Two-track Policy Research Articles

MZ세대와 기성세대의 군 주거만족도 차이 분석

The survey was conducted on 842 professional soldiers working in the Army Capital Corps, and soldiers living in BOQ(Bachelor Officers Quarter) were divided into MZ-generation soldiers and older-generation soldiers. First, in terms of accessibility and community factors, the MZ generation tended to have fewer complaints than the older generation. This reflects the characteristics of the 'digital nomad' MZ generation. Second, the two-track policy that discriminates against married and unmarried executives should be improved. Third, it is necessary to promote a policy of customized support for military housing for the MZ generation. Due to the nature of the MZ generation, which likes to live alone in a space, it seems necessary to expand personal space and integrate common facilities such as washing machines and dryers. Fourth, total home care services are needed. For MZ-generation soldiers, it is necessary to support all accommodation cleaning, laundry etc. In the future, the MZ generation will become the main personnel of the military administration, and innovative military housing policies should be reflected in consideration of the characteristics of these MZ generations.

European security and Finland’s policy during the Russian aggression against Ukraine

The purpose of this article is to analyze the influence of Finland on regional policy of NATO and the Russo-Ukrainian war. The article explores political, economic and military aspects of Finland and Ukraine in the light of the Russian aggression while considering their relationships and foreign policy goals on a regional level. The author draws attention to various aspects of Helsinki domestic and foreign policy that is directed to set a balance in the region and, at the same time, to support Kyiv militarily and economically in confrontation with Moscow. Finland’s active policy of promoting stability can be described as a two-track policy, whereby EU membership and intensified military cooperation with Western partners provide a basis for the maintenance and development of relations with Russia. The author focused on energy resources and its importance for Finland that has a long history of energy trade with Russia. The trade is practically one-directional, as Finland lacks domestic fossil fuel reserves in comparison with its substantial demand for energy, whereas Russia has significant export volumes. Along with the above-mentioned issues, the author is observing aggressive Russian military activities in the Baltic Sea region. Despite peaceful relationships with Finland, Moscow does not mind to remind neighboring countries who calls the tune in the region. Pursuing this purpose, Russia increases military activity in the Baltic Sea region with relatively frequent airspace and territorial water violations. As a result, there is a risk that collisions or provocations might lead to a rapid and uncontrolled escalation. So, Finland finds its important to keep open channels for political dialogue and to seek ways to re-activate existing confidence-building measures. Finland-NATO relationships are taken into consideration as well. The author described the process of Finland’s accession to the alliance. After almost 30 years of close partnership with NATO, Finland joined the Alliance on April 4, 2023. Its partnership with NATO was historically based on its policy of military non-alignment, which changed following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Following Russia’s aggression, Ukraine has requested materiel assistance from the EU and NATO member countries. To date, Finland has donated 23 defence materiel packages to Ukraine. The combined value of all defence materiel packages submitted so far is now over EUR 2 billion.

Medical instruments in Imperial Russia: from a blacksmith to a factory for medical instruments, headed by a leading surgeon N.L. Bidloo

The two Grand Embassies to Europe and his view on the world helped Peter the Great to start reforms.Already as a child, he had abroad interest in medicine. Peter often followed a two-track policy. One for immediate application in the current practice and one for the development of specialists in collaboration with science. Peter established a medico-surgical hospital school in Moscow to prepare the students to become doctor medicinae and learn to make their own medical instruments along the line of the Leiden medical school. In Saint Pe tersburg, he opened a navy and an army hospital, intended to train students as a barber-surgeon for the army and navy. Also in Saint Petersburg Peter built the first factory for "mass" production to provide the military with medical instruments.His successors followed his two-track policy. Catherine the Great started to merge the two tracks. During the reign of Tsar Aleksander I and his brother Nicholas I, the merger came together and was further developed. They understood that strong cooperation between a physician and a designer is essential to create and produce useful medical instruments. If correctly designed, medical instruments and devices increase safety for the patient. We will shed light on the development and manufacture of medical instruments and appliances in Imperial Russia, an underdeveloped subject in the world medical history.

Belgian release policies, rationales and practices

Belgium has a two-track policy towards prison release: a quasiautomatic administrative release system for those with a prison sentence of up to three years, and a discretionary system operated by multidisciplinary Sentence Implementation Courts for persons with a prison term of more than three years. This article describes, discusses and compares both release systems, with a particular focus on their rationales and consequences and provides updated figures on the use of the different forms of release in Belgium. The principle of relative autonomy will be described as an important legitimation strategy of conditional release. The article explains how the sentence implementation rationale of reintegration is put forward as an important aim of sentence implementation in the law and how it is pursued in practice. The consequences of the increasing use of the ‘gradual system’ of release on the detention trajectory of long-term prisoners will be illustrated.

Targeting Escalation and Harm in Intimate Partner Violence: Evidence from Northern Territory Police, Australia

Research QuestionDoes analysis of intimate partner violence (IPV) among Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal couples in the Northern Territory (NT), Australia, reveal any predictable escalation in frequency or severity of harm over a 4-year observation period?DataWe examined all 61,796 incidents of IPV recorded by the NT Police for 23,104 unique couples (‘dyads’), over the 5-year period from 1 January 2010 to 31 December 2014. For purposes of analysing changes over time in frequency and harm, we used standardised observation periods (generally 4 years) from first incident to end of observations.MethodsEach IPV incident was re-classified by crime type using the penal code of England and Wales, in order to measure the severity of harm in NT with the Cambridge Crime Harm Index (CHI). The CHI scores were used to test for patterns of concentration and escalation, based on the total days of recommended imprisonment for each offence type, summed across all offences of that type for the entire sample.FindingsThe findings were sharply split between Aboriginal and White dyads. While there was no evidence of escalation in either frequency or severity of IPV incidents in the White dyads, there was substantial evidence of escalation among Aboriginal offenders with three or more incidents in a 4-year period.Less than 2% of White offenders (2 of 111) had three or more incidents in 4 years, compared to 32.4% of Aboriginals (N = 105 out of 355 offenders).For those couples of both races known by police to have two or more incidents, there was a strong pattern of escalation in the frequency and seriousness of offending for up to 20 incidents over 4 years. While 66% of couples had desisted by year 3 with no further reports that year or the next, among the 34% of couples (N = 3621) persisting into year 3 the probability of a new incident by year 4 was 99.9%. Similarly, the time between incidents for these repeaters declined with each new incident, indicating an increase in frequency.Severity of harm also rose with repeated incidents, from 0.6 of expected Cambridge CHI value per dyad among couples with 1 to 5 incidents over 4 years to 3.82 times higher than expected value per dyad among those couples observed to have 16–20 incidents over 4 years—six times more harm among couples (almost entirely Aboriginals) with the highest frequency of incidents than among couples with the lowest frequency.ConclusionsThis targeting analysis confirms other research that shows no escalation in frequency or severity of domestic abuse among predominantly White European populations. Yet it also provides the first systematic test of the escalation hypothesis about IPV reported to police among Australian Aboriginal dyads. That evidence provides a strong basis in evidence for developing a two-track policy for policing IPV in Australian areas with substantial Indigenous populations. Track 1 would serve dyads (of either race) presenting for the first or second time, for whom a light touch may generally be sufficient. Yet any couple known to have had two or more prior offences could receive a far more intensive strategic investment, including the testing of new strategies for prevention of escalation in harm or frequency of IPV. Yet because this pattern of escalation is found only in a minority of Aboriginal dyads, it is important to base policy on evidence-based targeting of dyads with prior occurrences rather than race.

La neutralité irlandaise, la Shoah et la Seconde Guerre mondiale

The policy of Irish neutrality during World War Two was implemented in a most punctilious fashion by the Taoiseach, Eamon de Valera, and the Irish government. The opposition parties, Fine Gael and Labour, supported de Valera, and rooted the policy in a bipartisan agreement for the duration of the war. However strict de Valera appeared to interpret his obligations as a neutral, recent research demonstrates that the Irish government operated a two-track policy between 1939 and 1945. While appearing to remain equidistant between Axis and Allies in public, de Valera and his cabinet acted in a partisan, pro-Allied fashion behind the scenes, giving clandestine support to London and Washington by sharing intelligence, providing information on shipping movements, giving information about the weather, combatting Axis spy networks in the country, and responding very supportively through its diplomatic network to seek, unsuccessfully, exit visas for Jews faced with imminent deportation to death camp in occupied Europe. In that latter endeavour, the Irish government worked closely with the Chief Rabbi of Palestine, Isaac Herzog, to combat the deportation of Jews to the death camps. While there was little of a practical nature neutral Ireland could do during the period after the invasion of France and the Benelux countries in May 1940, it did the little it could to respond generously at a diplomatic level to the pleas of different international Jewish organisations for Dublin’s help in rescuing Jews foredoomed to deportation and destruction. While in no sense heroic, de Valera and his government did not look on passively when confronted by the horrors of the holocaust or, in the post-war period, when aid and shelter were sought by Jewish refugees. In the 1960s, the Irish Jewish community honoured Eamon de Valera was honoured by the planting of a forest in his name in Israel in recognition of his support over the years to Irish Jews.

Constitutional Education as a Part of Undergraduate Programs under the Law School System Introducing Two-Track Policy - Constitutional Education as Citizenship Education and Extended Professional Education -

Constitutional Education as a Part of Undergraduate Programs under the Law School System Introducing Two-Track Policy - Constitutional Education as Citizenship Education and Extended Professional Education -

Making Diplomacy Work: Coercion and Conciliation in the First North Korean Nuclear Crisis

When is a two-track policy approach of coercion and conciliation more or less likely to achieve its target objective? The first North Korean nuclear crisis of 1993–94 reveals that a U.S. policy approach combining coercive and conciliatory diplomacy contributed to near-term U.S. policy objectives when conciliation was offered to North Korea in order to signal benign intent. This case also reveals two additional conditions that can hinder a two-track policy from achieving its policy aims: shifting how the objectives of coercive signals and actions are prioritized throughout the course of a crisis, and relying on international institutions and foreign governments for the implementation of a two-track policy.

Making Diplomacy Work: Coercion and Conciliation in the First North Korean Nuclear Crisis

When is a two-track policy approach of coercion and conciliation more or less likely to achieve its target objective? The first North Korean nuclear crisis of 1993-94 reveals that a U.S. policy approach combining coercive and conciliatory diplomacy contributed to near-term U.S. policy objectives when conciliation was offered to North Korea in order to signal of benign intent. This case also reveals two additional conditions that can hinder a two-track policy from achieving its policy aims: shifting how the objectives of coercive signals and actions are prioritized throughout the course of a crisis, and relying on international institutions and foreign governments for the implementation of a two-track policy.

Kirkuk: The Central Issue of Kurdish Politics and Iraq's Knotty Problem

Determining the future of the disputed areas of northern Iraq is the main reason behind the Kurdish involvement in rebuilding the Iraqi state. It is the major justification for continuing to remain within Iraq. It is also the main issue that has reshaped Kurdish relations with both Shiites and Sunnis. Kirkuk is also a main source of the anomalies of the Kurdish situation. On the one hand, it is difficult to imagine that the Kurds will declare an independent state without Kirkuk—or if they do so, it is unclear how it can survive. On the other hand, it is hard for the Kurds to convince others to help solve the sensitive issue of Kirkuk if they assert their desire for independence. Accordingly, in the post-Saddam Iraq the Kurds have followed a two-track policy: the first policy track is designed to peacefully legitimize their ownership of Kirkuk. This has required them to confirm their obligation to Iraq's integrity, support the Iraqi state and its institutions, be involved in the political process, and search for coalitions and good relations with other communities. The other policy track is resisting full reintegration into the country. Although the Kurds have succeeded in legitimizing their claim of Kirkuk by enshrining it in the Iraqi constitution, the implementation of their constitutional claim is going to be much more challenging and difficult to achieve.

Combating the Menace of Transnational Human Trafficking in Nigeria: A Challenge to Public Policy.

Savage neo-slave trade appears a befitting name for the current trafficking in persons which had dehumanized the homo-sapien. This is more savagery than its progeny, in which slaves were chained on their legs and necks and bound together in a convoy through Trans-Atlantic route to the white-man\'s country. The new slave trade the trans-National human trafficking, abuses the human element in its sacred part, the soul of womanhood. It is more devastating than the physical torture that was attendant to the trans-Atlantic route between 1445 and 1870. Paradoxically, the new phenomenon has its origin in Africa as with the first, with Nigeria, the old “slave coast”, again playing the arrow-head. This research explores the general characteristics of the illegal trade and identifies major predisposing factors as bad governance, with its ancillary by-products of unemployment, poverty and pervasive corruption in political and bureaucratic leadership. There is deception as well as ignorance on the part of the victims. The trade thrives in African cultural milieu which challenges public policy. Three African regional blocks, are found to be participants or facilitators in the trade, namely: Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) with Nigeria as a principal actor and a transit route; the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and the North African Zones with Morocco as serving the “middle passage”. Combating policy in this study recommends a two-track policy model.International Journal of Policy and Development Studies Vol. 3 2007: pp. 1-15

Pakistan's Afghan policies and their consequences

Pakistan's Afghan policies, so consequential for its neighbour, have also had a deep impact on the country's political landscape and society. This article examines how Pakistan has pursued a two-track foreign policy toward Afghanistan that often encompasses incompatible goals. Pakistan's leaders have also frequently ignored the long-term and wider implications of their policies domestically and regionally. The discussion looks at the consequences of Afghan policies for Pakistan's national identity and social cohesion. The means by which Islamabad governments have dealt with the challenge of Pashtun nationalism and its contribution to the development of ethnic assertiveness and Islamic radicalism are next examined. The article then describes the role of Afghan policies in transforming Pakistan's border regions with Afghanistan and the wider implications for the state's legitimacy and authority. It also points out the Pakistan Government's ambivalence in its relationship toward militant extremists. A subsequent section considers the costs and rewards of Pakistan's Afghan policies internationally; and Pakistan's strategic partnership with the United States, including its impact on the domestic economy and public attitudes, receives particular attention. Finally, the article recognises that, while Pakistan's politics have entered a transitional stage, its Afghan policies are likely to continue to affect ethnic fissures, religious radicalism, and the legitimate authority of the state.

The Experience of Crusading (review)

The Experience of Crusading. Volume One: Western Approaches. Edited by Marcus Bull and Norman Housley; Volume TTJVO: Defining the Crusader Kingdom. Edited by Peter Edbury and Jonathan Phillips. (New York: Cambridge University Press. 2003. Pp. xvi, 311;xv, 311. $60.00; $65.00.) The illustrissimo of Anglophone crusade historians, Jonathan Riley-Smith, is the worthy dedicatee of this handsomely produced, two-volume, sixty-fifthbirthday present from his former students and crusade colleagues. And in it Jonathan-I confess a friendship-appears twice. For the same portrait of the amiable, pipe-smoking scholar serves as the frontispiece of each volume. Would that the editors had inserted along with their respective Appreciations a bibliography of his books, essays, and reviews. Particularly in Volume Two, they are guilty of referring to his works without properly citing them. One aspect of Jonathan's achievement deserves to be underscored. A driving force behind the foundation of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East in 1980, he provided crusade studies with a vital institutional focus. Nowadays, no medievalist, regardless of specialism, can ignore the pervasiveness of crusading culture in the Middle Ages. Witness the chronological range of these essays (c. 1000-c. 1400), together with their geographical sweep (Western Europe, the Levant, the Mediterranean world). Likewise impressive are the genres of history represented. Western Approaches, the European volume, begins with Marcus Bull, who offers wise observations on so many themes, e.g., Urban II's sermon, miracula as sources, that his title vainly struggles to contain them. Giles Constable notes that the conquest of Lisbon (1147) was indisputably integral to the Second Crusade. Norman Housley highlights the fundamental problem of the staggering costs of crusading, which, ironically, fourteenth-century promoters of the crusade helped to publicize. Perhaps because the rhetorical pieties of the sources are taken at face value, Christopher Marshall perceives no contradiction between the religious and commercial motives of the Italian city-republics for supporting the crusades. Signaling the influences of the First Crusade upon the Second, Jonathan Phillips argues that Odo of Deuil's De profectione Ludovici VlI is more complex than is usually assumed. James Powell examines the failure of Innocent UFs two-track policy to win over the Byzantine Emperor Alexius III on the eve of the Fourth Crusade. John Pryor's essay on the FourthCrusade Venetian fleet conies as a breath of fresh sea air. Pryor presents a strong case for an amphibious attack on Egypt as Dandolo's original objective. Anna Sapir Abulafia's touches on Joachim of Fiore's attitude to the crusades (disregarding B. Z. Kedar's critique of E. R. Daniel), but is mostly concerned with Joachim and the conversion of the Jews. James Brundage demonstrates convincingly how the canonists created a new category of ecclesiastical persons to accommodate the military orders. Currently preparing a critical edition of Humbert of Romans's Depredicacione cruets (after 1266), Penny J. Cole proves that Humbert took the First Crusade as his paradigm. Characteristically probing, H. EJ. Cowdrey distinguishes between the bellum sacrum and the helium iustum, and dates the blurring of that distinction to the end of the twelfth century. In an essay which is not altogether in harmony with Cowdrey's, John France takes up the Christian attitude to war before 1000, cleverly exploiting hagiography to refute Erdmann. Art and the crusades is reserved for Christoph T. …

Prostitution Control in America: Rethinking Public Policy

Examination of policies regarding prostitution in the United States, including criminalization, decriminalization, and an alternative recommended by the author, a "two-track policy" involving continued enforcement against street prostitution (coupled with greater municipal support services to help street prostitutes exit) and de facto decriminalization of indoor prostitution. It is argued that the two-track policy has advantages over blanket criminalization of all types of prostitution in that it involves more efficient use of the criminal justice system, is consistent with public preferences, and satisfies the harm-reduction principle.

A Western Two-track Policy toward the Soviet Union

A Western Two-track Policy toward the Soviet Union