Democratization Research Articles

Harassments, Assaults and Murders: The Travails of Ghana’s Libertarian Press

ABSTRACT For almost three decades, Ghana had built and maintained an enviable feat of liberal democracy and press freedom among its peers in Africa and much of the developing world. However, recent developments in the media landscape seem to be rapidly eroding this exemplary record. This reinforces the question: To what extent is Ghana fulfilling its obligation in nurturing a liberal media atmosphere, three decades after political liberalisation? Accordingly, this study finds various violations of media freedom in Ghana including arbitrary or selective shutdown of media houses, physical attacks, seizure and destruction of equipment, arbitrary arrests and detentions, threat to life and even murder of journalists. Perpetrators of these abuses include members of the security services, ruling party supporters, public officials and unidentified assailants. Consequently, the study concludes that this creeping authoritarian repression violates the hitherto libertarian media ecology and undermine media freedom and democratic governance.

“Workers in Saskatchewan Now Have a Clear-Cut Bill of Rights”

This paper examines the politics surrounding the construction, implementation, and administration of the Saskatchewan Trade Union Act (stua) between 1944 and 1950. The act is important because it reflects the first attempt by a social democratic government in North America to construct a system of labour law that ostensibly aligned socialist ideas with the rights of workers to form trade union freedoms. This makes the stua unique in Canadian labour and political history because the legislation demonstrated the policy priorities of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (ccf) and the Canadian Congress of Labour as both organizations were attempting to solidify their places in postwar Canada. This history reflects the fact that the ccf and the unions, like the left in general throughout the 1940s and 1950s, defined the working class narrowly, focusing attention on white and male breadwinners with women and racialized workers very much on the periphery. The history also demonstrates the inherent contradiction within social democratic reform politics, as the act extended numerous rights to workers to organize and collectively bargain but when those same workers pushed back against government decision-making during the province’s first public-sector strike in 1948, political tensions found many of those same social democrats acting in similar manners to their private-sector counterparts. These tensions within social democratic approaches to labour relations – so evident in the Saskatchewan experience – have become a central contradiction of the movement throughout the postwar period and continue today.

Local Body Election in Tamil Nadu - A View

This article examines the evolution and current structure of local governance and election practices in Tamil Nadu, tracing back to the historical Uravai system of village councils, where community-elected elders adjudicated local disputes. With roots in ancient Tamil society, local self-governance evolved significantly under the reign of Tamil kings, particularly during the Chola period, where the Kudavolai system—a forerunner to modern democracy—allowed villagers to select council members for self-administration. Following independence, the Indian government initiated reforms to decentralize governance, notably through the Balvantrai Mehta and Ashok Mehta Committees. These committees advocated for a three-tier rural governance model, later enshrined in the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments. Tamil Nadu, aligning with these democratic principles, enacted the Panchayat Act in 1994, establishing a modern framework for local elections with distinct advancements, including reserved seats for women to enhance political inclusion. The article highlights how Tamil Nadu’s local governance structure, blending historical customs with contemporary democratic reforms, promotes public welfare through elected municipal bodies, demonstrating progressive strides in gender representation and local political participation.

The Political Impact of King Abdullah II's Second Discussion Paper on the Development of Jordan's Democratic System: An Analytical Study of Political Parties (2013-2024)

Objectives: This study aimed to explore the political impact of His Majesty King Abdullah II's Second Discussion Paper on the development of the democratic system in Jordan, with a focus on the state of political parties during the period from 2013 to 2024. The Second Discussion Paper served as the primary concept (independent variable), and its influence on the evolution of political parties (dependent variable) within Jordan's democratic system was critically examined. The study was divided into two sections: the first addressed key concepts and the trajectory of democratic development in Jordan, while the second analyzed the impact of the Second Discussion Paper on political parties and their role in Jordanian political life. Methodology: A political analysis approach was employed to understand and interpret the influence of the Second Discussion Paper on political parties in Jordan, framed within the context of democratic theory. The analysis focused on the direct effects of the Discussion Paper on Jordan's political system, specifically examining the evolving role of political parties. Findings: The study found that the Second Discussion Paper significantly strengthened the role of political parties in Jordan by fostering national dialogue and supporting political pluralism. The Paper contributed to increased political participation by parties, enhanced their influence within the democratic process, and encouraged the development and reshaping of party roles within Jordan's political system. Conclusion: The study concluded that there is a strong correlation between the Second Discussion Paper and the development of Jordan's democratic system. The Paper contributed to empowering political parties, increasing their impact on political life, and reflecting the political leadership's commitment to ongoing democratic reforms.

Unmasking Authoritarian Constitutional Imaginary

Abstract This paper examines how the constitutional imaginary was transformed in Hungary after 2010, during the period of the right-wing populist government. While after the fall of the communist regime at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s there was a consensus that a Western-style democracy and the rule of law should be established in Hungary, and the democratic transition took place accordingly, 2010 was a turning point in the Hungarian constitutional development. The former right-wing opposition won a parliamentary supermajority in the general elections that year, which created an opportunity for the new government to unilaterally transform the country’s constitutional structure and at the same time introduce a new constitutional narrative. The paper analyzes this new kind of constitutional imaginary discussing its three main symbols, constitutional identity, the revival of the historical constitution, and the Christian culture. The study argues that these elements and other ideological features of the new constitutional order do not form a coherent system, nor did they create a new form of constitutionalism, but their primary goal has been to consolidate and strengthen the government’s power and make it exclusive. The Hungarian example shows how the constitutional imaginary has been instrumentalized during an authoritarian transition.

Renewable energy communities: Democratically legitimate agents in governing the energy transition?

It is crucial that the energy transition enfolds democratically, to increase its legitimacy and improve its outcomes. Although practitioners and scholars increasingly point to renewable energy communities (RECs) as legitimate agents for governing a democratic energy transition, RECs' democratic practices are poorly understood, which challenges assumptions about their legitimacy. We therefore analyzed how and to what extent democratic legitimacy is being pursued and met by RECs in their governance of renewable energy generation projects. Our comparative case study examined four different RECs in Utrecht, The Netherlands. We found that three out of the four studied RECs broadly meet the principles of energy democracy in the initial, developing and implementation phase of their energy generation projects. Significant differences between principles and RECs were found, which refutes the simplistic general assumption that RECs are either fully democratically legitimate or are not democratically legitimate at all. In reality, RECs face several trade-offs between democratic principles, which arise from the different legitimacy needs related to the REC's stage of maturity and the type of energy source it uses. To overcome these trade-offs and uphold legitimacy internally as well as with various stakeholders, RECs strategically organize participation and decision making in different governance spaces and prioritize certain specific legitimacy principles over others. Combining the concepts of energy democracy and democratic legitimacy has brought novel theoretical insights to the fore, and we recommend other researchers to further bridge these distinct but related fields of study.

Trajectories of post-authoritarian transitions: A comparative interpretation of Chile and South Africa, 1990–2010

ABSTRACT This comparative study delves into the post-authoritarian transitions of Chile and South Africa between 1990 and 2010, with a particular focus on the neoliberal economic institutional trajectories that have shaped their development regimes. Employing elite interviews and documentary analysis, we unveil six mechanisms through which these institutional pathways are legitimised and perpetuated, providing a nuanced understanding of the role neoliberalism plays in economic policies and institutional transformations within democratic transition contexts. Despite economic successes marked by reduced poverty levels and GDP growth, both countries have sustained high levels of inequality, challenging the efficacy of neoliberalism in addressing structural inequality issues. Our findings contribute to the comparative sociology debate on neoliberalism in economic policies, offering insights into the complexities and challenges faced by Chile and South Africa during their democratic transitions. This analysis not only highlights the persistence of neoliberal economic structures but also sheds light on their implications for social equity. By comparing these distinct yet similarly challenged transitions, this paper aims to enrich the understanding of neoliberalism's impact on post-authoritarian societies, providing valuable lessons for other nations navigating the precarious path from authoritarianism to democracy.

Economic perceptions and government approval in Chile: An analysis of democratic transition (1990–2022)

Economic perceptions and government approval in Chile: An analysis of democratic transition (1990–2022)

Generational change and democratic transitions in 14 Asian countries

Generations are the engine of political change. This is especially relevant in the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, which have had a variety of postwar democratic experiences while also encompassing over 60 percent of the world's youth. This article applies the four-fold democratic classification developed by Yun-han Chu and his colleagues to wave 5 of the Asian Barometer Survey to investigate how generational change is shaping democratic orientations in 14 Asia-Pacific countries. Our results show that generations are less important in shaping views of democracy than is the case in other parts of the world. While generations matter for the transition to democracy, they are less important in Asia than democratic experiences, socioeconomic status, or the country in which the person lives.

Narratives, expectations, and policy criteria for a democratic and socially engaging energy transition

Energy transition policies can be translated into narratives about how energy systems should change (e.g., towards a centralised or decentralised system). These narratives tend to reflect expectations, priorities, and perceptions on feasibility and the social acceptability of different policy options, as well as long-term goals and trade-offs, all of which influence policy criteria. Taking as its case study Portugal and the implementation of European directives there, this study aims to characterise energy transition narratives (e.g. a swift transformation to renewables) and interrelated policy criteria (e.g., participation of local communities), focusing on expectations for a socially engaging and democratic energy transition. The analysis builds on the results of a Delphi survey with 10 expert stakeholders, a citizens’ survey (n=500), and a workshop with 19 participants. It identifies the most relevant criteria to stakeholders, as well as the importance of different underlying expectations, meanings, and attitudes shaping narratives about energy system futures. The findings indicate that criteria interrelated to narratives which highlight a promise of democratic energy governance may be less important for energy transition policies, and therefore undermine energy democracy goals. The conclusion highlights suggestions for policy and future research more likely to foster sociopolitical acceptance.

Participation in Energy Transitions: A Comparison of Policy Styles

Stakeholder and public participation in policymaking for energy transitions is one of the most promising approaches to fulfilling the promises of a democratic sustainability transition. Over the years, many studies have been published about concepts, methodologies, and empirical results of participatory approaches and implementations. In this paper, we focus on the compatibility of participatory processes with different policy styles of democratic governance. We conducted a systematic literature search comparing different concepts of democratic governance and applying them to public participation, in particular that associated with energy transitions. Our main objective in this paper is to link the requirements for a sustainable energy transition to governance processes and structures; we further aim to delineate suitable formats for stakeholder and public participation. Our analysis provides a basis for a wide-ranging and multi-perspective research agenda that promises to provide a deeper understanding and explanation of complex governance arrangements for energy transitions. The five democratic policy styles that we selected for this review are: autocratic, adversarial, collaborative, reflexive, and inclusive governance. We conclude that none are adequate on their own, and so we put forth a novel hybrid we call the “mediative approach.” From this approach, we derive a new research framework for addressing the current challenges of democratic decision-making in energy transitions. Three pressing questions emerge, one relating to the interplay of top-down and bottom-up modes of governance; a second to the conditions for actor collaboration; and a third to the perception of democratic legitimacy by affected parties.

Labor-inclusive corporatism after democratic transitions: Institutionalization in South Africa and Brazil

Abstract Under what conditions has corporatist policymaking become institutionalized in newly transitioned democracies? I argue that transitions have provided temporary opportunities for unions to push for laws they can later use to protect their place in economic councils. The relevant sets of legal rules, which I call compulsory deliberation, enable non-‘State official’ members to resist governmental disruption of such councils despite them composing the Executive’s structure. I compare South Africa and Brazil, two ‘most similar’ cases that featured sequences of chronically unstable labor-excluding councils under authoritarian regimes. I argue that the former broke out of this trajectory while the latter did not because South African unions developed aspirations for durable policy influence before the transition, whereas Brazilian ones only did so afterward and thus mobilized too late. Although Brazilian governments have enacted dozens of regulations covering as many councils, these have only served as short-term instruments for marketing policies.

Education and Democratic Consolidation: A Report on Early Results

This article reports on the early results of a research project examining the interplay between education and democratic consolidation, with a particular focus on how this relationship is significantly influenced by a country’s economic status. It addresses a gap in the literature by investigating the role of education across diverse economic contexts, challenging the prevailing notion that education uniformly promotes democratic stability. This study replicates and extends Milan Svolik’s research, which concentrated on economic factors. By analyzing data from 98 countries between 1950 and 2008, the study demonstrates that transitional democracies face a higher risk of authoritarian reversal compared to their consolidated counterparts. The findings suggest that while education generally benefits democracy, its impact is more pronounced in transitional democracies, steering them toward democratic stabilization and progress. Moreover, the democratizing effect of education is even more potent in transitional democracies with low economic development. This pattern underscores the critical role of education as a strategic asset for reinforcing democratic stability in economically diverse contexts and advocates for targeted educational policies in transitional democracies that are most susceptible to authoritarian regression.

Early state socialism and eugenics: Premarital medical certificates in Czechoslovakia, East Germany, and Poland in the aftermath of World War II

The article discusses the immediate post-war persistence and subsequent rejection of eugenics in East-Central European socialist states, exploring the case of premarital medical certificates. Building our analysis on published and archival sources, we show that immediately after the war, policies formulated at the governmental level were informed by eugenic ideas in medical expertise. Premarital medical certificates were aimed at combatting contagious diseases and thus securing a healthy population. Their legal status varied: in Poland, they were formally introduced; in the Soviet Occupied Zone and East Germany, Nazi law was abolished, but local officials still advocated for the introduction of certificates; and in Czechoslovakia, medical certificates were planned but not introduced. Despite these differences, after a short period between 1949 and 1950, the attempts to put a measure into practice ended in all three countries. We argue that the communist takeover and consolidation of power played a decisive role. After 1950, premarital medical certificates were not discussed again in Czechoslovakia or East Germany; in Poland, the debate re-emerged in 1959–60 during political liberalization.

Psychological Techniques for Counselling Individuals on Sexual Attitudes and Discrimination

The importance of studying the psychology of sexuality and exploring counselling techniques for individuals dealing with sexual attitudes and discrimination is steadily growing on a global scale. In recent years, democratic reforms, the rise of the feminist movement, increased communication freedom between men and women, the surge of research across various scientific disciplines, and other factors have all contributed to the growing public interest in this branch of sexology. The present era is shaping new laws and patterns, which are still being defined within today’s science. Emerging are new types, categories, subdivisions, and fields that form the structural framework of this scientific field. The categories within the psychology of sexuality are regularly reassessed. Today, the development of sexology as a scientific field demands focused attention from both the scientific community and the state. This includes the publication of specialized literature, the training of university-level educators, the creation of master’s programmes, and the formal recognition of the psychologist-sexologist profession (psychologist-consultant in sexology), along with the opportunity to defend master’s and doctoral theses in this discipline. This reflects the dual challenge of clearly defining the scope of the psychology of sexuality while emphasizing the need for psychologists to be actively involved in sexology. The article highlights the psychologist’s role within sexological support services, presents various models of psychological counselling for individuals facing sexual attitude issues and discrimination, and outlines ethical principles in psychological counselling.

Purging Disloyal Courts in Democratic Transitions and Judicial Preferences

ABSTRACT∞ In this article, I examine court-purging in democratic transitions through the lens of judicial preferences. Specifically, I address the debate on how court-purging during a democratic transition affects the likelihood of future court-purging. I argue that the prevailing assumption is one of static, sincere judicial preferences. In contrast, I explicitly recognize the role of dynamic judicial preferences and incentives. This recognition suggests that transitional court-purging could be minimal and cautious, while the broader judicial context may eventually achieve the same policy outcomes. The dynamic perspective is crucial for understanding past court-purging strategies and for informing the conceptual debate about the rule of law in transitional justice.

Perfiles partidarios de los gabinetes en Panamá (1989-2023)

Objective/context: This article analyzes the partisan profiles of cabinets in Panama from the transition to democracy to the present day. Methodology: Using an original methodological approach, a case study is conducted to empirically measure the degree of partisanship among the ministers who have served in Panamanian cabinets since the democratic transition. Conclusions: The data reveal that Panama is a case of cabinet partisanship, despite the growing presence of independent ministers. The most prominent party members are rewarded with positions in the government and leadership of the most significant ministries. Originality: This work provides empirical evidence, based on a database compiled by the author, about the differences in party affiliation among various ministers. While some are strong figures within the party, others are newcomers. It offers previously unexplored data on a case study that has been scarcely addressed in the literature.

Navigating the Evolving Landscape of Higher Education: A Critical Examination of Governance and Policy

The contemporary university has evolved into a multifaceted institution, serving not only as a hub for research, professional training, and knowledge dissemination, but also as a pivotal component of economic machinery and societal advancement, especially within the context of globalization and intense competition. These institutions are now expected to significantly contribute to the socio-economic development of their surroundings, striving for excellence and competing within an increasingly interconnected global framework. To meet these heightened expectations, universities have undergone profound transformations over recent decades. This period of change is particularly notable within the Spanish context, mirroring the broader societal shifts since the onset of the democratic transition in 1975 through to the present day in 2024. This era has necessitated substantial reforms in university governance, equipping these institutions with the requisite tools to navigate and address emerging challenges effectively. A pivotal moment in this transformative journey was the enactment of the University Reform Law of 1983. Grounded in constitutional principles, this law marked a significant milestone in updating and revitalizing university education in Spain. After this, the Organic Law on Universities of 2001 further aligned the Spanish university framework with the broader European educational landscape, reinforcing the integration and competitiveness of Spanish institutions on a continental scale. However, to comprehensively grasp the magnitude and implications of these changes, it is essential to extend our analysis beyond the immediate past and explore the historical trajectory of Spanish universities over previous centuries. By examining this extensive historical context, we can better understand the foundational elements that have shaped the current state of higher education. This article aims to meticulously analyze the evolution of the Spanish university system, delineating the chronological progress, identifying persistent challenges, and engaging in a critical discourse on potential solutions. Through this examination, the article seeks to provide a nuanced understanding of the interplay between historical legacies and contemporary reforms, offering insights that are essential for shaping the future trajectory of higher education in Spain.

Revisiting the Debates on the 2010 Constitutional Referendum in Turkey: Democratic Transition or Authoritarian Populism?

This article revisits the scholarly debates on the AKP’s constitutional amendment package that was put to vote in the 2010 Constitutional Referendum. It takes the democratic theorist Andrew Arato and constitutional scholar Aslı Bali as major representatives of the two opposing views on the political implications of the reform proposal. It compares and contrasts their arguments particularly in light of their different assessments of the amendments which concern the restructuring of the judiciary, especially the Turkish Constitutional Court. It argues that their fundamental controversy with regard to the democratic or authoritarian nature of these amendments is rooted in the contrast between Bali’s predominantly contextual and Arato’s predominantly global approach. While Bali affirms the reform proposal as a democratic step forward in transcending the persistent legacy of the Kemalist authoritarian “tutelary” regime represented by the Constitutional Court, Arato interprets it as a manifestation of the global populist-authoritarian retreat that is expresses itself most visibly through assaults against the independent judiciary. After a critical reading of these two approaches, this paper finalizes by way of introducing a new framework that would counterbalance the contextual with the global and vice versa that would arguably provide a new perspective through which one could unveil the particular characteristics of the AKP’s populist constitutional politics at the time of the Referendum.

Legal challenges of the post-third wave of democracy: The European Union

Introduction: The development of democracy in the twenty-first century is a key factor determining global relations in the context of globalization. Socio-political transformations are of great importance, as their adequacy affects the duration and effectiveness of the development of societies and the preservation of national identity. Democratization, aimed at establishing a democratic system, has undergone significant changes in different historical periods, including the French Revolution. The purpose of this paper is to identify the legal challenges of the third wave of democracy in the European Union (EU) and ways to address them.Methods: To study the legal challenges of the post-third wave of democracy in the European Union, a comprehensive methodology was used that combines various research approaches and tools such as the comparative analysis, systems analysis, historical analysis, and philosophical analysis.Results: The article highlights the current aspects and challenges experienced by the European Union in the period after the third wave of democratic reforms. The authors analyze the development of political and legal systems of the EU countries. In particular, they examine the constitutional reform, the role of the rule of law and the state of civil society in the context of strengthening democracy. Special attention is paid to the role of international organizations in supporting democratic values and strengthening the legal system.Conclusions: This article presents a valuable contribution to understanding the current challenges and prospects for the democracy development in the European Union under conditions of globalization