Modern Turkey Research Articles

The Peaceful Kingdom of Isaiah in Late Antique Mosaic Pavements of Cilician and Isaurian Church Buildings

This article examines a topic that has been only partially investigated to date, namely that of the iconic depiction of the so-called “Peaceful Kingdom of Isaiah” on mosaics located in late antique church buildings in the region of Cilicia (southeastern modern Turkey). These mosaics are sometimes accompanied by the verse of Isaiah 11:6 or 65:25. Many of these Cilician mosaics lie in a state of neglect or have suffered great damage in recent years. Referring, therefore, to the excavation reports and to personal observations, I attempt a reconstruction of the iconography and of the mosaics’ locations within their respective Christian buildings, where possible. Starting with a short introduction on the meaning of the “Peaceful Kingdom” as described in Isaiah 11:6 and 65:25, the article presents a detailed analysis of the Cilician/Isaurian case studies. Similar examples from neighbouring regions in the East and the only identifiable case study in the West (Corsica) are also briefly discussed. Next, possible archetypes from which the representation of animals might have originated and influenced the origin of the “Peaceful Kingdom” motif are considered. In conclusion, after briefly outlining the different interpretations given by scholars on the meaning of the “Peaceful Kingdom” mosaics, an attempt will be made to interpret the Cilician case studies in light of a combined analysis both of positioning within the building and liturgical use.

From Missionary Teacher to Dysfunctional Technician: Teacher Training System in Turkey and Formations of Turkish Modernity

ABSTRACT This study deals with the history of teacher training system in modern Turkey starting from mid-19th century to present times. The goal of this study is to describe the historico-discursive formation of the system. I used an analysis of institutional, rhetorical and programme contexts to determine and define discursive phases. The results indicated that teacher training system in Turkey has three overarching discursive phases and three corresponding teacher types; enlightenment-secularization era, the roll-back and conservatism era, and neoliberalization era, corresponding to missionary-teacher, expert-teacher and dysfunctional technician-teacher types, respectively.

Circumcision and medicine in modern Turkey By OymanBasaran, Austin: University of Texas Press. 2023. 232 pp.

Circumcision and medicine in modern Turkey By OymanBasaran, Austin: University of Texas Press. 2023. 232 pp.

Revisiting dark pasts: the portrayal of Jewish minority and audience responses to the Netflix series The Club

ABSTRACT The Club, a Turkish series exclusively produced for Netflix, challenges the official historical narrative of modern Turkey by depicting the experiences of minorities on the brink of the country’s political upheaval. It highlights the state’s complex relations with its minorities and historical events that are often silenced in the official historical narrative. This study looks at how Turkey’s dark pasts pertaining to its religious minorities are portrayed in The Club and the ways in which its audience respond to these dark pasts. It argues that the audience of The Club recreates the silences about the past, resulting in the denial or rationalization of state violence, while emphasizing a nostalgic multi-cultural past.

Diplomacy of architecture and the Ghana National Mosque complex: concrete sign of a soft Turkish Imperium?

In a manner almost reminiscent of the Ottoman Empire’s frantic search (late nineteenth to early twentieth century) for müstemlekat (colonies) in Africa, modern Turkey seems to have revived its imperialist dreams in contemporary Africa. Following the elaboration of a proactive African foreign policy strategy, Turkey declared 2005 the Year of Africa, and established diplomatic relations with a raft of Muslim-majority African countries (MMACs). While Ghana is not an MMAC, Turkey re-established diplomatic ties with Accra in 2010, heralding a burgeoning relationship. Drawing on the theory of sub-­imperialism in tandem with the diplomacy of architecture (DoA) framework, this work will argue that Turkey has cleverly utilised the symbolism and siting of the Ghana National Mosque Complex (GNMC) to make the most visible and audacious broadcast yet of its imperial intentions in Africa, and in record time. In unpacking the argument my primary interest will be to canvass the view that architectural imprints have become a powerful cultural weapon in the geostrategic soft-power arsenal of recent rising powers.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s Leadership and Communication Skills

Leadership refers to the ability and capacity to direct, inspire and influence individuals or groups to achieve a common goal. However, leadership is a multifaceted concept that covers a wide range of qualities, behaviors and communication skills exhibited by individuals who are in a position of authority and naturally assume the leadership role. Communication skills are the ability to effectively and efficiently convey information, thoughts, ideas and feelings to others through verbal, non-verbal, written or visual elements. The combination of these components brings success in both personal and social interactions. One of the factors behind the success of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who built a modern, democratic and secular nation-state from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire, is that he had both leadership and effective communication qualities. Atatürk has always been an example to both his nation and the world with these qualities. These talents of his were instrumental in shaping modern Turkey, in putting forward the vision of the nation, in implementing bold reforms, in building a state after struggles and in instilling a sense of national unity and solidarity. Turkish people has made him a national hero while being respected by the world. The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's intellectual, political, charismatic, transformative, democratic and autocratic leadership types and his communication skills. In order to determine the above-mentioned characteristics, firstly, Atatürk's life and some of the revolutions he made were included. Then, in order to determine his leadership characteristics, his actions in the context of leadership theories were discussed. Afterwards, some of their behaviours were examined within the scope of basic communication skills in order to understand their communication skills. In the study, the descriptive research method, which is a method that aims to reveal the relationships between events by evaluating existing or past information in line with standards, was used. As a result of the examination, it was concluded that Atatürk had all of the basic leadership qualities and effective communication skills.

The Albert Nekimken Turkish Theater Collection: Censorship, Contentious Politics, and the Cold War Stage

Turkish political theater of the 1960s-1970s was a genre that galvanized both its intellectual proponents and drew the ire of state authorities. Deeply marked by the work of Bertolt Brecht produced some half a century earlier, the stage became an important setting where the broader violence between far-left groups, far-right groups, and the government was recast in literary form. During his doctoral research on the influence of German Marxism on Turkish political theater, former U.S. Peace Corps volunteer Albert Nekimken collected plays, works of theatrical criticism, periodicals, short stories, novels, and rare recordings of performances, among other materials. The Albert Nekimken Turkish Theater Collection, primarily composed of Nekimken’s research materials, began to grow as playwrights, intellectuals, and others contributed interviews or gifted materials to the young scholar in the mid-to-late 1970s. These works were acquired by Nekimken at a time of rampant political censorship and ntellectual persecution–exemplified by the fact that many of the publications and performances in the collection were banned or subject to great censorship by the Turkish government. Among the works in the collection are those by well-known writers such as Orhan Asena, Engin Cezzar, Güngör Dilmen, Muhsin Ertuğrul, Nâzım Hikmet, Orhan Kemal, Aziz Nesin, and Haldun Taner. This newly described and processed collection held in the Booth Family Center for Special Collections at Georgetown University offers new directions to students and scholars of political theater, the history of Modern Turkey, Turkish-German literary exchanges, and intellectual histories of the Cold War. The collection also gives educators hoping to bring primary sources into the classroom new pedagogical tools to explore histories of censorship, erasure, and contentious politics.

The Politics of Emotions, Bio-Political Border Practices and the Question of (In)security on the Turkish Political Territorial Borders

ABSTRACT This paper conceptually and analytically delineates the operation and employment of discourses and the political emotions of fear and anxiety in the making, conception, and cartographic imagination of the contours of modern Turkey’s political territorial boundaries. This study posits that the emergence and formation of the Turkish political territorial borders after the traumatic and violent experience of the cataclysmic shrinking, collapse and disintegration of the Ottoman Empire continue to influence discourses, emotions, practices and policies of border security and policing. Borders and borderlands are not only sites where the state performs, exercises and displays its sovereign will and power in protecting national security, dignity, pride and honor, but also sources and harbingers of fears, anxieties and ontological (in)securities. In the context of the highly publicized immigration influx of Syrians, Iraqis, Afghanis and others into Turkey, this paper argues that discourses and emotions of fear, anxiety and hate regained new currency and have become consequential in the state’s eliciting of consent from the masses in instituting border walls, fences and harsh border policing practices and policies on the borderlands and in cities across the country.

Forms of Modernization of Islamic Education in Türkiye in the 19th Century AD

Discussion of the modernization of Islamic education in Türkiye is nothing new. This remarkable writing about Turkish history in every perspective, makes the specificity of this article about the history of education born in Turkey. The learning method for educational modernization carried out in Turkey shows that it has been going on for a long time because of modernization for other Muslim countries that have been paying attention to education for a long time. Based on this article, it is discussed, in order to trace the background to the emergence of educational modernization in Turkey. This is to find forms of modernization as was done during that time in the field of education. So the birth of educational modernization is the impact of this situation that occurs in the social, political and economic system in Turkey. The factors of European expansion, rigid bureaucratic systems, the progress of European countries were the culmination of social change in Turkish society, giving rise to the Modernization of Education. As a result, policies and orientations emerged that brought progress to Turkey in the timing and future of exchanges. Educational modernization is a school model established by the government and society to use the curriculum implemented in schools. The treatment is carried out by adding modern science, let religious sciences be in their position, and disappear and then reappear and ultimately integrate religious knowledge with modern science is a progressive action in advancing education. Education in the form of Turkish modernization began in the 18th century, continued in the 18th century, 19th century to 20th century; Establishment of schools, empowerment communities, curriculum development, and rationalization of liberation in Turkey.

Seeds of Modern Education: American Influence in Turkey

American private foundations invested huge financial resources in institutions and individuals in the Republic of Turkey in the process of westernization of the country. This study seeks to present a detailed historical perspective of the activities of American philanthropic foundations and their influence on the development and the process of modernization of Turkey. Due to the war-torn state and poor socio-economic situation, the modernization process in Turkey implied comprehensive help from the Western countries, which Ataturk took as a model. Based on charity and humanitarian work, first American organizations arrived in Turkey at the beginning of 19th century. Popularly known as ‘‘missionary organizations’’ or simply ‘‘missionaries’’, they devoted their work to religious conversion of dominantly Christian minorities in the Ottoman Empire, charity activities and education. From the period of the first arrivals until 1920s, missionary organizations established number of hospitals and schools that proved beneficial to people and students across Turkey. At the beginning of 20th century, some of the American richest industrialists and businessmen in that period like Andrew Carnegie, John D. Rockefeller and Russell Sage have decided to establish private grant-providing foundations for the melioration of life standards of humankind all around the world – investing dominantly in education, infrastructure and public health. In terms of time scale, growth of the foundation imbricates with the establishment of modern Turkey in 1923. Led by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the new government of Turkey was dedicated to the process of modernization of the country – a project that seriously needed support from the external powers. Therefore, this study aims to analyze the role of American private foundations in the process of development of education, health sector, and overall Turkey’s modernization. These findings suggest that American private organizations such as Rockefeller and Ford foundations had a strong hold in the development of institutions and education and training of individuals from Turkey in various fields.

Guardian of the Straits: Ottoman Naval Battles at the Dardanelles (1656-1915) and Implications for Turkey’s Maritime Security

This article examines four major naval battles (1656, 1657, 1807, and 1915) that took place in the Dardanelles during the Ottoman Empire period. The study analyzes the historical context, causes, course, and consequences of these battles, emphasizing the strategic importance of the Dardanelles. Furthermore, in light of the lessons drawn from these historical events, the article offers recommendations for modern Turkey's maritime security policies. By highlighting the importance of strait defense, naval power, technological superiority, and international cooperation, the article aims to contribute to Turkey's future maritime security strategies. Keywords: Dardanelles, Ottoman naval battles, maritime strategy, strait defense, Turkey's maritime security

The Lausanne conference of 1922–23 and the battle over the conscription of the non-Muslim minorities in Turkey

ABSTRACT The article examines why it was important to the modern republican Turkish state, which saw the non-Muslim minorities as a threat to its security and a potential source of fifth column activities, to propose their inclusion in the draft. In order to answer this question, the article explores the issue of the recruitment of the non-Muslim minorities as presented in the official protocols and in writings of the senior Turkish decision-makers who attended the Lausanne conference of 1922–23. The main argument of this article is that the introduction of non-Muslim conscription in modern Turkey was less an act of integration and more a contribution to two broader aims: demographic engineering to remove ‘suspect’ or ‘unassimilable’ national and religious minorities, and economic Turkification, which aimed to force transfer of property from non-Muslim into Muslim hands.

From "Criminal Citizens" to "Traitors": The Last of the Kurdish Bandits in Modern Turkey, 1950–1970

From "Criminal Citizens" to "Traitors": The Last of the Kurdish Bandits in Modern Turkey, 1950–1970

Jewish attempts to penetrate the Arab states during the Ottoman era (1517-1920)

The relationship between the Jews and the Ottoman Turks went through various phases and stages from its inception until the recognition of their state by modern Turkey in 1949. Harmony prevailed when the Jews were mere subjects in the Ottoman Empire, similar to other communities. However, there were instances of firmness by the Ottoman state when Jewish ambitions emerged, especially in the periods preceding World War I. Despite the Ottoman's generally positive treatment of the Jews and their warm welcome, the Ottomans faced challenges in the lands from which the Jews came to the Ottoman territories. To explore these dynamics and the extent of the relationship between the two parties, a study titled "Jewish Attempts to Infiltrate Arab States during the Ottoman Era 1517-1920" was conducted. To understand these aspirations and Ottoman reactions, the study is divided into two axes. The first axis examines the general conditions of Jews in the state from its establishment until the end of the 18th century. The second axis explores Jewish efforts to settle and secure promises from the Ottoman authorities to realize their dreams through global Zionism, particularly active in the second half of the 19th century—a period marked by the decline of the Ottoman Empire and the loss of its properties in various places. Additionally, the study delves into how the Ottomans dealt with these aspirations and focuses on the official stance of the state regarding Zionist colonial alliances and interactions in the early 20th century

Putting out the candle: Sufism and the orgy libel in late Ottoman and modern Turkey

ABSTRACT This article examines a religious libel, well-known in Turkish as ‘putting out the candle’ (mum söndürmek), that levels the accusation of orgiastic activities against Bektashi Sufis and Kızılbaş-Alevis. Dating back to at least the second century B.C.E. the accusation of debauchery following the extinguishing of candles has had a long and varied history in the Mediterranean that knows neither linguistic nor confessional boundaries. In the early twentieth century, the orgy libel was transformed by Turkish authors and propagated via modern fiction, particularly in novels and short stories. I argue that this change in authorship and genre had the effect of adapting ancient slanders and giving them new dimensions of appeal and credibility among modern audiences. Namely, modern Turkish literature wielded the orgy libel to entertain the public, support the reform and suppression of Sufi lodges, and express patriarchal views about women’s roles in society.

Between West and Non-West - Turkey at a Crossroad of Geostrategic Choice

Historically, the Republic of Turkey is one of the few states in the Middle East, in a civilizational sense, located between East and West. As time has passed since a number of unsuccessful attempts to integrate into Western institutions and with the beginning of geopolitical changes in the international arena, Turkey has made a “pivot to the East”. Considering the increasing role of the Non-West within the framework of the formation of a polycentric system of international relations, the study of Turkey as one of the key centers of forces of our time, as well as the identification of its characteristics, eastern and western features, is of particular relevance. The purpose of the study is to examine the civilizational characteristics of modern Turkey. By applying civilizational approach, Turkey’s position of a “middle state” was revealed, which has both Western and Eastern features, but is increasingly gravitating towards the non-Western world. At the same time, amid the ideology of “neo-Ottomanism” implemented by the current leadership and the increasing role of the ideological and value factor, Western features are gradually fading away, remaining only in the form of official secularism and stable ties with Western institutions. While the Turkish orientality, along with unofficial islamization, have a clearer image. Turkey develops in progressive-regressive cycles, where the Western cycle is replaced by the Eastern and vice versa. However, the West is systematically ceasing to be a symbol of progress. The authors conclude that the non-Western path of development is the most promising for modern Turkey, however, with the condition that eastern development will not be moderated by Islamist circles and supporters of political Islam.

12 SEPTEMBER JUNTA REGIME IN TURKEY FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF BRITISH DIPLOMATS, 1980-1983

1980 witnessed the third military takeover in the history of modern Turkey. Had the takeover not happened, the year might have been remembered as that of the new policy for economic recovery, introduced by the minority Demirel Government in January 1980. However, that was all Demirel had achieved. Parliament reached stalemate, failing even to elect a new President. Governmental control steadily weakened, and political violence increased. The Generals took over on 12 September to end the violence, amidst general relief. The effect was instantaneous: Operations against the extremists were prosecuted vigorously, and the Junta won its first victory. But having constituted themselves the sole legislative authority the Generals had undertaken a heavy responsibility. They cleared the more important bills stuck in Parliament, and continued the previous Government's economic policy somewhat effectively, in particular encouraging the IMF and OECD countries to proffer further aid. Nevertheless, exports were slow to respond, and the balance of payments, deficit and foreign debts did not decrease. Recovery in even 4-5 years' time looked optimistic. Political activity had been banned and the security forces could be rough. But the press was not censored, and action had been taken against some members of the security forces accused of ill- treating suspects. The Generals were faced with the more challenging task of the return to normalcy, to which they had committed themselves. A Civilian Government was appointed on 21 September. Work had begun on a revised constitution. On 15 January1981, General Evren announced the intention to convene a Constituent Assembly between 30 August and 29 October of that year. In Foreign Affairs, the Association Agreement with the EC was reactivated. The Turks facilitated the resumption of civil aviation in the Aegean; the return of Greece, with whom relations improved, to the NATO military structure; and the reopening of the Cyprus intercommunal talks. They adopted a determined stance on the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the war between Iraq and Iran, their two main oil suppliers, they maintained in public a neutral position. Their relations with the West were overshadowed by the imposition of visas by the West Germans and some others, and by what Turks regarded as undue concern in the Council of Europe and elsewhere with their management of their own affairs. Nevertheless, what assets Britain had with Turkey were effectively used. 1981 was being celebrated as Ataturk year. It would show whether his principles combined with military authority and Turkish common sense would be a sufficient preparation for the next step in the Turkish experiment in democracy. The Ataturk year celebrations were used to stimulate patriotic feelings and popular support for the Generals. On the whole, the year saw positive outcomes. Law and order were further consolidated, and the economy made considerable progress, with the upward trend in exports continuing strongly. Turkey remained heavily in debt, but due to rescheduling, it started the New Year with an improved credit rating. The Generals' promised Constituent Assembly, which had been selected not elected, convened in October. They also announced a long considered new Universities Law which gave the Government greater administrative control.

Competing Visions of Morality in Politics: A New Perspective on the Ideological Currents of the Late Ottoman Empire

Abstract This article focuses on the debates about morality in the late Ottoman Empire and their lasting impact on modern Turkey. Studying different moral viewpoints offers the possibility of a new classification for the study of Ottoman intellectual history which, by relying on a political framework, has, to date, dealt only with certain ideological currents such as Ottomanism, Turkism, Islamism, and Westernism. Through a careful reading of the writings of Tevfik Fikret, Ziya Gökalp, Ahmed Naim, and Mehmet Akif, we focus on their different views of morality which can be classified as “universal morality”, “national morality”, and “Islamic morality”. Differing, even competing moral visions of morality were decisive in shaping the intellectual, cultural, and political currents of the time.

From empire to nation: Management of religious pluralism in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey

The transition from empire to nation-state poses challenges in managing religious and ethnic pluralism. Empires, characterized by hierarchical structures and diversity, contrast with nation-states, which aim for uniformity and unity. As empires modernize administratively, they grapple with different approaches to pluralism. While Habsburgs were more in favor of a federal plurality, the Romanovs pushed for centralization and assimilation. Throughout the nineteenth century, the Ottomans vacillated between these two alternative paths. This vacillation is most evident in their approach to millet system which simultaneously followed the contradictory policies of undermining millet boundaries in order to promote a sense of unity across the multi-faith society and policies of promoting and safeguarding the privileges and group-specific rights of non-Muslim communities. Ottoman nationalism eventually shifted towards a homogenizing model, akin to the Romanov approach, leading to the exclusion of religious minorities. This process of homogenization continued in the nationalist policies of modern Turkey and resulted in the secular Turkish Republic being less tolerant towards non-Muslims than the Islamic Ottoman Empire.

Sources of Anti-Secularism in Modern Turkey: A Social History Approach

ABSTRACT The secular reforms the young Republic of Turkey launched during the interwar period were one of the most comprehensive modernization schemes in the world history. These extraordinary reforms have been considered as the sole maker of today’s Turkey. The political histories, focusing on formal politics, mostly reduced the social opposition to secularism to a few well-known hapless protests and rebellions. This article, however, argues that modern Turkey was the culmination of a more complicated process in which popular opposition to these reforms also shaped politics. It reveals that the daily life of ordinary people, particularly in rural areas, was rife with the anti-secular voices and attitudes by exploring non-elite public spheres and popular discursive strategies though which anti-secular opinions and attitudes were produced and expressed. Rather than seeing them as a result of clash between secularism and religion, it emphasizes the socio-economic reasons that lead to people’s negative response, primarily the loss of authority or economic advantages of some groups due to reforms. Finally this article offers that the roots of the Islamist politics of the following decades could be sought in this popular dissent, which subtly contested the secularism’s hegemony in daily life during the early republic.