Abstract Inflated perceptions of responsibility are hypothesized to contribute to compulsive checking. Reassurance seeking, proposed to be a form of checking, may exacerbate checking behaviour in long run. A sample of non-clinical participants (N = 100) performed a complex manual classification task under 1 of 4 experimental conditions: high responsibility-high reassurance, high responsibility-low reassurance, low responsibility-high reassurance, or low responsibility-low reassurance, and provided ratings of anxiety, urges to check, urges to seek reassurance, and confidence both before and after experimental manipulations were employed. Higher levels of perceived responsibility were associated with maintenance of compulsive urges and doubt. Results are discussed in terms of cognitive and behavioural models of obsessive-compulsive disorder, and in terms of directions for future research. Key words: Obsessive-compulsive disorder, OCD, Responsibility, Reassurance, Checking, Neutralization. ********** Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) is characterized by recurrent obsessions and/or compulsions that are time-consuming (lasting at least one hour per day) and which cause marked distress or significant impairment in functioning (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Cognitive conceptualizations of OCD (e.g., Rachman, 1976, 1993; Salkovskis, 1985, 1999) emphasize fundamental role of perceived responsibility in promoting obsessional phenomena. Responsibility, in this context, refers to the belief that one possesses pivotal power to provoke or prevent subjectively crucial negative outcomes (Salkovskis, Rachman, Ladouceur, & Freeston, 1992). The centrality of this construct was first highlighted in Salkovskis's (1985) cognitive theory of obsessions, which states that a primary distinction between non-clinical and clinical (i.e., OCD) populations is manner in which they interpret and appraise intrusive phenomena. This theory helped to explain two critical findings from early research on OCD-related cognitions: (i) 'normal' individuals routinely experience intrusions whose content resembles that of clinical obsessions (Rachman & De Silva, 1978; Salkovskis & Harrison, 1984), and (ii) unlike OCD sufferers, non-clinical populations can easily dismiss cognitive intrusions as senseless and trivial events (Salkovskis & Harrison, 1984). Salkovskis (1985, 1999) suggested that obsessionals frequently (mis)interpret their intrusive thoughts, images, and impulses as indicating that danger is imminent, and that they feel personally responsible for preventing any potential harm that might occur as a result of this threat. It was also hypothesized that OCD sufferers' negative interpretations of their intrusions would lead to discomfort which, in turn, would increase their subsequent urges to engage in various forms of anxiety-neutralizing behaviour (e.g., checking, reassurance seeking, washing, thought suppression, distraction, mental ritualization, etc.). Thus, an inflated sense of perceived responsibility has been hypothesized to increase both occurrence of obsessions and use of counterproductive neutralization strategies (Salkovskis et al., 2000). Several authors (e.g., Ladouceur et al., 1995; Lopatka & Rachman, 1995; Rachman, 1976, 2002; Rachman & Hodgson, 1980; Rheaume, Ladouceur, Freeston, & Letarte, 1995) have suggested that an exaggerated sense of responsibility for preventing harm may be particularly relevant to individuals with checking compulsions. For example, an individual pre-occupied with images of their children trapped in a fire might repeatedly check stove, gas taps, etc., to ensure that they have been properly shut off. However, a number of other factors, including exaggerated perceptions of threat and impaired meta-memory, may also contribute to doubting and checking activities (Rachman, 2002). Rachman's (2002) recent model of compulsive checking provides an outline of mechanisms purported to be involved in onset and maintenance of this behaviour. …
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