Symbol Of Unity Research Articles

Otters as Symbols in the British Environmental Discourse

The otter is a top predator demanding clean water to survive and has thus become an important biological indicator of the purity and health of water and wetland ecosystems. Using the constructivist approach to explore literary and ethnographic sources, I argue that otters, in addition to being biological indicators, have become meaningful and necessary environmental symbols and function as mediators of ecological values. Following this, I argue that the otter is not only a mediating symbol, but also a unifying symbol. Because the appreciation of the otter is uncontested, it can be the spark that kindles further understanding and cooperation between different interest groups in landscape management and land use issues. Finally, the symbolic value of otters as biodiversity markers can benefit other species in need of protection.

Onherhaalbaar, onontdoenbaar: Die doop as simbool van eenheid in die kerk

Irrevocably singular: Baptism as a symbol of unity in the church. In this article I conduct a phenomenological analysis of the concept ‘one baptism’ in Ephesians 4:4−6. Such an analysis seeks to reveal the essence of a particular concept by bracketing out the theological and ideological presuppositions usually associated with it. The essential concept is then expanded by linking it to the terms most closely surrounding it in the text. A critical theological reflection on the expanded concept shows that ‘one baptism’ refers to an event by which believers are inducted, once and for all, into the church as the one body of the one Lord, Jesus Christ. The church exists through the presence of the one Spirit who binds believers in an unbreakable bond of love to God and to each other. Because baptism can never be undone or repeated, any liturgical act depicted as a ‘re-baptism’ is, by definition, impossible. This means that churches that baptise the children of believing parents are able to accommodate requests from people who, having been baptised as an infant, in later life wish to celebrate and testify to some significant milestone in their spiritual journey by means of an official church ritual. Such ritualised testimonies, however, refer to the existential lifeworld of believers (their repentance, confession of faith etc.) and are distinct from baptism that refers to the singular eschatological work of Christ and thus cannot be repeated. The church should, however, take pastoral care to ensure that people do not substitute their own spiritual experiences for the reality of salvation that is founded on the singular act of God, for us once and for all in Christ, to which baptism irrevocably refers.

Making Money, Marking Identities: On the Economic, Social and Cultural Functions of Moroccan Weddings in Brussels

This article focuses on the weddings of second-generation Moroccans in Belgium. These unique, festive events give rise to a niche economy in which Moroccan entrepreneurs supply specific goods and services like the caftan—a traditional ceremonial dress for women. By linking qualitative and quantitative data with theoretical insights, this research relates these commercial activities with the Moroccan migrant community, which is inwardly torn apart by acculturation and individualisation. Therefore the growing social discord between generations and genders needs to be compensated by unifying rituals and symbols. Although traditional at first sight, the wedding ceremony and the caftans are, rather, a reinvention by a community searching for ethnic identity markers that can help it to embrace all its descendants. Instead of merely replicating the home country, this ‘translocation’ of culture is creating new common ground in the host society, thus showing that transnationalist and assimilationist ideas can sometimes link up in a dialectical way.

Non-Caucasian Highlanders and Modern Globalization

Adapting to high altitudes: historical, evolutionary, and physiological perspectives The birth of civilization and society can be traced back to the flatlands near large river basins such as the Nile, Yellow, and Indus river valleys. These “River Valley Civilizations,” and their fates, have been debated to a large degree. High-altitude civilizations, on the other hand, have been largely overlooked. High altitude regions (highlands) might be defined as those at altitudes greater than 2,500 m. About a quarter of Earth’s area constitutes highlands, and 10% of Earth’s population lives in these regions. The most prominent highland societies are those that have settled in the Andes, Tibet/Himalayas, and Ethiopia where all indigenous residents have been non-Caucasians. Each of these regions is populated by a few million people, and traces of mankind can be found that date back to prehistoric times. Living in the highlands requires genetic adaptations to low oxygen, or hypoxia. Moreover, each highland civilization has developed strategies for domesticating crops and livestock that are specifically tailored to different altitude conditions (e.g., frigid climate and arid soil). While being isolated from the outside world, highland societies have maintained strategic commerce with lowland regions. On the mental level, religion among highland populations serves as a symbol of unity and the will of the people to overcome the harsh living conditions. Although highland societies share many similarities, including hypoxic adaptation and environmental utilization, particularly notable are their diverse features. Moreover, while the lifestyles of highland populations have been maintained over thousands of years, this is beginning to change with the spread of globalism. In this report, we trace the process of adaptation to high-altitude environments. In particular, we focus on the physiological and cultural adaptations of highlanders to these environments, and how highland cultures came into existence.

Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses: Social Media and Oppositional Movements in Egypt, 2004-2011

To deepen our understanding of the relationship between social media and political change during the Egyptian uprising of early 2011, events in Tahrir Square must be situated in a larger context of media use and recent history of online activism. For several years, the most successful social movements in Egypt, including Kefaya, the April 6th Youth, and We are all Khaled Said, were those using social media to expand networks of disaffected Egyptians, broker relations between activists, and globalize the resources and reach of opposition leaders. Social media afforded these opposition leaders the means to shape repertoires of contention, frame the issues, propagate unifying symbols, and transform online activism into offline protests.

An Interview with Adam Reta

RETA: It is more than a model. It is a metaphor. Injera is round. It is three dimensional yet flat. It has holes and yet consistent. It is between solid and non-solid. At first the injera holes/precisely eyes/ seem to be monads, and yet they are all interconnected through a maze of miniature tunnels. It has a contrasting structure signified by opposites and yet all contributing to its whole physical “survival.” We are used to hearing about traditional fiction as linear or circular. I find the linear story not as realistic as is usually perceived. If one is not sure of the representational honesty of linear stories, one has to look for a different geometric metaphor. The 1974 Ethiopian revolution initiated the beginning of the death of the linear story. The fragmenting elements unleashed then are still working their way through all aspects of life. A society in chaos/disharmony cannot give you individuals that are comfortable in linearity. I have to look for ways to represent such realities and processes. The conceptual image or geometric metaphor we acquire from such disorder is a labyrinth or a maze. What is more pertinent than injera in representing this? Injera has an interesting form. We can mark its genesis from pagan times when the sun was worshipped. In antiquity, the sun was represented by a circle. Our alphabet tse ( { ) is a representation of the sun, or the aynu A ( ; ), as the sun was the eye in the sky. I do not think it is an accident we call the holes in injera “eyes.” The circle was and is an ancient and universal symbol of unity, wholeness, and infinity. There is also what is called a circumpunct circle with a dot/hole at the middle. It represents the sun and a sun god (called Ra in Egypt . . . what if the “ra” in inje-ra has to do with this?) and the creative spark of divine consciousness within people linking everyone to the creative mind (also to everyone) of a universal “god” thus making each persona “co-creator.” The circle and the dot symbolize the spiritual merging of male and female forces. (Ref) This is a universal/ cosmic sensibility.

URGENSI PENDEKATAN MULTIKULTUR DALAM PENDIDIKAN

The Indonesian people have been in the reformation and globalization era. One of the nine reform agenda is to uphold democracy. The enforcement of the democratic life means the recognition of human rights. In this regard, the recognition includes the uniqueness of the existence of Indonesia's pluralist society. Therefore, the symbol of unity in diversity shows recognition to the existence of a unified pluralism of the Indonesian society. In accordance with the enforcement agenda of democratic society, there have been serious efforts to promoting the improvement of the national education system. However, the national education policy tends to generalize the Indonesian people and neglect the essence of human diversity and a pluralistic culture of Indonesia. As a matter of fact, it can not be denied that this country absolutely need for multicultural education in the broadest sense, which is the educational system that can best accommodate the diversity of society to be one of national unity. يكون المجتمع الإندونيسي الآن في عصر التجديد والعولمة.ومن برامج التجديد التسعة هو إقامة القيم الديموقراطية. وإقامة الديموقراطية تعنى الاعتراف بحقوق الإنسان الأساسية. وهذا الاعتراف من نوع خاص لكون المجتمع الإندونيسي المتنوع. ولهذا كان شعار البلد بينكا تونغال إيكا يشير إلى هذا التجمع المتنوع الموحد. وإصلاح النظام التربوي الوطني من برنامج إقامة المجتمع الديموقراطي. وفي العصر التربوي يميل إلى تسوية المجتمع الإندونيسي واهمال تنوعات الناس والثقافة الإندونيسية المختلفة. واحتاج هذا البلد إلى نظام التربية بمدخل متعدد الثقافات بمعناه الواسع، هي التربية التي تعترف بتنوعات المجتمع الإندونيسي توحيد وطني.

Dante all’insegna dell’Unità

Dante in the straightjacket of the italian State In this article Dante’s literary and cultural reception are interpreted as being also indicative of the strength of Italy’s sociopolitical unity. From the beginning of the eighteenth century Dante and his poem have been used and misused repeatedly by cultural, literary and political key figures in order to forge and reinforce a national Dante. During Risorgimento Dante soon became the symbol of Italy’s political, moral and linguistic unity but he was also used, more implicitly, as a powerful antidote to the country’s disunity. After a period of more liberal and creative rewritings, the fascist regime and its scholars came up with an extremely reductive political and moral image of the Commedia and its poet. After the end of the second World War this fascist Dante was banned from national conscience and replaced with a myriad of creative rewritings. Poets like Eugenio Montale and Mario Luzi rediscovered and exploited Dante’s forgotten potential for Italian culture and literature; the work of important directors like Federico Fellini and Pier Paolo Pasolini could not exist without Dante; the venerable Lectura Dantis tradition was revived on television by famous actors and ultimately modernised and lightened by Roberto Benigni whose television performances also revive Dante’s role as a national and unifying symbol.

The Liberty Bell (review)

Reviewed by: The Liberty Bell Marla R. Miller (bio) The Liberty Bell. By Gary B. Nash. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010. Pp. 242. $24.00 cloth) This short biography of an American icon delivers an efficient and engaging account of the place of the bell in U.S. history. Historian Gary Nash—one of the nation's preeminent historians of the American Revolution—attends not only to the changing role of the bell in the mainstream political and cultural history of the country but also to the parallel reception and alternate meanings of the bell among African and Native American communities. The result is a narrative that is brisk and instructive, yet also subtle and complex. Unsurprisingly, the book is full of fun tidbits. Readers learn, for instance, that the Whitechapel Foundry—still in operation today—continues to maintain that the Pennsylvania Statehouse bell, which gained its famous crack almost instantly, "was damaged in transit or was the victim of an inexperienced bell ringer" (p. 7), that the bell, had it not been spirited out of Philadelphia before the British occupation, might have provided some thirty thousand rounds of enemy ammunition, and that the bell made no fewer than seven cross-country road trips between 1885 and 1915. Early chapters trace the history of the bell from its arrival in Pennsylvania through the tumult of the Revolution to its christening as the "Liberty Bell," a product of antislavery activism. But readers [End Page 87] drawn to the book because they are already somewhat familiar with those stories—or whose curiosity was piqued by the cameo appearance of the bell in National Treasure—may find still more fascinating the chapters that take up the story of the bell in the latter half of the nineteenth century and through the twentieth. By the time of the national centennial in 1876, the Liberty Bell had begun to assume its iconic status, a symbol of unity "that would bind the nation's wounds" and "complete the process of reconciliation" (p. 64). But the bell would continue to have different meanings for different observers, from the Blackfeet chief Little Bear, who posed alongside the bell at the 1915 Panama-Pacific Exposition, to the members of the Congress of Racial Equality who staged a 1963 sit-in there. Indeed, the malleable and contested meanings of the bell are Nash's main concern. Nash himself became deeply engaged in such contestation when he helped ignite controversy over the contemporary interpretation of the bell. In the early 1990s, Nash explains, the National Park Service (NPS), which assumed custody of the bell in the 1940s, began planning to move it to a new home, a site more accessible to its thousands of annual visitors. The site chosen—the corner of Sixth and Market Streets—dripped with irony; the onetime site of the McMasters mansion and later the home of President George Washington, was ground once walked by the enslaved men and women who made Washington's leadership, and the new nation itself, possible. But the planned exhibit, many were stunned to learn, would not engage that difficult issue. Nash explains how tensions between local and national forces both within and beyond the NPS in time "erupted in sharp, even venomous debate" (p. 201). Nash was a key player in those debates, and his account delivers more than just a summary of them; the book preserves his own perspective on those contentious conversations, which resulted in a substantial overhaul of the exhibition plans. In fact, the book in some ways allows readers unable to make the trip to Philadelphia to get some sense of the story the exhibit now conveys. Nash seems [End Page 88] satisfied with the outcome. Quoting NPS Chief Historian Dwight Pitcaithley (who shared Nash's point of view on the interpretive imperative here), he concludes that "the 'liberty road' has been filled with potholes and obstacles and while the United States has a more expansive definition of freedom and liberty than it did one hundred or even fifty years ago, the struggle is not over" (p. 216); still, Nash posits, the bell, now situated in the context of the revised exhibition, today "is truly everyone...

Il culto dell'Uno dal Risorgimento al fascismo

The cult of the Leader, from the Risorgimento to fascism looks at the attempts under liberalism and fascism to develop cults around such figures as the king, Queen Margherita, Garibaldi, Crispi and Mussolini. From the time of the Risorgimento it was widely recognised that there was a symbolic deficit in relation to Italian unity. The need to promote the monarchy after 1860 - and in due course other cults - gained urgency as the state institutions, and especially parliament, lost credibility. The failure of the monarchy to emerge as a unifying symbol, powerful enough to deflect mass support away from the Catholics and socialists, created a vacuum which the cult of Mussolini exploited.

An essential glycobiology resource for developmental biologists

![Figure][1] Essentials of Glycobiology, Second Edition Edited by Ajit Varki, Richard D. Cummings, Jeffrey D. Esko, Hudson H. Freeze, Pamela Stanley, Carolyn R. Bertozzi, Gerald W. Hart and Marilynn E. Etzler Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press (2009) 784 pages, ISBN 978-087969770-9, $158

Asymptotic performance analysis of arbitrary rectangular QAM over fading channels

In this paper, the asymptotic performance of arbitrary rectangular Quadrature Amplitude Modulation (QAM) signals over fading channels is investigated. A novel unified asymptotic average Symbol Error Probability (SEP) expression is derived in terms of diversity and coding gain. The validity and accuracy of the analytical result are verified by means of computer simulations. Furthermore, the results presented are very easy to be extended to the systems with multi-channel diversity receivers.

Witnesses of Wealth.Development Workers, Intercultural Communication and Norwegian National Identity

In this article the broader topic of communication and identity is addressed through a discussion of intercultural involvement and national identity in the case of Norway. The main research question is how Norwegian expatriate development workers discursively sustain, challenge and (re)construct Norwegian national identity. Discussing this I draw on material from a recent study where I interviewed twenty-three development workers (). In the analysis I identify three main types of contributions development workers make to the construction of a Norwegian national identity and label them according to three priestly roles: the prophet who criticises the powerful, the counsellor who comforts and strengthens his flock, or the priest as a unifying symbol of the group.

Isaiah Shembe's Theological Nationalism, 1920s–1935

This article situates the early twentieth-century writings of the South African Nazaretha1 church and its founder, Isaiah Shembe, within a broader context of Zulu nationalism. Accounts of Zulu nationalism in this period have focused on the role of the Zulu king as a unifying symbol. The Nazaretha church, however, developed a strong polemic against the monarchy, and instead positioned its own leader, Isaiah Shembe, as the unifying national figure of the Zulu. In a fraught relationship between the two institutions, the church denounced the contemporary king, Solomon kaDinuzulu, as well as the historical monarchy, as sinful. By contrast, chiefly converts to the church were used as a template of virtuous political leadership for the nation. This study of Nazaretha ‘theological nationalism’ – a discourse that, to legitimate itself, posited national unity on ideas of virtue, healing, peacefulness, repentance and submission to Jehovah's dictates – suggests that Zulu nationalism could be a medium for criticising the African kholwa-monarchical élite of the day. Shembe's nationalism also demonstrates the importance of Independent churches to public debate in early twentieth-century Natal and Zululand. 1 ‘Nazaretha’ denotes members of the Ibandla lamaNazaretha (Church of the Nazaretha).

Imagining Richard Wagner: The Janus Head of a Divided Nation

Over course of its turbulent history, German nation has defined itself time and again in terms of a constructed Other. The Other--depicted variously a political, ideological, or racial opposition to existence of imagined German Self--has served a common enemy against which nation can unite, essentially a vehicle for promoting national spirit. Discussing historically exclusive nature of German nationalism, Christian Joppke observes, the German concept of nation thus became more like a weapon than a unifying symbol, property of some but not of others. (1) Implicit in this is perception of an enemy within, a construct of nation in which Self and Other are two sides of same coin. Thomas Mann famously asserted in 1945 that one could not speak of two separate Germanys, an evil one represented by Hitler and a good one that encompassed Kultur. (2) Yet Cold War progressed, identity-formation processes were dependent on narratives of separate Germanies: Germany oppressed and oppressor, perpetrator and jury, and, most obviously East and West. The political scientist John Keane notes that crises are times during which living do battle for hearts, minds and souls of dead, an observation that is pertinent here. (3) Uniting various postwar definitions of nation, intimated by Thomas Mann, was shared cultural heritage, which inevitably emerged a focal point in ideological combat of Cold War. Amid abject poverty in Berlin in 1946, an incredulous cultural correspondent from Time magazine revealingly acclaimed city the current theatrical and musical capital of Europe, noting that theaters with their roofs blown off and their walls caved in are housing productions ... that would shame a good deal of stuff shown on Broadway. (4) Birthdays and anniversaries of Germany's dead musical luminaries were seized upon nation-building and propaganda opportunities; in both East and West numerous years (Gedenkjahre) and other smaller festivals were organized to honor, and exploit, pantheon of Germany's cultural heroes. The 200th anniversary of Bach's death in 1950 gave rise to a year-long series of festivities; a Beethoven-Gedenkjahr to celebrate 125th anniversary of composer's death followed in 1952, and commemorative celebrations for Schubert, Schumann, Mozart, and Handel followed in quick succession. (5) The Canon in a Divided Nation The commitment to canon by Soviet and American occupying forces played in their favor by confronting widely held perceptions of both culturally challenged nations. (6) It also tapped deep into German psyche; culture, and in particular music, was intrinsic to German sense of self and national identity. Robert Schumann, for example, observed in 1839: as Italy has its Naples, France its Revolution, England its Navy, etc., so Germans have their Beethoven symphonies. (7) The response to this conviction was strikingly different in East and West Germany. The Americans were adamant that Third Reich had been no chance occurrence but a product of an innate German chauvinism that was manifest in their attitude toward their musical heritage. A reoccurrence of war was inevitable unless these basic flaws in German character were addressed. (8) Consequently, in immediate aftermath of war, focus in West Germany was on denationalization of canon. Radio programs and concerts interspersing German music with compositions from Allied nations, accompanied by promotion of non-German performers, aimed to reduce German certainty about their musical supremacy. David Monod describes American attempts to attack Nazi sentiments in music sector by showing Germans that Americans could sing Wagner better than they. (9) Similarly, Bach and Beethoven were no longer discussed in terms of their German heritage but depicted products of an international humanism, one to which Germany had no greater claim than any other nation. …

Unified asymptotic analysis of linearly modulated signals in fading, non-Gaussian noise, and interference

In this paper, we present a unified asymptotic symbol error rate (SER) analysis of linearly modulated signals impaired by fading and (possibly) non-Gaussian noise, which in our definition also includes interference. The derived asymptotic closed-form results are valid for a large class of fading and noise processes. Our analysis also encompasses diversity reception with equal gain and selection combining and is extended to binary orthogonal modulation. We show that for high signal-to-noise ratios (SNRs) the SER of linearly modulated signals depends on the Mellin transform of the probability density function (pdf) of the noise. Since the Mellin transform can be readily obtained for all commonly encountered noise pdfs, the provided SER expressions are easy and fast to evaluate. Furthermore, we show that the diversity gain only depends on the fading statistic and the number of diversity branches, whereas the combining gain depends on the modulation format, the type of fading, the number of diversity branches, and the type of noise. An exception are systems with a diversity gain of one, since their combining gain and asymptotic SER are independent of the type of noise. However, in general, in a log-log scale for high SNR the SER curves for different types of noise are parallel but not identical and their relative shift depends on the Mellin transforms of the noise pdfs.

Corporations brought to you by NASCAR: rhetorical identification through sponsorship

This study approaches corporate sponsorship of sport as identification rhetoric to further understand the relationship created between consumers and corporate sponsors. The focus is on the corporate sponsorship of the NASCAR (National Association for Stock Car Auto Racing) Sprint Cup Series, examining how sponsorship messages utilise identification tactics. The study finds that messages rhetorically create identification through common ground and unifying symbol strategies between the sponsor and sponsored activity, and between the sponsor and consumer.

The Italian way to prevent groundwater contamination risk

In the early 1980's the Italian scientific community, together with a number of institutional decision-makers, realized how urgent it was to protect natural and environmental resources. They agreed that an adequate level of scientifically organized knowledge allows the accurate planning and development of environmental systems through management and direction of the actual development process, without hindering it. Since the special project was first set up in 1984, as part of the GNDCI-CNR (National Group for the Defence against Hydrogeologic Disasters, of the Italian National Council of Research) scientific context, it has been the cardinal point of Research Line 4 “Assessment of Aquifer Vulnerability”. The problem of groundwater contamination was examined in this project for the very first time in Italy in an organic and extensive manner as a key for forecasting and prevention purposes. The Italian approaches to assessing and mapping groundwater vulnerability to contamination are essentially based on two main methodologies:- The GNDCI Basic Method a HCS (Hazard Contamination Source) type approach that can be used for any type of Italian hydrogeologic situation, even where there is a limited amount of data. A unified legend and symbols are also defined for each hydrogeologic level.- The SINTACS [Soggiacenza (depth to groundwater); Infiltrazione (effective infiltration); Non saturo (unsaturated zone attenuation capacity); Tipologia della copertura (soil/overburden attenuation capacity); Acquifero (saturated zone characteristics); Conducibilità (hydraulic conductivity); Superficie topografica (Slope)] method, a PCSM (Point Count System Model) developed for use prevalently in areas with good data base coverage. The methodological approaches described in this paper now make up the Italian standard which has been set in the recent very important Italian Law (152/99) and which has now been ratified in the national guidelines produced by ANPA, the Italian National Agency for Environment Protection. In this paper the structure of the Research Line, the progress obtained by the 21 Research units (over 100 researchers) in 20 years of activity, the results gained etc. are briefly highlighted.

In Retrospect: Landmark Law Cases in American Society

In Retrospect:Landmark Law Cases in American Society Eric Rauchway (bio) The University Press of Kansas series, "Landmark Law Cases and American Society," edited by Peter Charles Hoffer and N. E. H. Hull, puts its authors in a potentially awkward position. Any case that qualifies as a "landmark case," with an obvious and vital connection to American society, is going to be what Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., called a "great case." The series therefore risks focusing on what Holmes called "bad law. Great cases are called great, not by reason of their real importance in shaping the law of the future, but because of some accident of immediate overwhelming interest which appeals to the feelings and distorts the judgment."1 To the non-lawyer, this prospect comes as something of a relief. Bad law is the stuff of good political and social history.2 And for the most part, the "Landmark Law Cases" authors de-emphasize jurisprudence and err on the side of showing us and our students how great cases entail moral, social, and political conflict. In the main, the series treats judges, especially the justices of the United States Supreme Court, as a special breed of political actors, in keeping with the explanation of the Court's role offered in Thurman Arnold's 1937 Folklore of Capitalism: the Supreme Court was the greatest unifying symbol in American government. Here was the one body which could still the constant debate, and represent to the country the ideal of government of fundamental principles. On this Court the whole idea of a government of laws and not of the competing opinions of men appeared to depend. Here only was there a breathing spell from the continual din of arguments about governmental philosophy which were never settled.3 So high had the Justices climbed in the American civic pantheon that, in the same year, Franklin D. Roosevelt caused a reasonably genuine scandal when he proposed augmenting the Court for political reasons—a scandal that stood in stark contrast to the equanimity that greeted Congress's fiddling with the Court's numbers only seventy years before.4 Sometime by 1937, in a shift perhaps more important than the "switch in time," the Court had become an institution worth its marble temple, with special access to fundamental principles: a "bulwark of individual rights and personal dignity," as Hoffer, Hull, [End Page 155] and Williamjames Hoffer write in their own overview of the Court's history, a bulwark anchored, as Arnold would say, in an ability to resolve disputes by appeal to fundamental principle.5 As such it occupies an important place in the American political process—a reluctant but definite decision-maker of last resort. The series volumes that work best show the judiciary playing this role. Sometimes great social conflicts sluice through the channels of our institutions and finally funnel into legal chambers, taking a course that offers a superb opportunity to exhibit and examine the relation between great cases and American society. The book on Brown v. Board of Education: Caste, Culture, and the Constitution, by Robert J. Cottrol, Raymond T. Diamond, and Leland B. Ware, takes advantage of this opportunity. Brown brought the long struggle for school desegregation to the Court, which consented, however grumpily, to take up the cause. As Justice Robert Jackson remarked during oral argument, "I suppose that realistically the reason this case is here is that action couldn't be obtained in Congress." In his unpublished opinion, Jackson went on to say that the Court thus found itself in the awkward position of having to explain "that the Constitution this morning forbids what for three-quarters of a century it has tolerated or approved."6 Cottrol, Diamond and Ware note the Court's culpability in creating this difficulty for itself. Beginning their analysis a century before Brown, with cases that created a caste status based on color for African Americans, they point out that the country adopted the Civil War Amendments the Constitution to break that caste. Most important was the Fourteenth Amendment, in which its framers provided Constitutional authorization for contemporaneously passed "far-reaching federal civil rights legislation, legislation designed to protect the newly freed...

Reinventando a Artigas: Entonces ¿mi nombre suena todavía en mi país?.

La figura de Artigas ha tenido un tratamiento muy diferente a lo largo del tiempo. Denostado duramente en las décadas inmediatas a la independencia y tachado por sus detractores contemporáneos de anarquista y enemigo del orden y de la propiedad, fue reivindicado como héroe nacional cuando Uruguay, hacia finales del s. XIX consolida su independencia, convirtiéndose en símbolo de la Unidad en oportunidad en que los partidos blanco y colorado que estaban enfrentados en guerras civiles. En el s. XX, coincidiendo con la consolidación de la democracia política, son puestos de relieve sobre todo los aspectos de la «Patria Vieja», pero será cuando las posturas marxistas entren en la escena cuando se reformule la imagen de Artigas. Este artículo ofrece una nueva lectura para entender su figura. The figure of Artigas has had a very different treatment over time. Harshly reviled in the immediate decades to independence and branded by his contemporary detractors as an anarchist and an enemy of order and property, he was vindicated as a national hero when Uruguay, towards the end of the s. XIX consolidates its independence, becoming a symbol of Unity at the time that the white and red parties that were faced in civil wars. In the S. XX, coinciding with the consolidation of political democracy, the aspects of the "Old Homeland" are highlighted above all, but it will be when Marxist positions enter the scene that Artigas' image is reformulated. This article offers a new reading to understand your figure.