Type Of Political Regime Research Articles

Корпоративное регулирование в плоскости политического режима: теоретико-правовой аспект

The article examines the problems of corporate regulation and political regime mutual influence, and describes the role and place of corporate regulation in the system of social and normative regulation. The corporate law structure is described as a set of corporate and legal norms from the point of view of narrow and broad approaches. Some features of corporate regulation in liberal, democratic, totalitarian and authoritarian regimes are analyzed. It is noted that a democratic political regime is characterized by a variety of corporate structures of a commercial and political nature, the predominance of the dispositive nature of the corporations’ activities legal regulation, and the admissibility of political and public corporations’ broad participation in government. The authors note that in a liberal political regime, there is a high degree of commercial corporations’ autonomy, while limiting the political and social corporations’ activities. The author reveals a variety of approaches to the manifestation of corporate regulation in authoritarian political regimes. It is described that in a totalitarian political regime, corporations actually become a part of the state mechanism, and corporate regulation is actually replaced by direct or delegated regulation of individual executive bodies. It is concluded that there is a connection between the nature of corporate regulation and the political regime of the respective state. It is established that the influence is mutual and stable and is determined both by the properties of certain types of political regimes and by the specifics of national systems of corporate regulation.

Macroeconomic Effects of Political Regime Type in African Sub-Regions

This paper is to empirically examine the effects of type of political regime on economic growth in a context of African Sub-Regions. Among the political determinants of the institutional environment, democracy as a Polity IV indicator is seen as contributing to stronger economic performance. We using a sample of panel data from 45 African countries over the period 1991 to 2019, employs GMM difference regression. First, the results show that the type of political regime (especially democracy) improves economic performance (i.e. a one-point change in democracy increases economic performance by 63.4% in Central Africa, by 15.1% in Southern Africa, by 41.5% in East Africa). Second, the policy recommendations that flow from the findings are as follows: put education sector promotion issues at the heart of government strategies and therefore make it a priority; regional integration can serve as a obligation that generates economic development and political stability.

Political tax cycles: Cyclicality of the tax burden in election periods

The article discusses changes in the tax burden in election and post-election years in countries with different levels of economic and political development. The study uses the data on 121 countries for the period between 1991 and 2019 to test two hypotheses: 1) in election years, governments tend to boost spending while in post-election years government expenditures decline, which determines a similar dynamic of the tax burden; 2) in election years the tax burden decreases and in post-election years it either increases or decreases at a slower rate than in election periods. Methodologically, the study relies on multi-factor regression analysis of panel data. As a result, the first hypothesis is confirmed for high-income countries where the governments increase their spending to ensure the incumbent’s re-election and cut their expenditures after the election. In developed countries, in election years, the government’s spending was 0.4% higher than in other periods. In developed countries, governments were motivated to raise rather than reduce the tax burden in order to compensate for their increased expenditures. No common pattern of declining tax burden in election periods was detected for all observed countries, for groups of countries by income level (high-income, middle- or low-income) or for groups of countries by political regime type (democratic and non-democratic– hybrid or authoritarian). However, the analysis of the annual data on taxes has shown that the decline in the tax burden can occur in countries with developing economic and political systems as was the case with Armenia, Russia and Ukraine in 1992–2019. In general, the findings demonstrate that the governments are more prone to using monetary and fiscal rather than tax instruments in election periods.

ОБ ОСНОВНЫХ НАПРАВЛЕНИЯХ ТРАНСФОРМАЦИИ НЕДЕМОКРАТИЧЕСКИХ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ РЕЖИМОВ

The article proposes an operational model for comparative analysis of non-democratic political regimes. It is based on the holistic methodology, new institutionalism framework and structural-functional approach. The paper systematizes the theories of foreign and Russian authors towards typology and differentiation between certain types of autocracies. There is a tendency to gradual change in the main research areas in the community of transitology scholars - from “democratic optimism” witnessed at the end of the twentieth century to the analysis of the mechanisms of self-preservation of autocracies, which has gained popularity in recent years. The essence of the "political regime" concept is specified with regard to its static and dynamic aspects. Some differences between democratic and non-democratic regimes are considered. The article explores basic typologies of political regimes, enumerates the characteristics of some types of non-democratic political regimes, and proposes relevant operational definitions. Main vectors of transformations of autocracies, such as liberalization or strengthening of authoritarian tendencies, are indicated. Both of them can be considered either as actions taken so as to preserve the authoritarian system or promote democratization. The operational model elaborated in this paper for the classification of non-democratic political regimes and their transformations can be used to conduct cross-country, as well as cross-temporal comparisons within the framework of case study.

Economic aspects of indexing democracy

Indices of democratic development are the important issue of contemporary political studies. Their calculation allows to rank countries by a set of parameters and, accordingly, to assess trends in political changes. In this context, some authors pay attention to the indicators of development of national economies. In general, when it comes to determining the type of political regime, it is necessary to consider the various dimensions (e. g. institutional, socio-cultural). To avoid conclusions based on incomplete information and focus on separate – institutional, cultural, or economic – aspects, it is necessary to use an interdisciplinary approach, which, in addition, allows to consider the maximum number of factors of sustainability of democratic trends. Considering the scholarly debate over the interdependence of political and economic development, the paper compares the indices of democracy with economic development estimates, as well as the Gross domestic product of the countries selected for consideration. Quantitative data were analyzed with the calculation of the corresponding correlation coefficients. Initially, the author identified the relationship between indicators of democratic development to obtain confirmation of the feasibility of further comparison. As the obtained coefficients for the selected group of countries are reliable, the methodology applied to the considered countries is valid for application for other regions for which the listed research institutions carry out evaluations. This allowed the use of democratic development indicators to compare them with assessments of market economy development. Accordingly, there is a correlation between democratic and economic development – indicators of democracy status, democracy index and ranking of countries on the democracy scale on the one hand, and the index of economic freedom, market economy status, indicators of institutional ranking of economic freedoms – one the other. Moreover, it is emphasized that theoretical generalizations about the relationship between democracy / democratization and the level of economic development should take into account not only the correlation between expert assessments, but also the relationship between democratization and GDP. On the other hand – such a relationship is nonlinear, and the conditions of democracy, external and internal factors, as well as the national context are significant. Key words: democracy, political regime, economic development, modernization theory, Gross domestic product.

Науково-теоретичне осмислення проблем розповсюдження ядерної зброї у підходах західних вчених

Myronenko V. V. Scientific and theoretical understanding of the problems of nuclear proliferationin the approaches of Western scientists. – Article.The article examines the characteristic features in the approaches of scientists of Western political scienceschools on the problems of nuclear proliferation. The factors of influence of political regimes in states anddoctrinal foundations of the policy of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons have been determined. In the courseof the study, methods from the sphere of political science were used, in particular, the method of comparativeinstitutional analysis, the essence of which is to compare various scientific and theoretical characteristics ofstate policy in the field of nuclear proliferation. Much attention is paid to the classical normative-institutionalmethod of the normative approach, operating with value assessments of scientific-theoretical and analyticalapproaches and research results, which is carried out using the criteria of such assessments contained in thedoctrinal assessments of political programs in the focus of which are nuclear missile potentials. The use of themethod of comparative institutional analysis made it possible to form the key point of the methodologicalsection of applied research, which consists in the operationalization of the concepts of the theoretical hypothesisof the research of scientists, whose scientific approaches are in the focus of this article.The study of scientific approaches indicates the presence of a common position of scientists regardingthe peculiarities of the types of political regimes of states, in which the state can be a potential participantin the nuclear missile policy as a subject. In particular, it should be summarized that among such states theleaders with democratic regimes (USA, Great Britain, France, etc.), however, states with authoritarian andtotalitarian regimes are represented in smaller numbers among the subjects of nuclear missile policy (Russia,China, DPRK). A characteristic feature of the policy of states with nuclear missile complexes, researchers haverecognized the tendency towards most compliance with the norms of international legal regulation of nuclearpolicy, which affected the low world trend of proliferation of nuclear missile weapons. Scientific researchshows one of the dominant economic factors and the factor of international economic integration, which affectthe containment of the proliferation of nuclear missiles.

Constitutionalism of the contemporary Russian political regime in Russia

CONSTITUTIONALISMOFTHECONTEMPORARYPOLITICALREGIMEINRUSSIA The article analyzes the origin and development of the institution of the political regime, gives the points of view of the concept of various scientists, studies the types of political regime, methods of government of the current government with a certain political regime. The elements of the implementation of political regimes are correlated with other similar political categories, such as power, political system, political process, as well as constitutional principles characterizing the political regime in the Russian Federation with similar and other regimes taking place in other countries of the world. The role and significance of the political regime in modern Russia has been determined.

Political Regime Type and Regional Cooperation – a Case Study of Arab States

The purpose of the article is to show how the type of political system (authoritarian regime) influences the shape of regionalism in the Middle East and to what extent this political system determines the features of cooperation between Arab states. To this end, a hypothesis was put forward according to which the authoritarian political system is a key obstacle to the successful integration and unification of the Middle East. Middle Eastern regionalism serves to protect and legitimize the political power of authoritarian leaders, whereas in Europe it guides to peace, stabilization and development. Authoritarian regionalism tends to reduce democratic ambitions and maintain the authoritarian status quo. In order to verify the hypothesis, the following research questions were posed. First, how is the type of political system related to successful integration? Second, can autocracies work effectively together? To verify the hypothesis and answer the research questions, the author referred to the theories of realism, constructivism, neo-functionalism and the typology of political systems to show that there is no single theory that could fully explain the processes in international relations. The conclusion of this article is that regional organizations created by authoritarian states are only symbolic and instrumental in nature and are oriented towards internal policy (the survival of the regime) rather than regional cooperation.

Автократия в цифровой вселенной: перспективы и угрозы политической легитимации

The purpose of the article is to analyze the specific features of an autocratic regime in the modern digital environment, to determine the prospects and risks of its legitimation. The main methods were the comparative political science method and the Case Study. The Swedish model Regimes of the World was chosen as the working one. For a comparative analysis of different types of political regimes (closed, electoral autocracy, electoral and liberal democracy) forty 40 countries were selected. The analysis showed that the introduction of various technologies for digital control over citizens during the COVID-19 pandemic no longer makes it possible to clearly distinguish between autocratic and democratic political regimes. Different modes use in a pandemic a whole range of techniques that control the movement and activity of citizens: control through drones, face recognition, video surveillance, restricting access to information, surveillance through government services, control of Internet communications, control via mobile phones, disconnecting the Internet, etc. The emerging ratchet effect, when political regimes are in no hurry to remove restrictions on control over citizens, makes one think about a serious revision of the theory of democracy and the theory of autocracy.

Precarious Lives: Forced sterilisation and the struggle for reproductive justice in Peru

ABSTRACT It is estimated that more than 200,000 women were sterilised without giving free, prior and informed consent in Peru between 1996 and 2000 during the Fujimori regime. This paper places forced sterilisation within the frameworks of precarity and reproductive justice to understand policies that legitimised the violation of women's rights irrespective of the type of political regime: forced sterilisations during a dictatorial regime and denial of access to sexual and reproductive rights during a period of democracy. Through document analysis, this paper examines narratives around sterilisation and reproduction produced by policymakers, political and religious leaders and health care practitioners during these two political periods. This paper shows the continuity of the struggle that marginalised populations face in exercising their reproductive rights in the context of symbolic and structural inequalities.

The corruption–growth relationship: does the political regime matter?

AbstractCorruption is widely believed to have an adverse effect on the economic performance of a country. However, many East-and-Southeast-Asian countries either achieved or currently are achieving impressively rapid economic growth despite widespread corruption – the so-called East-Asian-Paradox. A common feature of these countries was that they were autocracies. We re-examine the corruption-growth relationship, in light of the East-Asian-Paradox. We examine the role of political regimes, in mediating corruption–growth relationship using panel data over 100 countries for the period 1984–2016. We find clear evidence that corruption–growth relationship differs by the type of political regime, and the growth-enhancing effect of corruption is more likely in autocracies than in democracies. The marginal effect analysis shows that in strongly autocratic countries, higher corruption may lead to significantly higher growth, while this is not the case in democracies. Alternatively, democracy is not good for growth if there is a high level of perceived corruption. We provide suggestive evidence that the mechanism by which corruption is growth-enhancing in autocracies is through the perceived credibility of the commitment of ruling political elites to economic freedom, thereby providing confidence to the firms to invest, leading to long-term growth.

Pandemic Politics in Eurasia: Roadmap for a New Research Subfield

ABSTRACT The sudden onset of COVID-19 has challenged many social scientists to proceed without a robust theoretical and empirical foundation upon which to build. Addressing this challenge, particularly as it pertains to Eurasia, our multinational group of scholars draws on past and ongoing research to suggest a roadmap for a new pandemic politics research subfield. Key research questions include not only how states are responding to the new coronavirus, but also reciprocal interactions between the pandemic and society, political economy, regime type, center-periphery relations, and international security. The Foucauldian concept of “biopolitics” holds out particular promise as a theoretical framework.

State intervention in sport: a comparative analysis of regime types

ABSTRACT The historical use of sport for political purposes is well documented. Since the early twentieth century, many states have shaped their national sport policies to support broader domestic and foreign policy agendas. However, while sport policy scholars, in particular, have developed descriptive accounts of disparate approaches to sport policymaking, relatively little attention has been paid to identifying the factors that explain this variance. As a consequence, the variables that influence and constrain state choice when it comes to sport policy remain underspecified. This project addresses this deficit in the current literature by exploring how political regime type influences sport policy development. The analysis compares the recent sport policies of three countries which differ on the basis of regime type: an autocracy (Qatar), a partial democracy (Lebanon), and a full democracy (United Kingdom). While there is tentative evidence to support the widely held notion that states ‘use’ sport for similar purposes, this comparative survey reveals that the policy approaches and efficacy likely vary on the basis of regime type, and argues that this variable should be more explicitly considered in future sport policy research.

Epidemie a reżimy

CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest usystematyzowanie wiedzy o relacjach zachodzących pomiędzy epidemiami a strategiami walki z nimi w różnych typach systemów politycznych i ich konsekwencjami społecznymi.
 PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Problemem badawczym jest analiza modeli strategii walki z epidemiami w bipolarnym ujęciu systemów politycznych jako pochodnej różnych kryzysów społecznych, w tym wynikających z pandemii. Zastosowano metody badawcze właściwe dla nauk społecznych. Wykorzystano analizę krytyczną i syntezę literatury naukowej oraz badania porównawcze.
 PROCES WYWODU: W pierwszej kolejności przedstawiono stan badań nad zagadnieniem epidemii i ich skutkami społeczno-politycznymi, następnie zaprezentowano modele walki z epidemiami w kontekście typów reżimów ustrojowych, a w kolejnym, na przykładzie procesów zachodzących w pierwszej połowie XX wieku, ukazano wpływ tych kryzysów na wzrost sympatii społecz­nych wobec ideologii antysystemowych.
 WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Długofalowe skutki epidemii prowa­dziły do przesileń, które w sposób istotny wpływały na losy cywilizacji. Towa­rzyszyły temu zjawiska, które w związku z załamaniem się podstaw funkcjo­nowania społeczeństw oddziaływały na światopogląd mas, przewartościowując scenę polityczną i transformując systemy państwowe.
 WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Nawet jeśli analizowano procesy społeczno-ekonomiczne pojawiające się w związku z kryzysami zdro­wotnymi, rzadko zastanawiano się nad relacją zachodzącą pomiędzy epidemia­mi a strategiami walki z nimi w określonych typach reżimów państwowych. Tym­czasem wnioski płynące z dotychczasowych rozważań wskazują na aktualność tej problematyki zarówno dla badaczy teorii polityki i państwa, jak i decydentów odpowiedzialnych za stabilność funkcjonowania systemu politycznego.

Political economy of Islamic banking growth: Does political regime and institutions, governance and political risks matter?

AbstractThis article explores the political economy of Islamic banking by examining the impact of political regime types, institutional environment, government and political risk on the development of Islamic banking proxied by financing or loan growth in the case of 16 Muslims majority countries with autocratic and democratic regimes over the period of 2000–2013. The performance of Islamic banking loan growth is examined from three different perspectives—political regime and institutions, governance and political risks in both regime settings. Results suggest that loan growth is positive and significant in democratic regimes where political and civil rights are predominant. In addition, loan growths are slower during election years but higher throughout pre‐election year in democratic regimes, suggesting the opportunistic behaviour of incumbent government artificially boosting the economy in preparation for the upcoming election. It is also found that the good quality of public services, policy formulation and implementation, and credibility of government's commitment to realizing the policies are vital in ensuring positive loan growth. The lack of differences in the reaction of loan growth to the governance in democratic and autocratic regimes shows some convergence in the regimes despite having significantly different political perspective. This implies that political commitment of the ruling government is vital to set forth a strong and robust Islamic banking standing regardless of its political standpoint.

Becoming banal: incentivizing and monopolizing the nation in post-Soviet Russia

ABSTRACT While new regimes often seek legitimation by forging banal ties between state and nation (or “banalization”), there have been few attempts to explain how nationalism becomes banal, to account for variations in the process across different types of regimes, or to establish clear criteria for identifying successes or failures in banalization. This article presents an original theoretical framework for understanding banalization as a social and political process involving attempts to either incentivize or monopolize national expression, depending on the type of political regime. Drawing on interviews and focus groups conducted during 2014–2016, a case study of post-Soviet Russia fleshes out the process and outcomes of banalization across different kinds of regimes from the 1990s to the present. It further suggests the value of examining banalization as a regime process in accounting for the ways that the successes or failures of banalization influence their successors’ pursuit of legitimation.

Элита и ее политический режим в условиях сетевых коммуникаций

Currently, the important problems of network communication and the political elite are mainly outside the scope of comparative studies of political regimes. The purpose of the article is to identify the specifics of the adaptation of the elite and its political regime to the conditions of modern network communications. Based on the analysis of specialized literature, an intermediate conclusion is made – a functional approach, as a synthesis of structurally oriented and process-oriented aspects of the study of the political regime, becomes the most optimal analytical lens in the study of network communications. Based on the analysis of specialized literature, an intermediate conclusion is made – a functional approach, as a synthesis of structurally-oriented and process-oriented aspects of the study of the political regime, becomes the most optimal analytical lens in the study of network communications. The author's hypothesis is the assumption that the activity of representatives of the political elite in network communications poses serious risks for maintaining the democratic foundation of political regimes. To test the hypothesis, the methodological optics of quantitative content analysis was chosen. The classification of political regimes proposed by the authors of the Swedish scientific project Regimes of the World (RoW) is considered. In a study of the political communities of network communications, it was found that despite the existence of different types of political regimes, there is a general pattern – the predominance of large communities of political leaders. At the same time, communities of parliaments and courts are mostly less popular. This phenomenon is associated by the author with the systemic risks of democracy – the effect of «technological overlap» and the growth of populism. It is emphasized that the legitimization of the political regime in many respects already occurs with the active adaptation of the political elite to the digitalization process. In the framework of the «Network Polis» model, the discussion problems of combining democracy and virtual network communities are considered.

Subjective Well‐Being and Peaceful Uprisings

SUMMARYThis study analyzes whether subjective well‐being measures can explain variation in peaceful uprisings, in addition to the objective measures typically used in analyses of this type of events. Using data on uprisings and subjective well‐being for 119 countries from 2007 to 2014 – a period during which nonviolent conflict became increasingly prevalent – we estimate panel data regressions, including instrumental variable models. The study finds evidence of a positive effect of life dissatisfaction on the incidence of peaceful uprising, but not its violent counterpart. This effect does not depend on the type of political regime, nor the stage of development, and, to a large extent, it reflects changes in perceived satisfaction with living standards and the ability to have a purposeful and meaningful life.

Exploitation of Mineral Resources and Economic Growth in CEMAC: The Role of Institutions

Purpose: The objective of our study is to determine on one hand the effect of the exploitation of mineral resources on economic growth of CEMAC member countries, and on the other hand to examine the role of institutions in the transmission of these effects. Design/methodology/approach: To achieve our goals, we formulated an econometric model in panel data concerning countries of this economic community. Using the fixed effects method and two stage least squared method over the period 2002 to 2016, a period during which we observed not only a surge in the prices of natural resources in the markets but also a fall in the prices of basic resources following two large exogenous shocks. First, the “subprime” crisis and the 2015 oil crisis. Finding: From our findings, mineral rent has a positive and significant effects on economic growth. Subsequently, when we control our model with all the variables capturing institutions of governance (Voice and responsibility, Political stability and absence of violence / terrorism, Government Effectiveness - Regulatory quality, Rule of law, and Control of corruption), the results of our regressions were robust. In effect, good governance ensures the proper distribution of mineral rent throughout the economy and contributes to economic development. We came to the conclusion that these institutions of governance do not play a role in the transmission of the positive effects of mineral rent on economic growth. Research limitations/implications: The following where limitations encountered in our study. Firstly, the temporal dimension of our study (15 years). Secondly, the failure to take into account certain institutional variables such as democracy or the type of political regime. Originality/value: Our study enriches the literature of natural resource curse; it is in line with those who have shown that abundance in basic commodities or natural resource is not necessarily a hindrance to economic development.

International Law as Hedging: Perspectives from Secondary Authoritarian States

Tom Ginsburg's important article comes at a critical time. The COVID-19 crisis has spurred heated debates about political regimes vis-à-vis countries’ bureaucratic capacity. Political regime type is the core independent variable in Ginsburg's conceptualization of authoritarian international law—a global projection of authoritarian states’ domestic politics. This essay echoes Ginsburg's insightful observation but complicates it by shifting the focus to the less-known perspectives of secondary authoritarian countries. I use a matrix case study of two smaller states, Vietnam and Cambodia, on two prominent issues, the South China Sea (SCS) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), to demonstrate small states’ effort to use international law to “hedge” big powers. As the case studies show, small authoritarian states, not unlike other small states, prefer a pluralist vision of international law, even if they may at times embrace the alternative model offered by big authoritarian powers. These states thus have an important, perhaps unexpected, role to play in preserving the pluralist international legal order and mitigating the hegemonic tendencies of authoritarian international law.