Treaty Of Rome Research Articles

Europe Constructed, Europe Contested: Italian Media Responses to the Treaties of Rome

This article analyses Italian responses to the Treaties of Rome in 1957 by looking at media's role as a tool to both amplify voices and construct ideas on European integration. It attempts to expand upon and also challenges existing narratives on integration in Italy – which have tended to assume that ‘Euroscepticism’ largely emerged in a post-Maastricht context – by showing that the matter was already the source of significant politicisation and contestation, and that political actors used the outlets at their disposal to influence public opinion. Indeed, the Italian media conversations enveloping the Treaties of Rome – at a time when the introduction of RAI television was revolutionising the media landscape, and the Treaties were broadcast and politicised as a landmark event – highlight the variety of visions of European integration that had emerged. On the one hand, the ruling Christian Democratic government had radio and television under its harness, and used these channels to push a pro-integrationist orthodoxy on the Italian public. Nevertheless, we also see dissenting visions expressed in much of the printed press, not only from the anti-Western Communists and Socialists, but also from a broad church including neo-fascists, monarchists and even federalists. The article crucially finds that there was a deliberate effort by government-aligned journalists to marginalise – rather than engage with – any dissenting views on European integration.

The Common Agricultural and Food Policy of the European Union: An Assessment of its Framework, Stages and Regulations

Agriculture (production) and food (consumption) are two important political fields that affect each other and have direct links. Agriculture and food, which have a vital function in human life, affect many areas, especially the economy of farmers and people and are interrelated. Therefore, the Common Agricultural and Food Policy is one of the most important common policy areas for the European Union, both in terms of budget and other common policies. The importance of this common policy increases especially for the smooth and smooth functioning of the common market. In this context, this study investigates the Treaty of Rome establishing the European Economic Community of the European Union and the Common Agricultural Policy established in line with the Treaty's objective of establishing a common market. Under the influence of global and regional events, state and non-state actors have protectionist and revisionist tendencies in some political areas. The European Union, which is an important non-state actor in the international system in global and regional areas, has made protectionist-centered revisions in some political areas due to both its internal dynamics and the global and regional events in the system. One of the political areas in which the European Union has made revisions is the Common Agricultural Policy. The Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union has been updated in line with its needs, especially regarding food security and reducing greenhouse gas emissions to zero.

Main treaties of the European Union

The article summarizes the main treaties of the European Union, which in one way or another had a significant impact on its development. It was found that after the end of the Second World War, European leaders decided to protect themselves by uniting into a community. Thus, the first treaty where six states united to create a common coal and steel market was Paris Treaty, which was signed in 1951. Its purpose was to create interdependence of states in coal and steel, so that one state could no longer mobilize its armed forces without the knowledge of the others. This is one of the few treaties that has expired. The following treaties, which became the basis of the European integration movement in Europe, became the Rome Treaties concluded in 1957. As a result, the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community were created. Later, in 1965, the Merger Treaty was signed, the main purpose of which was to streamline the work of European institutions. This agreement has also expired. It was also found that the Single European Act of 1986 reformed the work of the EU institutions in the framework of the Alliance’s preparation for the accession of Portugal and Spain, as well as to speed up the decision-making process in preparation for the creation of the single market. In addition, it was analysed that the Maastricht Treaty was concluded in 1992, which established the modern structure of the EU. In addition, the main purpose of this Treaty is to prepare the European Union for the creation of a monetary union, as well as to introduce the elements of a political union (citizenship, common foreign and domestic policy). Another no less important treaty was concluded in 1997, which was called the Amsterdam Treaty. This Treaty was intended to prepare the EU institutions for future enlargement. It was revealed that in 2001, during the signing of the Nice Treaty, the EU member states determined the need to reform the institutions of the European Union for the purpose of their effective functioning after the expansion to 25 states, to review the system of chairmanship in the Council of the EU. In addition, the last treaty, the main goal of which was to make the EU more democratic, more efficient and capable of solving global problems, was the Lisbon Treaty signed in 2007.

Нормативная база регулирования деятельности крестьянских (фермерских) хозяйств в России

The agro-food complex of the Russian Federation has become one of the powerful drivers of the country’s economic development, providing an increasingly high level of food security. The experience of the formation of the agricultural sector of the European Union, dating back more than 70 years, shows that the leading role in its creation was initially played by the adopted legal documents, in particular, articles 38-47 of the Treaty of Rome of 1958 («Treaty Establishing the European Economic Community»). A skillful combination of administrative and economic regulation measures and constant adjustment of the legal framework have ensured the effective functioning of European agricultural producers, among which farms have a special status. In the Russian Federation, the role of farmers as producers of agricultural products is also growing from year to year. This paper examines the historical and modern aspects of the formation of the Russian regulatory framework for the functioning of peasant (farmer) farms as a special group of agricultural producers that emerged as a result of the reforms of the 90s of the last century. The article highlights the dual nature of peasant (farmer) farms as commodity producers and as a social group uniting rural residents interested in its development and evaluates the existing tools for supporting farmers and their effectiveness.

The Challenges of the “Ever Closer Union” Concept and the Protection of the Sovereignty and Constitutional Identity of EU Member States

The concept of an “ever closer Union” has been central to the European project since the Treaty of Rome in 1957. Initially focused on unity among European peoples, subsequent treaties have nuanced this idea, emphasising open and citizen-centric decision-making. This paper explores the evolving dynamics within the European Union, especially regarding the marginalisation of the European Parliament, recurring financial crises, and challenges in freedom, security, and justice. Recent geopolitical events, such as the war in Ukraine, intensified migration, and terrorist attacks within the EU, have catalysed these conflicts, prompting a renewed emphasis on national sovereignty. Against this backdrop, the paper analyses the shifts in the EU’s constitutional framework, considering the Treaty of Amsterdam's addition of transparency and proximity to citizens. The Treaty of Lisbon reaffirmed the commitment to an “ever closer Union,” aligning decisions with citizen concerns. However, crises, particularly those triggered by external events, have led to a re-evaluation of these principles. The paper contends that the EU’s responses to crises have revealed tensions between supranational integration and member states’ desire to safeguard national interests. As the Union navigates these complexities, understanding the evolving role of institutions like the European Parliament becomes crucial. By examining the interplay of sovereignty, crisis response, and institutional dynamics, this paper contributes to the broader discourse on the future trajectory of the European Union.

Peoples, Inhabitants and Workers: Colonialism in the Treaty of Rome

Abstract In 1957, when the Treaty of Rome was signed, founding the European Economic Community (EEC), which later became the European Union (EU), four out of six of the original member states were colonial powers. This article uses archival material from the Treaty of Rome negotiations to interrogate ways in which the colonial politics of the time shaped the drafting of legal categories describing individuals: those of peoples, inhabitants and workers. As the Treaty of Rome ‘associated’ colonized territories to the EEC, this article shows how the treaty simultaneously arranged its legal categories to exclude individuals who lived in colonized territories from legal benefits and representation. This article situates the EU as an example of a post-World War II international organization, with its founding legal texts shaped by colonialism.

Between Actors of the Bologna Process and the European Union, the emergence of the European Higher Education and Research Area

The European Higher Education Area (EHEA) has become a reality thatis detached from the model of the medieval university. This outcomewas far from obvious when the treaty of Rome was signed in 1957.Erasmus and the Magna Carta are the cornerstones of the Bolognaprocess, which – despite bureaucratic governance but with the supportof the EU – translates and allows the actors of the university to have anecessarily common approach to teaching and research.

Revisiting Early Fiscal Centralisation in the European Coal and Steel Community in Light of the EU’s Transfer Budget

The last few years have resulted in substantial changes for the EU’s fiscal powers, primarily through the introduction of the Next Generation EU funds. This article argues that the assessment of these developments as federalisation processes is based upon a central misunderstanding of the EU budget as a public goods budget in a federal state. The EU is a compound polity comprising of mature states, and its budget may be termed a “transfer budget,” which allows member states to predict budgetary costs and benefits. To understand the transfer-oriented nature of the budget, this article adopts a historical institutionalist lens. Revisiting the fiscal centralisation in the European Coal and Steel Community allows us to understand how the six delegations agreed to combine economic and social aims in this budget, which was intended to serve the European Coal and Steel Community with similar elements to a public goods budget. Revenue consisted of debts and a levy on coal and steel produce, whereas expenditure ranged from investments to payments to individual workers. The Treaty of Rome, with its anti-supranational basis, triggered a critical juncture in Europe’s budgetary history: Since 1957, a transfer budget evolved. Revisiting the European Coal and Steel Community budget system allows us to understand the fiscal federal appearance of the Next Generation EU funds: While the EU makes new attempts to use its budget for the provision of common goods, its functions are limited by the institutional structure of the transfer budget.

Avrupa Birliği Eğitim Eylem Planı Politikalarının İncelenmesi

In relation to general education in the European Union, the basis of the Education Action Plan was laid in the 1973 Janne Report and entered into force at the Council of Ministers in 1976. The education policies of the European Union are not binding on governments individually, and there is no clear statement in the Treaty of Rome and the European Economic Community providing for cooperation in education. However, only In-Service training (In-Service Training) is included in the Treaty of Rome. Jean Monnet, which is considered the founding agreement of the European Community, emphasized the view that if the Union is re-established, the point of departure will be created by education instead of economics. This period is considered as a touchstone for the cooperation of the European Union in general education. Programs such as Petra and Erasmus allow many young people to experience education within Europe. European Union Educational Programs have been started for a period extending up to 20 years after the establishment of the European Economic Community by the treaty of Rome in 1957. In the mid-1970s, the European Community launched its first training program with vocational education. 128 Of the treaty of Rome. by implementing the statement in 1963, it draws an important framework for vocational education policy. Thus, the council of ministers of education convened in 1995 and took a series of Decrees envisaging providing secondary education opportunities for girls, providing educational opportunities for second-generation immigrant children, adopting the principle of continuous and “Lifelong Education” that will last from school to business life, and interuniversity cooperation within the scope of student exchange. Key Words: European Union, Education Action Plan, Education Policies

The CAP (Common Agricultural Policy): A Short History of Crises and Major Transformations of European Agriculture

The purpose of this article is to study the development of EU agricultural policies from a historical reconstruction perspective. The 1957 Treaty of Rome, the basis of today’s European Union, gave birth to the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in order to coordinate production across different European countries, to ensure food self-sufficiency and the certainty of supply to member states. Over time, several choices, as well as certain subsidies and policies (e.g. milk quotas) have been called into question as part of the liberalisation of the common agricultural market. Others persist, but continue to favour the unequal management of funds in favour of large companies specialised in intensive agriculture and livestock farming. These choices represent a loss in terms of both biodiversity and traditional farming knowledge and know-how. The decisive changes of the CAP at the institutional level have transformed the socio-economic as well as geographical landscape of Europe. It should be added that with the current crises—the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, and the ecological crises—the entire model is being called into question. Consequently, this article, after providing a brief overview, aims to reconstruct the common agricultural policies. It then provides an explanatory framework in quantitative terms of the French and Italian agricultural sectors to highlight what are, in the authors’ opinion, the limits of the CAP, even in the face of the crises mentioned above.

Philosophy of Law or Philosophy of Reason –The Idea of a Treaty Establishing a Constitution for the European Union

The main purpose of the study is to analyze the feasibility and necessity of an EU Constitution. Briefly, the history of the draft constitution is as follows: The draft treaty aims to codify the two main treaties of the European Union - the Treaty of Rome of 1957 and the Treaty of Maastricht of 1992, as amended by the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997) and the Treaty of Nice (2001). The debate on the future of Europe is believed to have begun with a speech by German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer in Berlin in 2000. The process began after the Laeken Declaration, when the European Convention was set up, chaired by former French President Valerie Giscard d'Estaing, with the aim of drafting a constitution. The draft contract was published in July 2003. After lengthy discussions and debates over the proposal for qualified majority voting, the final text was approved in June 2004 and signed by representatives of the Member States on 29 October 2004. The failure of the treaty in France and the Netherlands is a serious blow to the European Union because these two countries are considered to be loyal supporters of the European project. The text of the treaty was subsequently rewritten by the Amato Group, officially the Active Committee on European Democracy (ACED), a group of high-ranking European politicians. During the German presidency of the Union, a new treaty was proposed - the Treaty of Lisbon - to replace the original draft of the Constitution. On 12 June 2008, the Lisbon Treaty was also rejected in a referendum in Ireland. But if we want to look beyond history, we can ask - Why does the EU need a Constitution and how can the Constitution be the roadmap to an advanced future for the EU? The answers to this question can be found by analyzing several directions (these are the main points of the article): historical reflexivity; socio-cultural analysis of the philosophical concepts of well-known political and social philosophers such as Immanuel Kant, John Locke; the modern constellation through the prism of Jürgen Habermas and the decision to make a text as a Constitution which its aim is to reach the starting point of an entire community like the EU. Keywords: constitution, EU, philosophy, law, John Locke, Immanuel Kant, Jurgen Habermas

The transnational archival memory of European integration

The European Coal and Steel Community established in 1951, the European Atomic Energy Community, and the European Economic Community, both established in 1957, built the roots of the European single market and are direct forerunners of today’s European Union. The vision of a united post-War (Western) Europe went far beyond economic considerations, as can be seen in the preamble of the Rome Treaties with its concept of “ever closer union”. It made the European Union a unique transnational political and cultural phenomenon based on common values and supranational decision-making processes. Archives hold the memory of the multi-levelled European integration process. European integration produced a new model of transnational archives with specific privileges, immunities and working methods. These archives preserve the legal acts, negotiations, correspondence, and documents produced by intergovernmental or nongovernmental European institutions and organisations and make them available to the public. The Historical Archives of the European Union play a central role in transmitting the memory, informing the public and fostering research on these diverse types of archives.

New Histories of and for Europe: Narrating the European Project

Approaching Europe's historical trajectories to explain its present condition is an ever-growing genre. More than 200 years after the Congress of Vienna, more than 100 years after the First World War, more than sixty years after the Treaty of Rome, more than half a decade after the Brexit referendum – and after more than a year of open warfare in Ukraine, the European project remains in constant flux. A seemingly endless sequence of junctures over the last two decades has raised the demand for historically grounded analyses of Europe. The desire for such publications, both academic and for a broader audience, is thus far from exhausted. Every turn in European politics gives rise to a new take on Europe's past by historians and scholars working in related disciplines.

The Myth of Peace and Statehood in European Integration Theory: The Imperial Legal Order of the Rome Treaty

This article challenges the ontological assumptions of European Union (EU) theory that rest on the primacy of ‘states’. It also refutes the narrative of peace which is celebrated in scholarship and EU self-representation. It looks at early EU integration through the postcolonial lens and argues that both EU self-image and EU theory do not consider colonialism and empire and have silenced the violence committed outside Europe. Hence, they have produced a historically inaccurate and conceptually misleading account of early European integration. The post-colonial reading of the EU brings history back to the story of Europe to advance a revisionist account of theories of early European integration. The examination of arrangements laid out in Europe’s capitals – from Berlin in 1885 to Paris in 1919 to Rome in 1957 – reveals continuity of goals, motivations, and technologies of domination, rather than Europe’s ‘new beginnings’. The article demonstrates that the legal order established by the Treaty of Rome institutionalized the colonialism of EU members at the new supra-national level. It subordinated foreign people and economies to the interests of European capital, legitimized control of resources, camouflaged the old civilizing mission under a new guise of development, and reproduced and maintained the colonial racialized relationship of inequality and dependence. Ultimately, Rome infused the new European project with imperial, violent, hierarchical, and racial characteristics that remain unacknowledged by the EU theory. European integration, Imperial order, Statehood, Peace, Colonialism

From the treaty of Rome to Brexit: A historiographical discourse of British influence on EU politics and economics

Relevance. Following the UK's withdrawal from the European Union in 2020, discussions continue in the UK about the feasibility of such a step. There are somewhat different assessments in society and among representatives of the official authorities of the state of the influence and role of the United Kingdom as a member of the Union on various processes in Western European countries, in particular in the political and economic spheres. The purpose of this study is to provide a historical analysis and characterization of the role and influence of the United Kingdom on the political and economic situation of the EU member states. The main scientific method used in writing this research is the comparative historical method, which allowed to identify key points, identify the nature of interaction and assess the overall results of cooperation between the United Kingdom and the European Union in the field of politics and economics through comparison and analysis. Among the main results obtained as a result of the study on the topic presented are the following: identification of key events in the common history of the United Kingdom and the European Union; study of the fundamental characteristics and features of bilateral and multilateral relations between the United Kingdom and the EU member states in the political and economic spheres; assessment of the level of influence of the United Kingdom on decision-making in the Union; forecasting the development of relations and strategic partnership between London and the EU. The results of this research and the conclusions drawn from the study of the presented issues can be used as a basis for further scientific research on this topic, as well as in areas that have a common background with this topic; in addition, in the field of diplomacy - as a classic example of the formation and development of strategic partnership of states within political institutions and associations; in secondary and higher education, as for young people studying the formation, development and activities of political associations of democratic states of the modern world.

The Seventh Member State: Algeria, France and the European Community

Megan Brown’s The Seventh Member State makes a bold and exciting contribution to our understanding of contemporary France, decolonization and European integration. Tracing the story of Algeria’s relationship with the nascent European Community, Brown recounts in lively prose how and why French officials pushed to have Algeria included in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, which established the European Economic Community (EEC), and how independent Algeria retained this ambiguous status as a ‘seventh member state’ of the EEC until 1976—fourteen years after gaining independence. The book is divided into three sections, with two chapters apiece. The first section deals with the origins of ‘Eurafrican’ ideology and the place of Algeria in the first post-war European initiatives, most notably the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) from which Algeria was specifically excluded. Brown also argues compellingly that the European Defence Community (EDC), an initiative proposed by France in 1950 only to be vetoed by the French National Assembly four years later, failed in part due to French insistence of minimizing external (namely German) influence on its colonial affairs.

Sweden’s Policy of Non-Alignment in the European Integration Processes, 1950s — Early 1960s

The article deals with the position of Stockholm in relation to the integration processes in Europe in the 1950s — early 1960s. It makes an attempt to explain the reason why the Swedish leadership avoided participating in the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Economic Community. It is also considered the motives of the Swedish Government, which prompted to participate in the European Free Trade Association for the purpose of long-term cooperation. The author refers to the minutes of the meetings of the Swedish Riksdag (Riksdagens protokoll), which allow to determine the positions in various political circles of Sweden regarding the “Schumann Plan” and the Treaty of Rome, as well as the possible participation of Stockholm in the integration processes. In addition, the article shows the reaction of the leaders of the bipolar system blocs — the USSR and the USA — to the actions of the Swedish leadership in relation to the European integration processes.

EU-Sub-Saharan Africa relations: The history of (un)equal partnership

This paper explores some exploitative economic tendencies in Africa-EU relations, tracking them from the Treaty of Rome, continuously through Yaounde, Lome and Cotonou initiatives. As time passes, the exploitative aspect of this relationship is getting vaguer through vocabulary changes and more subtle economic mechanisms. Each new cooperation framework tried to emphasize the importance of equality in the EU-Africa partnership but the inequality between the two parties constantly grew. This is the case with the newest, Global gateway framework. This investment plan is an adhoc initiative designed to counter Chinese interests in the region. The EU tends to be a norm creator in the African continent. The paper reexamines the capability of the EU to fulfill that role.

The average consumer standard - an assessment of the challenges of e-commerce

With the signing of the Treaty of Rome and the regulation of the single market, the European Union must continue its efforts to modernise and update the legislation governing the free trade area. It is not enough for the single market to exist, but it must be functional, competitive, and at the same time, secure and balanced, in order to support sustainable economic and social development. In this respect, greater attention must be paid to the digital internal market, which operates using new and complex instruments that can deepen the existing imbalance between the trader and the consumer. In the context of this digital asymmetry, the portrait of the average consumer needs to be analysed in relation to these new tools, as this standard generates new legislative directions and influences the way consumer protection policies are applied.

Article 9 - EU FTAs and divided sovereignty: Transformative shifts in trade authority

EU trade policy has evolved on the scope of its remit through what can be framed as “creeping competence” (Pollack 1994, 2000). Since the Treaty of Rome to the Lisbon Treaty the EU has consolidated its sovereignty over trade by broadening its competences. However, the enlarged scope of EU FTAs has pushed subnational units to demand shared sovereignty over trade issues to protect the status quo on their regulatory competences. In turn, the 2017 Court of Justice ruling that the EU-Singapore Agreement could only be concluded with the consent of the EU and its Member States has led the Commission to propose the splitting of trade deals into EU-only and “mixed” agreements. While the EU holds to its exclusive competences in the former, mixed agreements require divided sovereignty with the member states. Both the engagement of subnational entities in trade policy and the impact of the Court decision represent transformative shifts in the locus of trade policymaking from centralized competences to divided sovereignty with national and subnational entities. The ensuing difficulties in ratifying EU trade agreements have prompted stop-gap solutions that raise questions as to where the pattern of “creeping competence” is applicable. These political and legal challenges highlight that “creeping competence” may have unintended consequences unleashed by the dynamics of the policy itself. In trade policy the notion of “creeping competence” has to capture the legal challenges, the efforts to claw back centralization, as well as the pushback by subnational entities to protect their regulatory sovereignty.