UN High Commissioner Research Articles

Governance and duty in global refugee education: a Kantian perspective

The broad adoption of the human-rights based approach to refugee education has not only accentuated the link between education provision and the realization of human rights; it has re-framed refugees as right-bearers. This conceptual shift from ‘refugee as victim’ to ‘refugee as right-bearer’ carries with it immense implications also for the way we think of the duty-bearers of refugee education. Once we re-conceptualize refugees as right-bearers, we acknowledge, too, the primacy of duty-bearers and ‘global moral obligations’. In this article, I first consider the history of global governance of refugee education, dating back to the ratification of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention. In tracing the shifting role of stakeholders in refugee education, I note, in particular, how the burden of responsibility of education policy and provision has oscillated between local host communities and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Next, I look at how rights and responsibilities are conceptualized in forced displacement context, that is, in the absence of a nation-state—traditionally considered the primary duty-bearer of human rights. Finally, I turn to Kant’s duty-based ethics, and suggest a Kantian perspective can help expand our understanding of duties and duty-bearers in global refugee education.

Review of Panel Discussion on Digital, Media and Information Literacy—Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights

Abstract This review considers the Panel Discussion on Digital, Media and Information Literacy—Report of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and explores the report’s key implications for human rights practitioners and their organizations.

FORCED MIGRATIONS OF THE UKRAINIAN PEOPLE: A HISTORICAL RETROSPECTIVE OF THE XX–XXI CENTURIES AND MODERN CHALLENGES

Problem Statement and Purpose. A large-scale war started by Russia against the population of Ukraine has been going on for more than a year and a half. This occurs before a significant decrease in the demographic potential of the country: a decrease in the birth rate due to the postponement of births, a high mortality rate among the losses of the military and civilian population. Today, the protection of the civilian population is one of the key goals of the state and its international partners. In 1923, the "Declaration of the Rights of the Child" was adopted, and in 1948, the UN approved the "Declaration of Human Rights". Today, according to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, there are more than nine international human rights documents and several optional protocols that should guarantee the safety of the population of Ukraine. Based on the above, the purpose of the work is to analyze and describe the causes and stages of forced migrations of the Ukrainian people in the XX–XXI centuries. The object of the study is the process of forced migrations and deportations of Ukrainians of the XX–XXI centuries. The subject of the study is the causes, factors and events that led to the activation of the forced displacement of the Ukrainian people. Data & Methods. The migration process is related to influencing factors. The only thing that is different about every migration movement is the reasons that make people move. In peacetime, the main reason for moving is economic and socialissues, when a person dares to move in search of better wages and social comfort. such a manifestation of migration is painless for society. The object of the research is the process of forced migrations and deportations of Ukrainians in the XX–XXI centuries. The subject of the study is the causes, factors and events that led to the intensification of the forced resettlement of the Ukrainian people. To achieve the goal of the study, the following tasks were solved: To substantiate the essence of the concept of forced migration and the reasons for its occurrence. Summarize and chronologically systematize the stages of forced migrations and deportations of Ukrainians of the 20th‑21st centuries. To analyze the causes and consequences of the displacement of the population of Ukraine as a result of the current displacements due to the war. Results. Population is one of the main criteria for the formation of statehood. Consequences of forced displacement for Ukraine and its population: severing the mental ties of the future generation with the Motherland; artificial reduction of speakers of the "Ukrainian language", which are the code of the nation; formation of a psychological barrier between abducted children and their parents, loss of family integrity; artificial redistribution of the population by region, as the Russians, occupying the territory, relocate their residents, who begin to integrate into Ukrainian society, which continues to live under occupation; loss of personal benefits and social tension in the new society, destruction of families and isolation; geopolitical consequences in the form of changes in international migration, which will affect stability in the region even more; due to Russia's military actions, millions of economically active population left Ukraine, which will greatly affect its recovery if there is no quality program for the return of this group of people to Ukraine. Today, the most important thing is the victory of Ukraine and the beginning of the restoration of our country, the liberation of its territories from occupation, the creation of reliable security guarantees from world partners for the future, so that millions of Ukrainians are not forced to experience the current events again. About 60% of IDPs need to completely restore or repair their homes, 30% of Ukraine's infrastructure has been completely destroyed, and 10% is subject to restoration. Today, the state has created a plan for the recovery of Ukraine, where a number of world leaders in their region will help rebuild our cities and help millions of Ukrainians return home.

Rights and obligations of refugees by the legislation of Ukraine

This article describes the basic rights and obligations of refugees by the legislation of Ukraine.The rights and obligations of refugees by the legislation of Ukraine are properly established in accordance with international legal standards, and the main problem in modern Ukraine is compliance with the legislation on the rights of refugees. This category of individuals often experiences difficulties in connection with registration at the place of residence, obtaining permanent or temporary housing, employment at a new place of residence. There are difficulties with medical care and pension provision.The rights of refugees are a general component of the human rights system, the presence of a special mechanism for the protection of their rights does not mean for them exclusion from the general system of protection of human rights and freedoms, but it is organically included in the system of international legal protection of human rights.The presence of a large number of refugees in the world indicates numerous problems in the peaceful coexistence of states in various regions of the planet, including, unfortunately, in Europe, where more than 10 million Ukrainians have already become refugees as a result of full-scale brazen Russian aggression, in addition, there are many refugees in Europe, from conflicts in Afghanistan, Somalia, Syria, Iraq, Georgia, Kosovo, Nagorno-Karabakh. As a result of objective circumstances, all these people were forced to leave their native homes and become refugees. The presence of millions of refugees from different parts of the world indicates the need for radical reforms of the UN, which is increasingly finding it difficult to ensure international law and order and conflict resolution, and also indicates the need to improve the mechanism for the protection of human rights at the universal level.Human rights, protection and promotion of the realization of rights have always been and remain a priority area of activity of our state. At the current stage, in the conditions of the military regime introduced in Ukraine, the need to improve the existing mechanisms for the protection of human rights, including refugees and forced migrants who are forced to leave their places of permanent residence, is becoming extremely urgent. The activities of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and his cooperation with the Government of Ukraine are important in this area.

Cooperation between the state authorities of the Ukraine and Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees: legal principles and directions for improvement

This article discloses the main legal principles of cooperation between the authorized state bodies of Ukraine and the Office of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, whose activities in the conditions of full-scale armed aggression against our country are not just extremely important for a person, but vitally necessary. It is worth noting that until the aggressor invaded the territory of our country, the activities of High Commissioner were limited to the issues of persons who were and are refugees from other countries. Today, unfortunately, the Office of High Commissioner exercises its powers also in foreign countries in relation to refugees - our citizens. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees was founded in 1950 as an international institution whose main task is to help and protect refugees. The need for this body is also explained by the fact that from the moment of its creation, its powers were limited in time, then extended for five years for dozens of years.In December 2003, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution according to which UN High Commissioner for Refugees shall act indefinitely until the refugee problem is resolved. Throughout its history, this international institution has helped more than 50 million people. Through its missions, which UN High Commissioner for Refugees has the right to establish on the territory of Ukraine, the latter provides assistance and provides protection to refugees on the territory of Ukraine.According to the Statute, High Commissioner ensures the protection of refugees, the care of which falls within the competence of his Office also by facilitating, with the help of special agreements with governments, the implementation of any measures aimed at alleviating the situation of refugees and reducing the number of refugees in need of protection; promoting governmental and private efforts aimed at encouraging the voluntary repatriation of refugees or their assimilation in new countries. However, it should be noted on the issue of the return to Ukraine of forcibly deported children - citizens of Ukraine and children who lived on the territory of Ukraine. In order to solve this problem, on February 24, 2023, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted Resolution No. 2947-IX, which approved an appeal to international institutions, including UN High Commissioner for Refugees, with the demand to urgently take decisive measures to protect children — citizens of Ukraine and children, who lived on the territory of Ukraine, with the aim of: stopping the genocide of the Ukrainian people in terms of the forced deportation to the territory of the aggressor state or within the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine of children who are citizens of Ukraine. It is worth adopting a law to regulate the issue of repatriation of forcibly deported citizens of Ukraine, including children, from the territory of the aggressor.The activity of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in preventing cases of statelessness is also important

The Responses of Pakistan and Turkey to Refugee Influxes: A Comparative Analysis of Durable Solutions to Protracted Displacements

This research aims to study how Turkey and Pakistan (the world’s largest refugee hosting countries) have reacted to and managed protracted refugee challenges. In the context of Pakistan, the study explores the Afghan refugee influx since the late 1970, while for Turkey the focus is on the Syrian refugee inflow since 2011. While cognizant of contextual differences (time and space) between these two countries, we aim to comparatively explore policies, best practices, and short and long-term solutions developed to protracted displacement issues in each country. To do this we intend to comparatively explore the role of institutional environments and the international refugee regime in resolving protracted refugee issues in a chronological sequence. First, we investigate how each state’s “open-door policies” toward the first influx of refugees evolved into ad-hoc solutions in the course of protracted displacement. Second, we comparatively assess multilevel integration approaches and solution strategies at the macro (states and their cooperation with countries of origin and inter-governmental organizations such as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and International Organization for Migration (IOM)), meso (interventions/implementations), and micro levels (civil society and refugee-led initiatives). Third, we examine how refugee policies in each country are negotiated with national and international humanitarian and refugee agencies, including regional organizations and countries of origin. Theoretically, this article is grounded on a macro structural approach (state’s international humanitarian obligations and responsibilities), refugee diplomacy (state’s use of diplomatic tools, process administering refugees), and management theories.

Champions for Social Good: How Can We Discover Social Sentiment and Attitude-Driven Patterns in Prosocial Communication?

The UN High Commissioner on Refugees (UNHCR) is pursuing a social media strategy to inform people about displaced populations and refugee emergencies. It is actively engaging public figures to increase awareness through its prosocial communications and improve social informedness and support for policy changes in its services. We studied the Twitter communications of UNHCR social media champions and investigated their role as high-profile influencers. In this study, we offer a design science research and data analytics framework and propositions based on the social informedness theory we propose in this paper to assess communication about UNHCR’s mission. Two variables—refugee-emergency and champion type—relate to the informedness of UNHCR champions’ followers. Based on a Twitter sentiment and attitude corpus, we applied a five-step design science analytics framework involving machine learning and natural language processing to test how the emergency type and champion type impact social communication patterns. Positive and neutral sentiment dominated the tweets of the champions and their followers for most refugee-emergency types. High participation-intensity champions emphasized high-intensity emergencies with tweet patterns reflecting dominant positive or neutral sentiment and sharing/liking attitudes. However, we found that sports figures effects were limited in spreading UNHCR’s message, despite their millions of followers. We demonstrate the power of data science for prosocial policy based on refugee crisis awareness and instantiate our methods and knowledge contributions in a research framework that derives knowledge, decisions, and actions from behavioral, design, and economics of information systems perspectives.

Ethical considerations for the use of consumer wearables in health research.

The UN's High Commissioner's request for a moratorium on the use and adoption of specific Artificial Intelligence (AI) systems that pose serious risk to human rights, this commentary explores the current environment and future implications of using third-party wearable technologies in research for participants' data privacy and data security. While wearables have been identified as tools for improving users' physical and mental health and wellbeing by providing users with more personalized data and tailored interventions, the use of this technology does not come without concern. Primarily, as researchers, we are concerned with enmeshment of corporate and research interests and what this can mean for participant data. By drawing on specific sections of the UN Report 'The right to privacy in the digital age', we discuss the conflicts between corporate and research agendas and point out the current and future implications of the involvement of third-party companies for participant data privacy, data security and data usage. Finally, we offer suggestions for researchers and third-party wearable developers for conducting ethical and transparent research with wearable tech. We propose that this commentary be used as a foothold for further discussions about the ethical implications of using third-party wearable tech in research.

Changes in the criminal legislation since the beginning of the military aggression of the russia in 2014 and military actions from february 2022 in Ukraine

With reference to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, from April 14, 2014 to the beginning of September 2022, from 42 to 44 thousand people were injured or killed in the fighting in Donbas (Donetsk and Luhansk regions). Since February 2022, between 13,100 and 13,300 people have died as a result of the war. Of them, 3,375 are civilians, approximately 4,150 are Ukrainian military personnel, and approximately 5,700 are militants. In addition, 29,500–33,500 people have been injured since the beginning of hostilities in Donbas. Of them, 7,000 to 9,000 civilians, 9,700 to 10,700 Ukrainian military personnel, and 12,700 to 13,700 militants. Thus, civilians account for 25-26% of the total number of dead. This ratio also applies to injuries. However, it is worth noting that this ratio has changed significantly over the years: from 33-34% in 2014 to 4-5% in 2019-2022.
 In the UN, among the statistics of the deaths of military personnel, there are also cases not directly related to military operations. In particular, as a result of careless handling of weapons, traffic accidents, illnesses during service in the conflict zone, murders and suicides, which make up about 30% of the total number.
 Additionally, in 2019 and 2020, up to 40% of military deaths in a conflict zone are due to disease, homicide, suicide, traffic accidents, and other non-combat related causes. However, these cases are not included in the specified ratio.
 From February 24, 2022, when the armed attack of the Russian Federation on Ukraine began, until midnight (local time) on August 20, 2022, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) recorded 10,308 victims among the country's civilian population: 4,597 dead and 5,711 wounded," the message reads.
 According to the UN, among the dead: 1,775 men, 1,186 women, 128 girls and 144 boys, as well as 41 children and 1,323 adults, whose gender is still unknown. Injured: 1159 men, 810 women, 127 girls and 168 boys, as well as 176 children and 3271 adults, whose gender is unknown. As noted in the UN, most people died from explosive weapons with a wide area of ​​​​defeat - heavy artillery, rocket systems of salvo fire, rockets and airstrikes.
 Since February of this year, law enforcement officers have discovered 1,332 bodies of civilians killed by the Russian occupiers in the Kyiv region. Commenting on these events, the head of the police of the Kyiv region Andriy Nebitov noted that, unfortunately, the bodies of the killed people are still there, most of them were killed with small arms, or automatic weapons, or snipers, or even the last burial discovered in August 2022 - 7 people were executed. The victims were shot both in the knees and the head. All identified killed persons turned out to be civilians. The police of the Kyiv region have already registered more than 3,000 criminal proceedings, crimes committed by the Russian military.

DEATH PENALTY IN SO-CALLED DONETSK AND LUHANSK PEOPLES REPUBLICS: ARBITRARY EXCESSES OF PRO-RUSSIAN REBELS OR “BACK TO THE SOURCES”?

The article raises the issue of formal “justification” and direct practice of the death penalty in certain areas of Donetsk and Luhansk regions (hereinafter ORDLO) of Ukraine affected by the uprising and subjected to Russian aggression. The first cases of executions of Ukrainian patriots by rebels and their Russian curators (Igor Girkin, Arseniy Pavlov (Motorola), etc.) date back to April 2014. The massacres were carried out mainly out of court – on the orders of field commanders. However, collective courts were seldom held for propaganda purposes, where “saboteurs” and banal marauders and rapists were sentenced by show of hands. In August 2014, the so-called “Criminal Code” was “enacted”, Article 58 of which established the death penalty for “especially serious crimes” without specifying their list. Instead, life imprisonment officially became the highest punishment in the self-proclaimed neighbouring Luhansk People’s Republic. At the same time, the leadership of both “republics” announced that the current legislation of the Russian Federation is taken as the basis of their criminal legislation. Instead, death sentences are handed down and enforced de facto out of court in both the DPR and the LPR. This practice of dividing death sentences into relatively small de jure and mass ones, de facto uncontrolled sentences (by decision of field commanders or security officials), has been characteristic of Soviet practice since the dawn of the 20th century – late 1917 to be precise. The concern of global human rights structures with the issues of observance of the fundamental human right – the right to life – in the ORDLO was reflected in a special Report of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (2020). It is noted that the death penalty is maintained in temporarily occupied territories, and sentences are handed down and enforced.

Launch of the revised version on the Istanbul Protocol.

On the 29th of June 2022, an updated version of the Istanbul Protocol was launched in Geneva, Switzerland; twenty three years after its first official endorsement by the OHCHR (Office of the Human Rights Commisioner, UN) in 1999. The Istanbul Protocol, or the Manual on the Effective Investigation and Documentation of Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; guides human rights activists, experts, and organizations around the world. The launch of this revised version was enabled by the contributions from more than 180 experts of the anti-torture field. It was hosted by the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and led by the Istanbul Protocol Editorial Committee. The Istanbul Protocol lays out the international legal norms and standards for dealing with torture and ill-treatment. It sets the relevant ethical codes, and provides guidelines for the legal investigation of torture. The Protocol also details general considerations for interviews and the guidelines for documenting physical and psychological evidence. The revision adds in two sections which respectively underlines the role of health professionals in documenting torture through various contexts and provides recommendations on the implementation of the Protocol. Informed by six years of preparation and consultation, this revised version was spearheaded by four civil society organizations (the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey, REDRESS Trust, Physicians for Human Rights, and the International Rehabilitation Council for Torture Victims) and four UN bodies, (Committee against Torture, the Subcomittee on the Prevention of Torture, Special Rapperteur on Torture; as well as the UN Voluntary Fund for Victims of Torture). This is the second update to the Protocol, the first being 18 years earlier in 2004. The revision of the Istanbul Protocol is not a replacement but rather an expansion. The document attempts to fill in the gaps created by almost two decades of global change. In the foreword of the updated document, Michelle Bachalet, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, calls for states to make the Istanbul Protocol an 'essential part of training for all relevant public officials and medical professionals engaged in the custody, interrogation and treatment of persons subjected to any form of arrest, detention or imprisonment' (OHCHR, 2022).

Health-care provision for displaced populations arriving from Ukraine

Health-care provision for displaced populations arriving from Ukraine

Whither the Refugees? International Organisations and “Solutions” to Displacement, 1921–1960

Abstract Achieving “durable solutions” is a central goal of the contemporary refugee regime. Durable solutions are often equated with three routes to resolving displacement—voluntary repatriation, local integration or resettlement—and the concept is closely tied to ideas about permanency, protection, and the rectification of refugees’ legal limbo. Despite its contemporary prominence, the genealogy of the concept of durable solutions has not been fully considered. Accordingly, this article traces the origins of the concept of durable solutions for refugees from 1921 to 1960, examining how such solutions have been framed in international law and through the work of a key set of international organisations: the League of Nations, the UN Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, the International Refugee Organization, the UN Conciliation Commission for Palestine, the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. By historicising durable solutions discourse as it evolved in the inter-war, immediate post-Second World War and early Cold War eras, and analysing how different international organisations have understood the “refugee problem” and solutions to it, this article promotes critical (re)engagement with the very notion of durable solutions, and demonstrates how the contemporary trinity of voluntary repatriation, local integration, and resettlement emerged from earlier approaches shaped by geo-political and legal considerations tied to particular groups of refugees.

Global Climate Governance, Short-Termism, and the Vulnerability of Future Generations

Abstract: Many societies are now having to live with the impacts of climate change and are being confronted with heat waves, wildfires, droughts, and rising sea levels. Without radical action, future generations will inherit an even more degraded planet. This raises the question: How can political institutions be reformed to promote justice for future generations and to leave them an ecologically sustainable world? In this essay, I address a particular version of this question; namely: How can supra–state institutions and transnational political processes be transformed to realize climate justice for future generations? The essay seeks to make two contributions. First, it considers what criteria should guide the evaluation of proposals for reform. It proposes four criteria, and analyzes how they should be interpreted and applied. Second, it considers a raft of different proposals, commenting on their strengths and weaknesses. It presents ten proposals in all, including, among others, establishing a UN high commissioner for future generations, appointing a UN special envoy for future generations, creating a UN agency mandated to protect future generations, instituting representatives for the future in all key UN bodies, ensuring greater youth participation in transnational political decision-making processes, and further developing a global citizens’ assembly. In short, my aim is to outline some of the options available and to defend a normative framework that we can use to evaluate them.

THE IMPACT OF THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC AND RUSSIA'S WAR AGAINST UKRAINE ON THE QUALITY OF LIFE IN THE CONTEXT OF THREATS TO GLOBAL FOOD SECURITY

Currently, threats to food security reach a global scale. To a large extent, this is caused by the full-scale invasion of Russia on the territory of Ukraine and the losses that occurred as a result of the war. In general, before the war, Ukraine supplied 10% of world exports of wheat, more than 15–20% of barley, and more than 50% of sunflower oil. After the Russian invasion, Ukraine restricted the export of some grains. According to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, due to Ukraine's war with Russia, the number of people with a lack of food will increase by 47 million during the year and will be almost 323 million by the end of the year. First of all, the term food security refers to the availability of food for people without any scarcity, and it is considered that food security is effectively achieved when a person is not afraid of or susceptible to hunger, and is used as a criterion to prevent food shortages or disruptions in the future in a few factors Such factors are considered dangerous, including drought and wars and other problems, if they threaten food security. Absolute food security is defined as the production of food in one country at a level equal to or even exceeding domestic demand and can sometimes be considered to achieve the concept of complete self-sufficiency. Indicators of relative food security relate to the state's ability to produce and supply what the population needs in the form of food in whole or in part. From this we conclude that the concept of food security refers to the need to provide the population with the necessary food products, which may depend on cooperation with other countries or only on self-sufficiency. The Covid-15 pandemic and the war have broken many chains of the global food security system, and as a result, there have been significant disruptions in the uninterrupted supply of food to consumers at reasonable prices. The methodology is based on the analysis of scientific problems according to the nature of the research object, based on such methods of scientific knowledge as direct (empirical) analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, historical method. The results of the study relate to the presentation of the concept of food security and the degree of influence on it by natural disasters and geopolitical conflicts, in particular the war between Russia and Ukraine, the study of individual indicators of Ukrainian exports that affect the food security of some Arab and African countries, as well as the volumes of production and exports in different periods . Such indicators show a brief overview of the importance of Ukraine as a "food-nurse" for some countries and the consequences that will occur if the supply of agricultural products from Ukraine is stopped from both large and small businesses.

Flying the Rainbow Flag at the United Nations

Issues of sexual orientation and gender identity were raised in two of the United Nations intergovernmental world conferences on women, 1985 and 1995, and in the Vienna world conference on human rights in 1993. From 2006 a number of LGBTI Non-Governmental Organizations gained ongoing ‘consultative status’ from the Economic and Social Council allowing access to regular UN human rights events. Leading human rights NGOs, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch began to address LGBTI issues. The Human Rights Council condemned violence and discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity in 2011 and later authorized an independent expert, whose mandate was renewed for a second term. The UNDP “Being LGBT in Asia” program has been active in eight Asian states, including five in ASEAN: Cambodia, Indonesia, Philippines, Thailand, and Vietnam. Strong support came from Ban Ki-moon as UN Secretary-General, as well as from the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and other agencies.

Cancer care for displaced children from Venezuela.

Venezuela, the country with the largest oil reserves, has ridden the wave of oil prices—at times becoming one of the richest countries in Latin America. During the 1960s, as the economy was booming, it attracted migrants from all over the world; around 15% of the population was foreign-born, mainly Europeans. During the 1970s and 1980s, migrants from Colombia, Argentina, Peru, Chile, and Ecuador arrived in Venezuela, fleeing from political and social unrests in their home countries. The collapse of oil prices in the 1980s, together with successive political crises and increasing corruption, led to a progressive end of wealth, a contracted economy, and inflation. In 1999, the constitution guaranteed the right to health and foresaw a decentralised system that would reduce health inequities; unfortunately, no health law was ever passed to enforce it. Instead, the health system was nationalised and became characterised by inefficiency and rampant corruption, leading to a rapid deterioration of services and massive drug shortages. In the past 10 years, Venezuela's health-care system collapsed and became one of the most expensive and inefficient systems in Latin America, with families expected to pay for more than 75% of the costs. A report on the State of Cancer Care in Venezuela, published in 2019, offered a bleak picture of the situation for adults with cancer—the country only has around 10% of the drugs needed for their adequate care. Venezuela: aid needed to ease health crisisVenezuela's health system is collapsing and experts say external assistance is needed to ease severe shortages of drugs and other medical supplies. Barbara Fraser and Hildegard Willer report. Full-Text PDF Educational attainment in displaced children with cancerSupporting the health of displaced people is a challenge shared by the health system in the location to which they are displaced, non-governmental organisations, and the international community. This challenge is magnified when the host country is struggling with violence, poverty, and an unstable government. The COVID-19 pandemic has added further strain to an already difficult situation, restricting movement both within and between countries. Since 2014, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees has rolled out capacity-building projects in countries hosting displaced people, with the aim of providing access to health care for non-communicable diseases. Full-Text PDF

Cancer care for displaced children in Lebanon.

Lebanon is a small country on the Mediterranean Sea that has been plagued for decades by civil war and internal strife, which result from regional wars and power struggles. Most of the Lebanese population has access to national governmental health-care plans, but these are inadequate to cover the costs of cancer care; therefore, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are needed to alleviate financial barriers to care. In 2002, the Children's Cancer Institute was established at the American University of Beirut Medical Center (AUBMC; Beirut, Lebanon), as a collaboration between AUBMC, St Jude Children's Research Hospital (SJCRH; Memphis, TN, USA), the Children's Cancer Center of Lebanon Foundation (CCCL; Beirut, Lebanon), and the American Lebanese Syrian Associated Charities (ALSAC; Memphis, TN, USA). This collaboration supports programmatic growth (ie, specific projects aimed at developing medical programmes and services to optimise cancer care and delivery) at the Children's Cancer Institute, and the CCCL and ALSAC ensure that no family pays out-of-pocket expenses for cancer-directed care. Between 2002 and 2012, the Children's Cancer Institute grew to provide care for 35–40% of children with cancer in Lebanon, and consultations or specialised procedures for an additional 20–25%. Networks of paediatric oncologists across the country were established, using funded disease-specific programmes, in which enrolled patients could access centralised diagnosis, specialised surgeries, radiotherapy, and unified treatment plans in coordination with their referring oncologist. Educational attainment in displaced children with cancerSupporting the health of displaced people is a challenge shared by the health system in the location to which they are displaced, non-governmental organisations, and the international community. This challenge is magnified when the host country is struggling with violence, poverty, and an unstable government. The COVID-19 pandemic has added further strain to an already difficult situation, restricting movement both within and between countries. Since 2014, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees has rolled out capacity-building projects in countries hosting displaced people, with the aim of providing access to health care for non-communicable diseases. Full-Text PDF

Educational attainment in displaced children with cancer.

Supporting the health of displaced people is a challenge shared by the health system in the location to which they are displaced, non-governmental organisations, and the international community. This challenge is magnified when the host country is struggling with violence, poverty, and an unstable government. The COVID-19 pandemic has added further strain to an already difficult situation, restricting movement both within and between countries. Since 2014, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees has rolled out capacity-building projects in countries hosting displaced people, with the aim of providing access to health care for non-communicable diseases.

ОММАВИЙ ИШТИРОК ХАЛҚАРО СТАНДАРТЛАРИНИНГ РИВОЖЛАНИШ ТЕНДЕНЦИЯЛАРИ

The article examines the formation and development trends of international standards for public participation. In the study, taking into account the practice of compliance by states with non-binding documents of international governmental and non-governmental organizations in the field of public participation, the author’s definition of international standards of public participation is given. The importance of the comments and recommendations of the Human Rights Committee on the articles of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, guidelines developed by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and other international organizations, as well as other documents is revealed. The author identifies trends in the rapid development of international standards for public participation in the context of the COVID 19 pandemic and other global problems, the coverage of public participation in all areas and its specialization. As a result of the study, recommendations were given on ensuring public participation in all areas in accordance with international standards, including accession to the Aarhus Convention, active participation of state bodies and citizens of Uzbekistan in the development of standards for public participation.