Union Of South Africa Research Articles

Bat Ticks of the Genus Argas (Ixodoidea, Argasidae) 2. Secretargas New Subgenus and A. Transgariepinus White, 1846, Its Adult and Immature Stages; with a Definition of the Subgenus Argas1

Argas transgariepinus was briefly described by White (1846) from three cotype specimens, now in British Museum (Natural History), found somewhere in South Africa (i.e. “across the Gariep River”, the old name for the Orange River). Neumann (1901) reported a specimen from Cafrerie (Eastern Province, Union of South Africa) under the probably synonymus name A. kochi (Paris Museum). Berlese (1913) commented on two Italian specimens, one on the wall of a building and the other biting a child. In Egypt, this is a rare and highly secretive tick but over a period of years more than five hundred specimens have been collected from local populations (Hoogstraal 1952, 1954) and numerous others have been reared in the laboratory. A single specimen from Teruel, Spain, was seen by Nuttall (Hoogstraal 1954). Recently I have been privileged to examine two larvae of this species from Pipislrellus savii savii (Bonaparte, 1837) from Syracuse, Sicily; these are part of a lot (T23) collected in July, 1955.

The Actuary in South Africa

The history of the actuarial profession in South Africa starts, as far as is known, during the last decade of the nineteenth century when three actuaries arrived in the Cape Colony from the United Kingdom. Two of these took up positions with the two South African life offices which were then in existence and the third became Government Actuary to the Cape Colony. By the time the Union of South Africa was established in 1910, four more actuaries had arrived from the United Kingdom, and a further four had arrived by 1920. Some of these gentlemen established permanent homes in this country, while others returned overseas after varying periods of time. It was no doubt due to these early beginnings that the actuarial homes of South African actuaries are today London and Edinburgh.The first South African-born actuary qualified as a Fellow of the Faculty in 1921, and since that time increasing numbers of South Africans have become qualified, mostly as Fellows of the Faculty.

Delimiting "Domestic' Jurisdiction"

HE DOMESTIC jurisdiction reservation in Article 2, paragraph 7, of the United Nations Charter needs clarification. When the tenth General Assembly failed to set a date for calling a conference to review the Charter,1 it delayed a decision on this problem, for amendment of that article undoubtedly would have been one of the topics of discussion at such a conference.2 However, events of that session the admission of sixteen new members to the United Nations3 and the walkouts of the delegations of France and the Union of South Africa protesting the Assembly's inclusion on its agenda of items that these nations regarded within their respective domestic jurisdictions4 may result in some basic changes in the application of the reservation. These events will influence the application of the domestic jurisdiction reservation in two ways: (1) the decision on a plea of domestic jurisdiction will be made by a General Assembly with altered voting blocs which may take advantage of the precedent of deter. mining domestic jurisdiction on the basis of rather vague findings; (2) the defendant state before United Nations organs may no longer rely heavily, or at all, on legal arguments, but upon unilateral action such as a walkout. The admission of new members may result in significant changes in voting alliances when the General Assembly deals with domestic jurisdiction questions. The new members strengthened the Communist bloc and the Asiatic area more than other groups. These two groups can be relied upon to favor United Nations proceedings against colonial policies of Western European countries and national policies affecting human rights (excepting, of course, their own policies on human rights); in the past they

Errata

Abstract Kokernot, R. H., Smithburn, K. C., and Weinbrun, M. P.: Neutralizing antibodies to arthropod-borne viruses in human beings and animals in the Union of South Africa. J. Immunol., 77: 313, 1956. On p. 313, the italicized credit line as it stands suggests the paper should be attributed to the Virus Research Institute, Entebbe, Uganda. In fact, all the work was done in Johannesburg, and the Institute in Entebbe is an indication only of Dr. Weinbren's present address. On p. 314, Viruses, ll. 3–4: for: … approximately the same passage level, described by Smithburn 1952 … read: … approximately the same passage level described by Smithburn, 1952 … On p. 314, col. 2, ll. 1 and 2–3: for: wa- read: was; for: ransdomization read: randomization. On p. 314, col. 2, paragraph 4, 1. 9: after retested insert: (15). On p. 314, Results, paragraph 2, 1. 1: for: … the data in Table II … read: … the data in Table I …

Lourenco Marques in Delagoa Bay

LOURENGO MARQUES has long been an important outlet for Southern Mozambique and one of the major gateways for the great mineral and industrial area of the Transvaal in the Union of South Africa. In August, 1955, the Pafuri Link or Limpopo Railway was completed, tying the port with the rapidly developing but landlocked areas of Northern and Southern Rhodesia and with the adjacent realm of Union Miniere du Haut Katanga in the southeastern Belgian Katanga. Beira in Central Mozambique previously handled 80 per cent of the total overseas trade of the Central African Federation, but congestion at that port and on its feeder rail lines made it necessary to secure a new outlet and the choice fell on Delagoa Bay.' Connected with several of the most vigorous economic regions of the continent (Fior 1 ) Lnrencn Marnies promises to achieve even greater significance as one of the outstanding African ports. An analysis of the harbor and port of Lourengo Marques and of its relations with the tributary areas is important in assessing the long-range transport programs of the Rhodesias, the Union, and Mozambique.

Dacus oleae . [Distribution map

Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Dacus oleae [Bactrocera oleae] (Gmel.) (The Olive Fly). Hosts: olives, cultivated and wild. wide range of Mono- and Dicotyledons. Information is given on the geographical distribution in EUROPE (excl. USSR), Balearic Islands, Corsica, Crete, France, Greece, Italy, Malta, Portugal, Sardinia, Sicily, Spain, Yugoslavia, ASIA (excl. USSR), Cyprus, Israel, Lebanon, Pakistan, Syria, Turkey, USSR, Caucasus, AFRICA, Algeria, Canary Islands, Egypt, Eritrea, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, Union of South Africa.

The Sources of Law In Tswana Tribal Courts: Legislation and Precedent

The Tswana peoples referred to in this paper inhabit the Bechuanaland Protectorate, where they number altogether about 270,000. In pre-European times they derived their subsistence mainly from animal husbandry and the cultivation of crops, each household producing its own food. Today they are still essentially small-scale subsistence farmers. But to satisfy the new wants developed by contact with Western civilisation over the past century, many persons also pursue new occupations, including above all temporary wage-labour for Europeans. In some areas more than half the able-bodied men are away every year working in the Union of South Africa. Their absence, often prolonged, has led to conspicuous changes in traditional customs and beliefs, and, as will be seen from some of the examples given below, has also given rise to new grounds for litigation.

Modern Trends in Indian Agriculture: Millets and Pulses Improvement

In the United States of America, Union of South Africa and in Australia where agriculture is highly advanced, millets are grown as feeds for poultry and pigs. The converted meat is consumed as human food. Unlike these countries, in India, millet grains are used for human consumption and the straw as cattle feed. Under these circumstances, it is not surprising tht the best quality of millet grains and high quality of millet straw in the world. are found in this country.

The Use of Different Test Items in Nonliterate Societies

The question of whether standardized and uniformly administered items yield similar results within a particular society is of practical interest since investigators often characterize a nonliterate society on the basis of a limited number of items. In the course of a long interview in three African societies (the Ganda in Uganda, the Luo in Kenya, and the Zulu in the Union of South Africa) representative samples of male informants were given a series of projective and direct items as well as some psychological tests. When pairs of items which seemed to concern the same area of behavior were compared, some items but not others produced similar results in the same society; and the same items yielded similar results in one society but not in another. Leonard W. Doob is Professor of Psychology at Yale University. STANDARDIZED and uniformly administered items are being used with increasing frequency by social scientists in nonliterate societies in order to obtain information about behavior that ostensibly cannot be so efficiently gained in other ways. The Rorschach test, for example, is particularly popular, principally because it is said not to be culture-bound and because it is relatively easy to administer.' Other problems besides validity or convenience, however, arise when an item produces a score like a mean or percentage (or their qualitative equivalent) which is then employed to characterize the public opinion or the basic personality of the society. Obviously such a score-whether it springs from a single question, a battery of questions, or a formal test-can inspire confidence only when it reflects a representative sample of the society. It almost always signifies at the most a modal tendency from which there is slight or great deviation. It may or may not adequately represent the behavior which the item allegedly measures. This paper investigates the last-named problem: whether different items which presumably relate to the same general area of behavior yield similar or dissimilar scores within a nonliterate society. The question is a pressing one because most field workers, unlike investigators in western

Apartheid in Action

strongest impression that I carried away from a six weeks tour of the Union of South Africa was of the social and political fragmentation that is the deliberate result of the policies of the present Nationalist government. It is something more than the determined multiplication of barriers between whites and non-whites. It reaches deep into each of these two basic groups, splitting and sub-dividing them, and in effect and I believe with conscious intent inhibiting if not actually destroying the possibility of any effective focus of opposition to the current dominance of Afrikaner nationalism. This is a perturbing situation. Not only is South Africa a Commonwealth member whose potentialities could make her a dynamic and constructive contributor to the greater effectiveness of that peculiar association; she is also an integral part of the non-communist world, with an expanding economy that could be a real factor in free world stability and a strategic position whose importance has been heavily underlined by the Suez crisis. To play her full role, however, she needs the solid base of a united community with an internal harmony and a sense of common purpose. The present trend is unhappily in just the opposite direction. In place of harmony and unity there is the deliberate creation of permanent divisions, and there are all too many indications that the survival of the Union as a political entity may ultimately come to depend, not on a conscious sharing of common interests, but on a precarious balance of internal antagonisms. The primary basis for all this is of course the doctrine of apartheid. For practical purposes it can be reduced to a simple syllogism. South Africa must be permanently a white society; there is no place for non-whites in a white society; therefore the two groups must develop along separate lines according to their separate traditions and capacities. Given the initial premise, this thesis can be defended with considerable logic. There is even a genuine if ill-judged humanitarianism on the part of many

Prices in the Clothing Industry

THE clothing industry manufactures an immense variety of garments ranging from the sheerest of women's underwear to the heaviest types of men's protective clothing, and as would be expected a high degree of specialization of product exists. It should, therefore, be stated at the outset that the present remarks refer to a family manufacturing business of medium size (about 200 employees) producing a wide variety of men's and boys' raincoats and lumber jackets. The raw materials, e.g. cloths, are purchased in the piece from mills and merchants, and all the processes required to convert the piece goods into complete garments are performed in the factory. Firms manufacturing clothing are usually termed 'makers up' and a few words about the early history of our firm may be found useful. The business was founded in the early I920S by my father on a very small scale, and with capital which was the result of his savings, and there was a steady growth until I939. In the beginning, the main lines had been ladies' and men's mackintoshes (i.e. rubberized raincoats) and these continued to be the main products until about I934-35. For a few years previously competition had been becoming more intense and many orders were obtainable only at prices which did not show a profit. My father had therefore begun to look out for a different product to manufacture and he eventually found one in lumber jackets which he manufactured in a variety of textile materials as well as leather. These were well in production by I 935, and in this year also men's raincoats made from chemically shower-proofed gabardines were added to the range, and rubberized mackintoshes were allowed to peter out. It was at this time, therefore, that the foundation of our present trade was laid, and various types of lumber jackets soon became the main production. By I939 the business had expanded considerably, was producing a better type of product and several overseas markets had already been found, principally in the Union of South Africa and the Scandinavian countries. The war brought many changes. Production was switched from civilian to service requirements, and, at the same time, greatly expanded. The factory was totally destroyed in I940 through enemy action and accommodation was secured in premises far too small so that a large number of outdoor makers had to be employed. (An

General Assembly

Report of the Committee on South West Africa: The report of the Committee on South West Africa to the eleventh session of the General Assembly stated that the Committee had again extended to the government of the Union of South Africa the invitation it had sent in 1954 and 1955 to participate in the Committee's work, but that the Union government had refused the invitation, stating that it had not changed its former position; it still considered the mandate in respect of South West Africa as lapsed and it had no other international commitments in regard to that territory. In view of this unchanged attitude of the Union government, the Committee had continued to apply the alternate procedure contained in its rules of procedure with respect to the examination of reports adopted on February 11, 1954.

Industrial Relations in a Multi-Racial Society

THE SUBJECT on which I am to speak is largely political, and perhaps on that account it is rash of me to tackle it. I am a politician as well as a business man, and have taken some part in the bitter controversy about race relations which has dominated South African politics for the last ten years. Obviously it would be inappropriate for me to use this occasion to pursue the South African political struggle but, on the other hand, you will no doubt expect me to speak my mind plainly. I must confess to being rather nervous of the delicate balancing act which is involved, but I shall do my best. I shall confine myself to the Union of South Africa and the Rhodesian Federation, the countries of which I have first-hand experience. Even so my field is immensely wide. It will, therefore, I think, be best if I start off by stating what I believe the proper objective of policy to be in Southern Africa. It is to secure the economic, cultural and social development of all the races concerned to the full extent of their capabilities in a manner which will not adversely affect the high standards already established for the Europeans. This objective can only be attained by co-operation between the races in all spheres of the national life. You may well think that by these generalities I have done little to narrow down my huge field to manageable proportions. I would therefore at once point out that, widely as I have cast my net, I have already assumed away the whole political issue in the Union of South Africa and, at the same time, have tacitly rejected the claims of African nationalism. The political issue in South Africa does not turn on the problems of a multi-racial society but on the anterior question of whether any sort of multi-racial society is desirable or indeed, in the long run, possible. The Nationalist Party Government in South Africa says emphatically that it is not, and similarly the Black nationalists reject the whole concept of a multi-racial society, and, going even further in their point of view than the extreme White nationalists in theirs, claim all Southern Africa for a Black nation alone. No political party in South Africa seeks-in theory anyhow-to deny the Africans the fullest development of which they are capable, but it is the contention of the Government Nationalist Party, the protagonists of the doctrine of apartheid, that the full potentialities of the Africans will only be realised if the two races live in separate areas of their own and work out their individual destinies in their own way. As a theory this is certainly attractive. The problems of a multi-racial society are intractable and involve

A.O.C.S. commentary: The A.O.C.S. and the research chemist in the Union of South Africa

A.O.C.S. commentary: The A.O.C.S. and the research chemist in the Union of South Africa

Occurrence of new Salmonella types from South Africa.

UPON bacteriological examination of day-old chicks imported by air from the Union of South Africa and found dead on arrival at Elizabethville, the following types of Salmonella were detected by culturing the bone marrow of fourteen of them on the usual media : 2 strains of S. saint paul (4,5,12 : e,h : 1,2) ; 1 strain of S. vejle (3,10 : e,h : 1,2); 1 strain of Salmonella unidentified, probably S. newport (6,8 : e,h : 1,2) rough.

The United Nations and Africa

IN general, the purposes of the United Nations provide the basis for its relationship with Africa. Among others, these are: To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace; To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion. 1 In the carrying out of these general purposes Africa provides sufficient grounds for the concern of and action by the United Nations. In fact, if we judge by past performance, it will continue to provide plenty for the United Nations to concern itself with for many a long day to come. It is only necessary to mention names such as Libya, Eritrea, Somalia, SouthWest Africa, Morocco, Tunisia, the Ewe problem in the Gold Coast and Togoland, the treatment of people of Indian origin in the Union of South Africa, to draw your attention to some of the generally better-known problems with which the United Nations has already had to deal. There are, of course, many others, less publicized, which occupy the attention of the United Nations, particularly of its specialized agencies-the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Health Organization, Food and Agri-

The Realities of African Civilisation

appalled by the difficulties, not least of which was that of compressing it within the 45 minutes which your rules allow. Having no claim to be an expertor even an anthropologist--but being merely an administrative amateur who has to use the conclusions of the specialists, it seemed to me best to adopt the synthetic approach, taking and leaving it at leisure the gifts of the great authorities who have devoted fruitful lives to the study of the problems hidden beneath the innocuous title of this address. I have tried to make reverend use of their conclusions, and what I have to say is intended to be neither dogmatic nor original. From the authorities, from Malinowski to Dr. Carothers, Mr. T. R. Batten, Dr. Oldham, and many others I have gleaned much information which will, I hope, give some clarity to the picture I want to present. Nothing I am about to say is intended to be derogatory to the African or inspired by anything more than sympathy with his difficulties and aspirations. To begin with education. The question arises: Is the African able to profit by the European form of higher education, and, if he gets it, where and to what purpose is he going to use it ? Obviously this depends on the economic, political, and social pattern envisaged for the country concerned; and the continent of Africa contains a wide variety of peoples and diversity of cultures. The relatively homogeneous areas of the Gold Coast and Nigeria are so different from the multi-racial areas of East, Central and South Africa. It is interesting to note that the education of the African has advanced further than anywhere else in the Union of South Africa. I have recently been reading a most illuminating article in Optima, the quarterly magazine of the Anglo American Corporation, by Dr. Malherbe, Principal and Vice-Chancellor of the University of Natal. He tells us that in the Union practically all European, Asiatic, and Coloured children of school age are receiving education, and that a little more than half of the African children of school age are at school-the lack of buildings and trained teachers being responsible for the last figures. In passing, one might note that for the Indian population in South Africa 50 times as much per head is spent by the Union Government on their education as in India, and that four times as high a percentage of the Indian population in South Africa goes to a university as in India. Let us look at the African figures. There are 1,200,000 non-Europeans at school and college, and of these 35,000 are receiving secondary education

THE MANIFESTATIONS AND DIAGNOSIS OF BABESIA INFECTIONS

In spite of a considerable literature on the Babesia infections of animals, there are comparatively few references to atypical manifestations of the disease. The existing references are reviewed in this paper. They include cases manifested by ocular, respiratory, digestive, nervous, and rheumatic symptoms.Since the causal agents are not always demonstrable in smears of the peripheral blood, and since the disease picture can be so very variable, the criteria of diagnosis are laid down and discussed. A number of cases studied at the Onderstepoort Veterinary Institute, Onderstepoort, Union of South Africa, are described according to the body systems mainly involved. Respiratory symptoms include a range from simple catarrhs to intense dyspnea simulating pneumonia. A striking group is made up by the involvement of the circulatory system, presenting such symptoms as severe ascites, asymmetrical edemas, and purpuric lesions. In the nervous system, Babesia infections are represented in animals by the manifestation of epileptiform fits, aberrations of the gait, abnormal actions and postures, and peripheral nerve palsies. Enteritis and gastritis indicate involvement of the digestive system.The pathogenesis of the atypical lesions is discussed in considerable detail in the light of the pathological and clinicopathological changes that take place in the babesioses. These changes include blocking of the capillaries by agglomerations of parasitized red blood corpuscles with consequent local tissue anoxia and intoxication, anemia, hypoalbuminemia, degeneration of the liver and kidneys, capillary fragility, and marked coagulation defects of the blood.In all these changes and manifestations there is a close parallel with those encountered in malaria from time to time, particularly in the malignant tertian form. Important references from the literature of malaria are cited in support of this observation.

Factors influencing the radiological progression rate of progressive massive fibrosis.

The Workmen's Compensation (Silicosis) Act (1918) empowered the Secretary of State to make {inter alia) schemes for the payment of com pensation to workmen who are found on medical examination to be suffering from silicosis or silicosis combined with tuberculosis to such a degree as to make it dangerous to continue work in the industry and are for that reason suspended from employ ment . The idea that when a certain stage of silicosis has been reached it becomes dangerous to continue at work appears to have its origin in the Miners' Phthisis Act (1912) in the Union of South Africa, but neither in 1912 nor in 1918 does there appear to have been any detailed discussion of the stage at which it became more dangerous to continue at work than to leave it: or, to put the problem in more epidemiological terms, the stage after which the progression rate, i.e., deterioration rate, was higher at work in the mines than outside. Coal-mining was not included in the list of indus tries scheduled in the original scheme (Refractory Industries (Silicosis) Scheme, 1919) but was added in 1928 (Various Industries (Silicosis) Scheme). Even then, owing to the phrase exposure to silica dust in the Act, few coal-miners were certified until the Coal Mining Industry (Pneumoconiosis) Compensa tion Scheme (1943). After this date large numbers of coal-miners, particularly in South Wales, were certified and suspended from further work in the industry. There was at that time considerable evidence that coalworkers' pneumoconiosis was a different disease from classical silicosis, as described in South Africa, but, in the absence of any direct evidence about the progression rates inside and outside mining, it no doubt appeared safer to su pend miners with pneumoconiosis from the envir n ent which appeared to have caused it. B?hme (1933) appears to have been the first to p int out that radiological progression did take place after exposure to dust had ceased amongst coal-miners with silicosis . At first, it was uncertain whether the condition he was referring to was the same as that seen in South Wales, but the same phenomenon was soon observed in a short series by Aslett, Davies, and Jenkins (1943) and was later confirmed by Stewart, Davies, Dowsett, Morrell, and Pierce (1948). Later, after Davies and Mann (1949) had differentiated simple pneumo c iosis from progressive massive fibrosis (P.M.F.), Davies, Fletcher, Mann, and Stewart (1949), on a small series, showed that there was no significant difference between the frequency with which pro gre sion of P.M.F. was seen in the radiographs amongst those who left mining and those who continued to work as miners. (As frequency of progression is a somewhat clumsy phrase, rate of progression has been used throughout this paper ) It was against this somewhat uncertain background that the new regulations governing pne moconiosis under the National Insurance (Industrial Injuries) Act, 1946, were introduced. These a olished the power of suspension (except in cases of infectious tuberculosis), and at present large numbers of miners with P.M.F., particularly in South W les, are continuing at work in the mines. It is therefore of importance that further information should be obtained on this subject. It is, however, not a simple matter to get definite information. The most satisfactory method would be to allocate at random miners with P.M.F. into 177

The Eastern Sotho: A tribal, historical, and linguistic survey (with ethnographic notes) of the Pai, Kutswe, and Pulana Bantu tribes of the Pilgrim's Rest district of the Transvaal Province, Union of South Africa. By D. Ziervogel. Pretoria: van Schaik, 1954. Pp. ix + 215, map. 25s.

The Eastern Sotho: A tribal, historical, and linguistic survey (with ethnographic notes) of the Pai, Kutswe, and Pulana Bantu tribes of the Pilgrim's Rest district of the Transvaal Province, Union of South Africa. By D. Ziervogel. Pretoria: van Schaik, 1954. Pp. ix + 215, map. 25<i>s</i>.