiguous homelands.1 This plan, implemented in the late 1960s, was complemented by the establishment of black legislative or administrative councils in each of the ten homelands. In 1977, South Africa convened a conference at Turnhalle, Windhoek, of political parties or organizations representing each of the 11 major ethnic groups (including whites), out of which it had hoped to establish a new government. The apartheid-like character of this effort (the ethnic leadership groups emerged, for the most part, out of the ethnic homelands) produced an international outcry, leading to Pretoria's abandonment of the plan. A consequence of the conference, however, was the emergence of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance...

Germany and the Union of South Africa in the Nazi Period: Contributions to the Study of World History 27

Germany and the Union of South Africa in the Nazi Period: Contributions to the Study of World History 27

Black South African Unions: Relative Wage Effects in International Perspective

Despite the disenfranchisement of blacks in South Africa, the state's refusal to officially recognize black unions until 1980, and police repression of the union movement, this analysis of data for 1985 shows that black unions in South Africa had by that year made wage gains similar to those of unions in more developed countries. The union effect on wages for black blue-collar workers was 24%, which is in the range of effects found in studies of U.S. unions and above the range of effects found for European unions. Another finding is that black unions compressed wages across skill levels, an effect probably owing to black unions' primary emphasis on improving the lot of unskilled workers.

<sc>Robert Citino</sc>. <italic>Germany and the Union of South Africa in the Nazi Period</italic>. (Contributions to the Study of World History, number 27.) New York: Greenwood. 1991. Pp. x, 245. $45.00

Journal Article Robert Citino. Germany and the Union of South Africa in the Nazi Period. (Contributions to the Study of World History, number 27.) New York: Greenwood. 1991. Pp. x, 245. $45.00 Get access Citino Robert. Germany and the Union of South Africa in the Nazi Period. (Contributions to the Study of World History, number 27.) New York: Greenwood. 1991. Pp. x, 245. $45.00. Richard A. Voeltz Richard A. Voeltz Cameron University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 97, Issue 5, December 1992, Pages 1558–1559, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/97.5.1558 Published: 01 December 1992

Freedom! From Below: the struggle for trade unions in South Africa by Lacom Braamfontein, Skotaville Publishers, 1989 revised edn.; distributed by African Books Collective, Oxford. Pp. 278. £12·00/$21·50 paperback.

Freedom! From Below: the struggle for trade unions in South Africa by Lacom Braamfontein, Skotaville Publishers, 1989 revised edn.; distributed by African Books Collective, Oxford. Pp. 278. £12·00/$21·50 paperback. - Volume 30 Issue 4

The state and African trade unions, 1918–1948

This article analyses the relationship between the state and the nascent African trade unions in South Africa between 1918 and 1948. It shows how the government's attempts to deal with African workers separately from white workers became increasingly difficult during this period. Pressures from African unions themselves, from liberal groups and from the increasingly important role played by Africans in the economy, forced the state to seek a coherent way of handling African trade unions. The paper shows how the state was divided over this issue, with Native Affairs and Labour Department officials conflicting with each other and with government ministers. Although the cabinet held ultimate power within the state, civil servants played a significant role in shaping government policy and determining how it was implemented. The paper concludes that, although circumstances have changed greatly since 1948, the pre‐apartheid era has important lessons for state/organised labour relations in the post‐apartheid South Africa which is currently taking shape.

Germany and the Union of South Africa in the Nazi Period.

Germany and the Union of South Africa in the Nazi Period.

Very Special Relations: The ‘Third Reich’ and the Union of South Africa, 1933–1939

Very Special Relations: The ‘Third Reich’ and the Union of South Africa, 1933–1939

Book Reviews

AbstractHitler's Army: Soldiers, Nazis, and War in the Third Reich.Germany and the Union of South Africa in the Nazi Period.The Unwritten Law: Criminal Justice in Victorian Kent.The Impossible Peace: Britain, the Division of GermanyMechanized Juggernaut or Military AnachronismTheatre of Horror: Crime and Punishment in Early Modern GermanySir Philip Sidney: Courtier Poet. By Katherine Duncan‐JonesTownlife in Fourteenth‐Century Scotland. By Elizabeth EwanPrincipled Pragmatist: The Political Career of Alexandre MillerandCaligula: Emperor of Rome. By Arther Ferrill.Assimilation and Community: The Jews in Nineteenth‐Century Europe.Risk and Survival in Ancient Greece: Reconstructing the Rural Domestic Economy.Playing the Scottish Card: The Franco‐Jacobite Invasion of 1708.Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches' Sabbath. By Carlo Ginzberg.The Kremlin and the Schoolhouse: Reforming Education in Soviet RussiaThe French Navy in Indochina: Riverine and Coastal ForcesJuly 1914: The Long Debate, 1918‐1990. By John W. Langdon.An Interrupted Past: German‐Speaking Refugee Historians in the United States after 1933.The Making of an Industrial Society: Whickham, 1560–1560.Women and Social Action in Victorian and Edwardian England.A Nazi Legacy: Right Wing Extremism in Postwar Germany.The Making of the English Nation: From Anglo‐Saxons to Edward I.Protestants First: Orangeism in Nineteenth‐Century Scotland.The Margins of City Life: Explorations on the French Urban FrontierThe People's Peace: British History, 1945–1945.The Scottish National Covenant in its British Context, 1638–1638.Bismarck and the Development of Germany. 3 vols.Roman Culture and Society: Collected Papers.The Vikings. By Eke Roesdahl. Translated by Susan M. Margeson and Kirsten Williams.The Vichy Syndrome: History and Memory in France since 1944. By Henry Rousso. TranslatedReluctant Icon: Gladstone, Bulgaria, and the Working Classes, 1856‐1878. By Ann Pottinger Saab.Being Present: Growing Up in Hitler's Germany.Politics and the Sciences of Culture in Germany, 1840–1840.The Broken Spell: A Cultural and Anthropological History of Preindustrial Europe.Interpreting History: Collective Essays on Russia's Relations with Europe.The Cambridge Social History of Britain, 1750–1750.Paris and Its People under English Rule: The Angb‐Burgundian Regime.Women Religious: The Founding of English Nunneries after the Norman Conquest.The British General Election of 1931.Mountains of Debt: Crisis and Change in Renaissance Florence, Victorian Britain and Postwar America.Exile in Mid‐Qing China: Banishment to Xinjiang, 1758–1758.Austria‐Hungary and the Origins of the First World War.France, the Cold War and the Western Alliance, 1944:British Officials and British Foreign Policy, 1945–1945.Chain Reaction: Expert Debate and Public Participation in American Commercial Nuclear Power, 1945–1945.Pride, Prejudice, and Politics: Roosevelt versus Recovery, 1933–1933.Pawnee Passage: 1870–1870.The Laser in America, 1950–1950.Politics, Religion, and Rockets: Essays in Twentieth‐Century American HistoryA Family Venture: Men and Women on the Southern Frontier.Seasons of Grace: Colonial New England's Revival Tradition in Its British Context.The Development of Medical Techniques and Treatments: From Leeches to Heart Surgery.Richard B. Russell, Jr., Senator from Georgia.The Presidency of Franklin Pierce.Adam Clayton Powell, Jr.: The Political Biography of an American Dilemma.The Rockefeller Conscience: An American Family in Public and in Private.A History of Industrial Power in the United States, 1780–1780.John Nelson: Merchant Adventurer.Literacy in the United States: Readers and Reading since 1880.The Juggler: Franklin Roosevelt as Wartime Statesman.William Dorsey's Philadelphia and Ours:Central America and the United States: The Search for Stability.The Dispossession of the American Indian, 1887–1887.Edison and the Business of Innovation.Indiana Quakers during the Civil War.Promises to Keep: African‐Americans and the Constitutional Order, 1776 to the Present.Writing Women's History: International Perspectives.A Question of Character: A Life of John F. Kennedy.Hell's Half Acre: The Life and Legend of a Red‐Light District.Agenda for Reform: Winthrop Rockefeller as Governor of Arkansas, 1967–1967.Toward a Social History of the American Civil War: Exploratory Essays.Moments of Unreason: The Practice of Canadian Psychiatry and the Homewood Retreat, 1883–1883.Washing “The Great Unwashed”: Public Baths in Urban America, 1840–1840.The Old World's New World.

Migrant labour, housing and trade unions in South Africa

Migrant labour, housing and trade unions in South Africa