Turkish Government Research Articles

Diplomatic Relations between Uzbekistan and Turkey (1991–2018) (In English)

Introduction. This article analyzes the formation of Uzbek-Turkish relations, the causes of political conflicts and disagreements between the two countries, as well as the efforts to restore these relations on the basis of new evidence. It was also noted that the normative and legal documents signed in recent years during high-level state visits and official meetings of the two leaders in trade, economic, scientific, technical, cultural and humanitarian spheres play an important role in expanding mutually beneficial relations. Methods and materials. The article covers the information on the meetings of the heads of the two countries at the highest level, as well as the agreements signed by the heads of the two states, the content of the agreements, as well as their role and role in the development of states. These signed legal and normative documents, in turn, serve to close and effective cooperation between the two countries in the political, economic and cultural spheres. Analysis. The article analyzes the dynamics of important state visits of Uzbekistan and Turkey by the heads of State, which serve the relations of cooperation in many spheres. The analysis on the topic was conducted in 1991-2018 with a thorough observation of the decline in some years, accompanied by a high level of dynamics of relations between the two countries. Results. The diplomatic relations between the Republic of Uzbekistan and the Republic of Turkey are characterized by the following results: bilateral agreements concluded in all areas, signed agreements and agreements; joint ventures established over the past years, held exhibitions and business forums; Membership of the Republic of Uzbekistan to the Council of Turkic-speaking states; The attitude of the Turkish government to the foreign policy of the head of Uzbekistan in the country; the fact that today after the Cold War in the relations of the two countries has risen to the level of a new strategic partnership will serve as another repetition of such cases in the future.

The place of Italy in Turkish foreign policy in the 1930s

For many scholars working on Turkish foreign policy in the 1930s, Italy is taken as the greatest threat to the newly-established Republic and one that dominated Turkish foreign policy making in this period. Italy did adopt a threating stance with the Italian occupation of the Dodecanese islands and its expansionist aims in Asia and Africa, which were a cause of concern for the Turkish government. A re-examination of the Turkish-Italian political and economic relations within the broader context of the Mediterranean and the great power politics of the period, however, demonstrates that the bilateral relations, at least officially, functioned without any significant and lasting crisis until the Italian invasion of Albania in 1939. What motivated and drove Turkish thinking and decision-making in the international arena was not Italy’s actions per se but the insecurity in the Mediterranean and beyond of which Italy was a part.

Derrida’s Concept of Hos(ti)pitality and Hate Crime in Turkey

This article considers hate crime against Syrian migrants in Turkey within the context of the Turkish government’s politics of hospitality, with reference to Derrida’s notion of the hos(ti)pitality. It analyzes hate crime directed at Syrian refugees as reported in Turkish newspapers between 2014 and 2021. The data analysis used Van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) method. The findings reveal that hate crimes resulted from hate speech collectively targeting Syrians as a burden and threat for the nation. The government’s hospitality grants Syrian migrants a status of guest and the guest becomes the hated other or enemy which leads to hate crime.

The reaction of foreign firms to institutional changes: The case of German direct investment in Turkey

Dynamic institutional changes, and their impact at the actor level, are largely neglected in research on the role of institutional change in foreign direct investment (FDI). To fill this research gap, we analyze to what extent formal and informal institutional factors influence the investment decisions and strategies of managers. Internationally, since the protests in 2013 against the increasingly authoritarian Turkish government, there has been a growing perception of increasing uncertainty for FDI. This uncertainty poses investment risks for foreign firms based on a series of political developments and regional conflicts such as civil protests, an attempted military coup, and the war in Iraq and Syria. From an institutional perspective, we analyze how the perception of risk, based on formal institutional dynamics, influences the strategies of German firms operating in Turkey. We aim to find out how managers of these firms perceive and cope with these institutional risks. The paper is based on a quantitative telephone survey (n = 147), and 30 qualitative interviews with managers and experts in Turkey. We find that embedded German firms with long-term investment relationships in Turkey, rely on both formal and informal institutions to respond to risks arising from shocks at a formal institutional level.

War and peace in the age of corona: an analysis of support for repressive state policies in divided societies

ABSTRACT Unlike various natural disasters that some studies have highlighted as potential contributors to peace, the threat posed by the COVID-19 pandemic is neither short-term nor regionally confined. Thus, rather than invoking a compassionate response, the pandemic is likely to aggravate pre-existing divisions and create an environment that accentuates survival over compassion. Building on a large probability survey data gathered in May 2020 in Turkey, we demonstrate that the pandemic has disproportionally affected minority Kurds and exacerbated pre-existing inequalities and social polarization. Results from a series of regression analyses show growing dissatisfaction with the Turkish government’s handling of the pandemic. However, this effect fails to translate into the sense of solidarity between majority Turks and minority Kurds necessary to build a peaceful society. Support for the government’s approach to the Kurdish opposition seems to be conditioned by social categorization and increasingly partisan political identities in Turkey.

The Administration of Religion in a Majority Muslim Nation-State: The Case of Turkey’s Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) and Pakistan’s Ministry of Religious Affairs

The Republic of Turkey has a formidable and well-financed establishment for the management of Islam, which offers a vigorous and active state-society relation at both the state and at the grassroots levels. What is perhaps most notable concerning this type of governance of Islam is Turkey’s national history. It is most remarkable that Turkey with its majority Muslim population and its designation as a secular republic has established such a massive and effective bureaucracy for the administration of Islam, which is far larger and more extensive than that of Pakistan, a state that describes itself as an Islamic republic. and officially acknowledges the Islamic law in its constitution. The main institutions for the administration of Islam in Turkey, the Directorate of Religious Affairs [Diyanet Isleri Baskanligi, commonly abbreviated as Diyanet) not only has a substantial administrative bureaucracy across the country for religious services related to Islam but also oversees a vast staff of religious personnel such as imams, hatips, vaiz, muftis, Qur’an teachers, counselors, and administrators. It is well known that the budget of Diyanet Isleri Baskanligi has been rising since its inception, especially in the last two decades, making it a substantial budget currently. It must be acknowledged that the current high level of expenditure on religious affairs reflects the AK party of President Erdogan, yet it is also true that the origins and expansion of this religious bureaucracy took place by an authoritarian secularist Turkish government during the early 1920s. Whereas in Pakistan, a nation-state built for the Muslims in the Indian sub-continent, the Ministry of Religious Authority (MRA) was not even built during its inception in 1947. Instead, its establishment took place 27 years after the Islamic Republic of Pakistan’s birth. Moreover, during the next half a century MRA has not developed much in becoming a successful bureaucratic institution for administrating Islam at both state and grassroots levels. It is important to try to explore the reasons behind this stagnation and attempt to pinpoint the various impediments and obstacles lying in the path of MRA in Pakistan becoming as successful as the Diyanet in Turkey.

REGIONAL DISPARITIES AND THEIR CONNECTION WITH JUVENILE DELINQUENCY

The purpose of this study is, firstly, to analyze the causes of juvenile delinquency in 26 regions of Turkey and to reveal a profile by grouping the statistical regions with respect to their diversities and similarities, and then, secondly, to confirm the obtained groups by discriminant analysis. The Turkish government defined 26 statistical regions, in accordance with the harmonization process, as modeled by the EU. As a result of the cluster analysis, the difference between the regions appeared in two groups. These groups are confirmed by using discriminant analysis. According to the cluster analysis results, it is surprisingly observed that there is no significant difference among undeveloped, developing and developed regions, and these regions are mixed in the clusters. In fact, it was initially not expected that parents living in developed regions, with high economic and education levels, would be so ineffective in preventing children from being pushed into crime.

A Government Devoid of Strong Leadership: A Neoclassical Realist Explanation of Turkey’s Iraq War Decision in 2003

This study deals with Turkey’s Iraq War Decision that led up to the March 1 Parliamentary Motion Crisis in 2003 from the perspective of neoclassical realism, which analyzes the interaction between systemic and unit-level variables. The United States requested Turkey’s collaboration in the war against Iraq. The Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government initially sought a peaceful settlement but eventually decided to align with the United States. Systemic and structural factors made cooperation with the United States an imperative for Turkey, which may be classified as a secondary state in the regional context. While the domestic political environment was favorable for the Turkish government to reach such a decision, it was hindered by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNAT). In this framework, the study has two primary purposes. The first is to prove that in restrictive international environments where opportunities and threats are clear and the decision-making process is constrained by time, domestic divisions may matter in foreign policy and prevail over the systemic imperative, contrary to conventional expectations. The second is to demonstrate that in a restrictive international milieu, strong leadership, a factor underappreciated by neoclassical realists, is essential even for single-party governments, which are normally expected to have greater autonomy in democratic parliamentary systems, to formulate foreign policy.

Effects of the Facebook Boycott Campaign on Turkish Products and its Influence on Demand of Kurdish Consumers 2020

Boycotting is one of the most effective anti-consumption tactics used against practices deemed unethical or unjustifiable, and calling to boycott products through social media platforms has become a trend recently among young people. This paper studies the motives and causes of boycotting Turkish products among Iraqi Kurds and highlights the effects of the Facebook Boycott Campaign on Turkish products and Kurdish consumer demand. The research data has been collected through an online survey posted and published on several Facebook pages and groups in Iraqi Kurdistan. The findings from 1378 Facebook users who participated in the Facebook Boycott Campaign of Turkish products in Iraqi Kurdistan show that indirect support for Turkish policies to exterminate and invade Kurdish communities constitutes the leading cause of the Boycott Campaign. In addition, participation in the Facebook Boycott Campaign against Turkish products is considered a national duty more than an ethnic, ethical, religious, or other duty to humanity. The majority of participants believe that continuing to participate in the Facebook Boycott Campaign against Turkish products will have a huge impact on the Turkish economy and it is a warning to the Turkish government regarding its foreign policy towards Kurds.

Greek-Turkish Confrontation and Its Influence on the Eastern Mediterranean

The Eastern Mediterranean can rightly be considered as one of the most conflict regions in the world, as it has accumulated numerous security problems. Such problems are driven by the attempts of several regional players to revise the existing status quo and their own position in the region (Turkey, Israel, Saudi Arabia, Iran), the increasing influence of some traditional actors (Russia, the USA, the EU, China), longstanding and current international conflicts, the problem of international terrorism, extremism, uncontrolled migration, etc. The article analyzes the most important contradiction in the Eastern Mediterranean, which can be attributed to the confrontation between the two neighbors, Greece and Turkey. The origins of their conflict go far back in history, and Greek-Turkish rivalry is still ongoing. Relations between Greece and Turkey have gone through many phases from armed conflict in 1974 to a period of neutrality and synergy in the 2000s. The study focuses on the events of 2020, when there was a sharp aggravation of the Greek-Turkish conflict in three areas: migration, religious and cultural action of the Turkish government upon the return of the status of a functioning mosque to the Hagia Sophia Museum in Istanbul, and the escalation around the complex ―Aegean problem‖ related to the delimitation of maritime borders. The new phase of the conflict could lead to the deterioration of bilateral relations between Greece and Turkey, but also to a security system in the Eastern Mediterranean with the support of regional players and great powers.

Nationality, Ethnicity, and Solidarity: Respon Turki atas Perundingan Etnis Uighur

Uighur is an ethnic group which originally come from the Turkestan clan, which is predominantly found in Central and Western Asia Regions. As a minority within the People's Republic of China northwestern region, Its existence often sparks negative stigma from the China government. They are labelled as separatist groups. Large-scale demonstrations in 2009, which eventually led to riots between Uighur and Han Chinese population in Xinjiang, managed to worsen the situation. As a country that has primordial ties with the Uighur, Turkey has responded to the issue of discrimination that befell the Uighur. Therefore, this problem could bring tension to both Turkey and China. Utilizing the concept of bilateral diplomacy, this paper aims to examine the extent of the Turkish government's response to the issue of ethnic violence in Xinjiang. The findings show that the Uighur issue has always overshadowed Turkey-China bilateral relations ever since Its rise. Despite the disagreement, both have maintained a relatively good relation.

Effect of precautionary and normalization steps on course of COVID-19 pandemic in Turkey

Aim: The COVID-19 pandemic began in China and has now spread across the whole world, and many countries such as Turkey are still fighting against this pandemic. The aim of this study was to investigate the impact of precautionary and normalization steps taken by the Turkish government on the number of confirmed cases, current cases, and deaths due to the COVID-19 in Turkey. Materials and Methods: The study used exponential regression models to estimate the number of confirmed cases, deaths, and current cases. The study data were collected from the Turkish Ministry of Health, Turkish Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the national public broadcaster of Turkey. Results: The precautions taken during the COVID-19 pandemic have caused the exponentially increasing number of cases to be brought under control and to decrease exponentially. The normalization steps taken paused the exponential decrease in the number of cases and caused the number of cases to remain flat during the summer months and then rise again. If the normalization steps were not implemented and the precautions taken continued in the same way, it was calculated that the numbers of COVID-19 current cases would be reset on June 26, 2020. The total number of deaths would remain at 4423 and the total number of confirmed cases would be 150586. Discussion: As a result, the impact of precautionary and normalization steps on the course of the COVID-19 pandemic was examined. It has been observed that the impact of these steps on the pandemic is exponential. The results provide guidelines for health authorities and administrators to take necessary precautions.

Poređenje pravnog položaja žena u braku i nasleđivanju u Srpskom građanskom zakoniku iz 1844. i Građanskom zakoniku Kraljevine Italije iz 1865.

This paper deals with a comparative analysis of the legal position of women in the Serbian (1844, hereinafter SCC) and Italian (1865, hereinafter ICC) Civil Codes, considering the norms that regulate the position of women in marriage and those regarding inheritance. Confronting these two codes is relevant for various reasons. Firstly, it has not been done before in Serbian jurisprudence. Secondly, although based on different models (the Italian on the French Code, the Serbian on the Austrian Code, hereinafter ACC), each of them differs in some aspects from their model in the law of marriage and inheritance. Thirdly, it’s important from a historical aspect, because the Italian Kingdom had just been formed and the Serbians had relieved themselves of the centuries-long Turkish government, so there’s a similarity in the process of writing the codes. Although the writing styles of the codes are unalike, there are certain similarities in the provisions on marriage, the relationship between spouses, the relationship between spouses and children, and in terms of testamentary succession. For example, both codes give more rights to the husband (being the „head of the family”), and while the wife can write a will, she is not allowed to be a legal witness to another person’s will. There are several differences between the two codes, but most of them are negligible. For instance, both codes prescribe a parent’s permission for marriage, while the marriageable age that doesn’t require consent differs (i the ICC 25 years old for men and 21 for women, whereas in Serbia it’s 18 years old for both men and women). However, a few differences are relevant. The biggest one is the way in which intestate succession is regulated: the right to inherit is recognized to legitimate children regardless of gender in the Italian code, while in the Serbian code women are excluded from inheritance, which is one of the major differences between the SCC and ACC. In fact, when writing the code, Hadžić didn’t want this provision incorporated in the law, but it was added nevertheless. The second biggest difference between the ICC and the SCC consists in the fact that adultery is considered a reason for legal separation (and not divorce, because divorce was not allowed) in the ICC only if it is committed by the wife, while in the Serbian one the sex of the adulterer is not specified and can lead to divorce even if it’s done by the husband. Finally, the Serbian legislator also regulates the position of women in the „zadruga” (a type of joint family), in which women cannot be members, nor can they inherit, while that institute is not prescribed in the Italian one.

Turkish Neutrality in the Second World War and Relations with the Soviet Union

ABSTRACT According to official Turkish and Western historiography, following the key victories against the German forces, Soviet leadership changed its position and started putting pressure on Turkey. Accordingly, the Soviet–Turkish relations changed significantly from being considered friendly until March 1945, when Molotov initiated his note denouncing the 1925 Treaty of Friendship with Turkey and demanded a base in the Straits area and the return of Kars and Ardahan to the Soviet Union. Only after such demands, Turkish government decided to move away from the Soviets and requested help from the US. I have several points of reservation about this argument: first, the Soviet–Turkish relations were never very friendly. Essentially, a common enemy incited provisional collaboration between the two. Second, for the leadership of the Turkish Republic, alliance with the Soviet Union was always counted as temporary, and their essential foreign policy aim had always been acceptance by the Western alliance. Third, the Soviet demands regarding the Turkish Straits were in no sense a surprise, a shock. For centuries, the rulers of Russia had wanted some control over the Straits, linking the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Finally, many accounts focus on the Soviet demands regarding the Straits and Eastern provinces in isolation. The crisis over the so-called Soviet demands and Turkish response happened at a time global interstate system was going through a major transformation: as the Second World War was coming to its end, the American administration had the ambition to impose a New World Order. Former imperial power, British Empire, no longer had the financial and military capacity to hang on to their vast territories.

De-centring the Securitisation of Asylum and Migration in the European Union: Securitisation, Vulnerability and the Role of Turkey

ABSTRACT This article contributes to the debates on de-centring the analysis of migration governance in Europe by focusing on the potential role of external actors in the securitisation of asylum and migration in the European Union (EU). Although there has been a growing amount of literature on the securitisation of asylum and migration in the EU, the role possibly played by external actors in this securitisation process has not been considered to date. This article addresses this gap using the case of Turkey. Theoretically, it contributes to the development of the securitisation framework by de-centring the study of securitisation processes. It argues that, from the vantage point of an external actor, a securitisation process highlights the existence of a vulnerability to a specific phenomenon that is perceived to be threatening. An external actor can then decide to exploit this vulnerability for its own gain, notably by making threats that play on the fears of the other political actor. Empirically, the article demonstrates how the Turkish government has been able to exploit the vulnerability of European countries to migration flows, which had been highlighted by the social construction of asylum and migration as security issues. By repeatedly threatening to send more asylum-seekers and migrants Europe’s way, the Turkish authorities have managed to secure some significant financial and political benefits for themselves in the last few years.

Turkey, Europe and Women’s Rights: The Controversial Debate on the Istanbul Convention

On 20 March 2021, Turkey withdrew from the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (‘Istanbul Convention’) with a presidential decree. President Erdogan’s decision and the way in which it was carried out has led to great discontent both within the country and on the international scenario. The main aim of this analysis is to explore the meaning, impact and aftermath of the Turkish government’s decision. The article is divided into two parts: the first part analyses the scope and purposes of the Istanbul Convention, and the second part explores Turkey’s increasing authoritarianism over the last decade, which offers the framework to interpret its decision to withdraw.

Determination of Social Exclusion Among Young Syrian Refugees Living in Turkey

After the Syria Conflict in 2011, Turkey has accepted about four million Syrian refugees. Initially, they were seen as guests, but after eight years, the Turkish Government has spent more than forty billion USD, and the money that has been spent is seen as a burden by both the Government and the people. That’s why some Turkish people started using negative language against Syrian Refugees not only for economic reasons but also political. This study aims to understand the impact of young Syrian refugees’ social exclusion with temporary protection status on their daily lives. It is thought that the stigmatization and negative discourses by the Society in which they live leads to social exclusion, and this has a fundamental effect on daily life practices. In this study, it is understood that Syrian Youth sometimes face exclusion and negative discourses in their daily lives in family, friends, education, and other fields. According to their statements, these exclusion situations differ according to their gender and education. Especially, women confront with some exclusion because of language and behaviors. Education should be used as a leverage to increase the integration between Turkish and Syrian People and integration policies based on multiculturalism must be produced to increase the harmony between two societies.

Incorporating the Istanbul-Ankara high-speed railway into the Belt and Road Initiative: Negotiation, institutional alignment and regional development

This article contributes to a small but growing body of multi-sited and multi-scalar research on the Belt and Road Initiative. We focus on relations at the national, regional and international scales, and present original research from China and Turkey, to show how the Istanbul-Ankara high-speed railway has served as a testing ground for China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Its construction was initially funded by the European Investment Bank, but it is now part of the backbone of the Turkish Government’s Middle Corridor plan which enhances west-east connectivity and integration with the Caucasus and Central Asia. We show that in contrast to multinational corporations from the OECD that seek to remain footloose, Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) seek to adapt to, apprehend and ultimately shape local institutions. In the case of Turkey this proved difficult given its institutional alignment with the European Union. Thus, while the railway project was completed successfully by a consortium led by a Chinese SOE, Turkey’s dynamic and complex regulatory environment discourages Chinese SOEs in the infrastructure sector. We conclude that the Turkish and Chinese governments are currently pursuing complementary territorial visions yet their cooperation is project-based and pragmatic.

Mezhep farklılıklarına karşı diyanetin bütünleştirici politikası

In contemporary Turkey, it is possible to identify an intersection of disparate religious and social identities. The sectarian character of believers resonates within the religious interpretations of separate groups, and occasionally creates an ongoing challenge and complexity for the Diyanet (The Presidency of Religious Affairs) in Turkey. The Diyanet as an official religious institution is established by Turkish government in 1924 under the article 136 of the Constitution of Turkey. The institution is mainly responsible to conduct the religious affairs of Turkish people in harmony with the Islamic religion. The non-binding İslamic legal opinions (fatwā), which are issued in response to questions of believers represents the most active and influential outcome of the Diyanet. The mission of institution also includes to deal with the problematical teachings of various religious groups and to strengthen the ehl-i sunna education of people who experience ingroup socialization. The paper seeks to elaborate the institution’s encounter with the sectarian diversity with specific reference to themes of modernism, secularism and traditionalism. The research divides religious sects of Turkey into three main categories depending on their connection with the faith area (i‘tiqādī), worship area (‘ibādī) and social mobilization (jamā‘a). The Alevis, Ja‘farīs, Shāfīs, and Nurcus are chosen as representative examples of each of these diverged groups respectively. To what extent the Diyanet’s approach towards these groups is influenced by the concepts of modernism, secularism and traditionalism is the main question that the paper aims to answer. The analysis intents to shed light on the affirmative or rejective responses of the Diyanet towards these sectarianist groups in contemporary Turkey.

Turkish Charm and Public Diplomacy: A Literature Review and Critical Assessment on ‎Turkish Soft Power on Middle Eastern Countries

The history, political values, economy, foreign policy, culture and geography is a very important tool to exercise the consistent soft power policy and strategy in the world where Turkey’s soft power has that kind of capacity that comes from its “history, culture and geography”. The new Turkish domestic and foreign policy shows that the policy of the current Turkish government is very effective and strategic to apply their charm in foreign policymaking. The area of Balkans, Caucasus, Middle East, Africa, South/Southeast Asia and South America are not out of Turkish soft power policy involvement, engagement and participation even the new Turkish public diplomacy is covering and expanding its soft power impacts on this society very excellently and efficiently. The last decade's Turkish policy engages with their old allies and continues their relations using countless soft power policies and strategies which shows that Turkey as a new emerging actor from the regional and global context. The main argument of this paper is to show Turkey’s soft power policy towards Middle Eastern countries by identifying the Turkish common historical, geographical, religious, cultural, economic and political ties with this region. Accordingly, this paper further analyzes and argues the Turkish Soft Power Policy by taking case assessments and reviews in the literature to explore the economic, political influence like a democratic and economic model to some extent and cultural impacts particularly in lieu of the current government soft power policies, practices and strategies of AKP model, historical ties, Turkey’s humanitarian assistance, TIKA’s development works, the activities of Yunus Emre Institute, YTB scholarship, Turkish Religious Foundation (Diyanet Vakfi) humanitarian and religious roles and also the Turkish Drama Series impacts on the Middle Eastern societies.