Democratization Research Articles

Haunted by Reconciliation?

Abstract Conversations about race in South Africa continue to be shaped by a religious-redemptive narrative of reconciliation that emerged in the democratic transition. However, there is a history of critical Black and liberation theological voices questioning whether the religious/ethical ideal of reconciliation adequately addresses the injustices of systemic racism. These questions gained new resonance in recent years with social movements like #feesmustfall. This article asks whether the seemingly intractable hope that a theological concept of reconciliation will be efficacious in facilitating racial justice is warranted. We begin by reviewing and interrogating how reconciliation is being used in contemporary theological discourses, arguing that given rising discontent, it is striking that reconciliation continues to be a prominent theme and topic within South African Christian theological discourses. We then propose several alternatives that may help address the problem of white racism and benefit from the sustained energy that South African theology has been putting into the language of reconciliation.

Human Rights Legal Education in Times of Transition: Perspectives and Practices of Law Instructors in Myanmar

This mixed-methods study examines the human rights and human rights education and training (HRET) perspectives and practices of law educators in Myanmar during the democratic transition that ended with the 2021 coup. “Contextual, Theoretical, and Methodological Framing” provides an overview of legal and human rights education in Myanmar, discusses the potential of human rights education in law schools during democratic transitions, addresses why educators’ human rights and human rights education perspectives and practices are important to examine, and presents the research methodology. “Findings” presents findings based on the two phases of research during the transitional period: phase 1 (2015–2017)—law instructors’ perspectives and practices after participating in a multi-year HRET program; and phase 2 (2019–2020)—law instructors’ perspectives on the goals, challenges, and potential of HRET in Myanmar. The third section—“Discussion and Implications”—examines the contextual challenges and opportunities for human rights education as related to (1) critical human rights education, (2) practice-oriented HRET, and (3) administrative policies and practices for human rights and HRET within universities.

Might the bioethical principle of individual decisional autonomy have a politically liberalizing effect on soft authoritarian communities?

According to the bioethical principle of individual decisional autonomy, the patient has a right of informed consent to any medical or experimental procedure. The principle is politically liberal by advocating significant individual freedom as guaranteed by law and secured by civil liberties. When practiced in illiberal communities, might it have a political liberalizing effect? I respond first by analyzing cross-national norms of individual decisional autonomy to identify tensions with illiberal community; second, by examining examining Singapore in a single case study to show that liberal bioethics does not promote political liberalization; and third, by showing that the possibility of practicing liberal bioethics in research, clinically as well as in education, does not require a democratic order, and that liberal bioethics is unlikely to encourage the liberalization of illiberal political communities. Hence, it may never contribute to the development of globally effective cross-national norms for the legal regulation of bioethical research and clinical practice. Fourth, to bolster this analysis, I anticipate several possible objections to various of its aspects.

Data Journalism and the Impact of Politics: Examining Data Stories Produced Across Different Political Systems

ABSTRACT Data journalism in Western-centric research has been lauded for its contributions to investigative reporting and democracy, but forms and functions may vary across different political systems, as freedom of information laws and government attitudes towards data differ. This study examines 301 data stories produced by six prominent news outlets across different political systems – the liberal democracy, welfare state democracy, transitional democracy, electoral authoritarian regime, personalist dictatorship, and absolute monarchy – to discover how they vary in story assets and presentation, investigative elements, and journalistic norms and roles. Results indicate that data stories produced across all political systems have the tendency to focus on government and social issues, but when government influence and/or control of the press is greater, such stories based locally tend to be neutral in valence, feature fewer investigative and interactive elements, use government data sources and perform the civic role of the press. This is compared to stories based abroad, which may tend towards negative valence, contain more investigation and interactivity, feature more voices from civic society, and play a populist mobilizer role. That said, visualizations, objectivity, and transparency of data stories may be high across all political systems, with the news organization itself interpreting the data.

Social innovation and global citizenship: Guiding principles for sustainable, just and democratic energy transition in cities

In this paper, we examine the relationship of global citizenship to social innovation and propose a set of guiding principles to facilitate sustainable, just and democratic energy transitions in cities. We applied a participatory research approach beginning with interviews with stakeholders with expertise in citizenship, participation, or energy research and policy to develop search criteria, which were used to create a shortlist of 20 European citizen-driven energy projects. The criteria were: 1) democratic governance; 2) civil empowerment and capacity building; 3) human rights approach; 4) diversity of actors; and 5) sustainability. Key informants with relevant expertise were asked to score the 20 cases based on the search criteria, leading to a final selection of six exemplar cases from across Europe. Highlights from these initiatives included: empowerment of young community members in making decisions about the city's climate change response (Manchester), including citizen board members as regulators of energy partnerships (Viladecans), democratising activities through open voting (Leuven), and enabling community members to decide how to spend the surplus from collective energy purchases (Brixton). We argue that the integrated application of the global citizenship and social innovation concepts reveals a “sweet spot” at the interface between them that aids practical application. Social innovation perspectives can help depoliticise ideological positions around energy by bringing together “communities of makers”, while global citizenship concepts help to orient innovative proposals more clearly around social justice and environmental objectives. The five criteria are proposed as guiding principles to aid city authorities in energy transition contexts.

Ethnic Inequality, Democratic Transitions, and Democratic Breakdowns: Investigating an Asymmetrical Relationship

Ethnic Inequality, Democratic Transitions, and Democratic Breakdowns: Investigating an Asymmetrical Relationship

SOLDIERS’ CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS AND MILITARY JUSTICE: COMPARISON BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF MALDIVES, MALAYSIA AND OTHER JURISDICTIONS

In 2008, Maldivians promulgated a revised Constitution. The updated Constitution introduced several democratic reforms, such as the establishment of independent institutions, the protection of human rights, the introduction of a multi-party system, and the strengthening of the rule of law. Mainly fair and transparent hearings and fair administrative action. These reforms have allowed the Maldives to achieve a more open and transparent government. Nevertheless, since 2008 many cases ruled by Maldivian military judicators have been acquitted by the Maldivian civil justice system, which includes trial courts, the high court, and the supreme court. The civil justice system has determined that the military judicators have not followed due process, and thus the cases have been overturned. Additionally, the civil justice system has implemented several reforms and safeguards to ensure all citizens have access to a fair trial. This resulted in prejudice against military justice in the army. The primary goal of the military judicator is to maintain good order and discipline in the army, as discipline is the sole of every army. Therefore, this article thoroughly analyzes the unconstitutional limitations on constitutional rights by the Maldivian military judiciaries and the legal implications that follow. It emphasizes the crucial significance of maintaining the rule of law, promoting good governance, ensuring military justice, and preserving national stability. Furthermore, it draws insightful comparisons between Malaysia and other relevant jurisdictions.

Installing Democracy

Transitional justice is a framework for dealing with past atrocities that are on such a large scale and so horrific that the usual institutions and justice system are unable to adequately address them. Countries in Latin America that transitioned from dictatorship to democracy in the 1980s pursued transitional justice when deciding how to meet the demands of victims and what to do with perpetrators. The interdisciplinary field of transitional justice studies is robust within the social sciences and law. Yet artistic production engages in dialogues with the official and unofficial stories of the dictatorships and their legacies and also contributes to understanding transitions to democracy. This essay examines how visual art in Uruguay engages with transitional justice and memory of the dictatorship (1973–85), taking as a case study the installation Artista de mierda (Artist of Shit, 2019) by Fernando Barrios (b. 1968). Nearly four decades after Uruguay began its democratic transition, the struggle over which narratives would dominate the collective memory of state terror and what society should do about the open wounds of the dictatorship continues to be negotiated. Beyond merely reflecting common discourses about the dictatorship and democracy, Artista de mierda engages with the memory of state violence and reveals how Uruguay’s incomplete transition to democracy and its embrace of neoliberalism exacerbate inequality and create conditions for certain political figures and artists to rise to prominence within their respective fields.

Constitutional amendments as a mechanism to pursue different goals in the context of internal and external challenges

This article reviews the constitutional evolution of Russia and Mexico in order to determine the causes for their current differences regarding their policies and governance systems after sharing similar characteristics during their political and economic liberalization period over three decades ago. The subject of this research are constitutional amendments, their frequency by type (article or section) and initiators (institutions and actors) in both countries. Results are compared with the main theories of the main experts in the field as well as speeches by leading government figures to identify and explain discrepancies. The goal consists in finding the causes and purposes of constitutional amendments to determine a hierarchy of actors and their capacity and instruments required in establishing national policies. In order to achieve the research goal, the author carries out a comparative analysis regarding the evolution of both nations at a political and constitutional level, furthermore, external threats are analyzed regarding their ability to influence the decisions behind the main actors regarding the overall course of both nations. In conclusion, the author underlines the importance in initial position of the country within the larger order of nations as a determinant in its course regardless of the implementation of foreign policies and practices. In the same manner, the role of the Mexican and Russian presidents as regulators of the internal power dynamics and overall system of governance is noted in both countries. This article represents a conceptual framework for supporting constitutional studies in the context of comparative analysis to assess the capacity of government institutions in reacting to the challenges of their external context. The detailed theoretical and practical approach towards analyzing constitutional amendments was conducted by means of comparing a quantitative and qualitative analysis that allowed determining the prospects of a standardized system for future comparative studies.

The Imperative to Shift Armenia’s Peripherality: Contradictions of Institutionalisation and Functioning in Conditions of Democratic Transition

This article offers a discussion about the possibility for Armenia’s democratisation, and shift of its peripherality. The intention is to develop a thinking around the opportunities towards creating an environment in which a democratic transformation may be possible. The article uses the centre-periphery model and a decentring research agenda to build on the argument and a possibility for the shift of Armenia’s peripherality by means of its civil society. The article argues that if the former practices have failed the country today, it may be relevant to consider the shifting of former practices, which may as well result in shifting country’s peripherality. In this context, the process of democratisation of modern Armenia, which is conditioned by a number of factors, presupposing, first of all, the active participation of its civil society, is analysed. This article concentrates on the analysis of one of the necessary conditions for democracy and democratic transition, namely country’s local agency, the civil society. The article is prepared based on the premise that public policies shall follow opinion and expertise of country’s local agency.

Democracy, natural resources, and agricultural aid in Africa: Exploring the complex nexus of aid effectiveness and resource rent dependency

AbstractThe aid effectiveness is continually debated in development economics; there is no consensus among scholars on the impact of aid in developing countries, even though characterized by good institutions. An emerging issue in this discussion is the role of natural resources in determining the nature of the agricultural ODA (Official Development Assistance) and democracy nexus. Consequently, this study examines the effect of democracy on the agricultural ODA in Africa and how the country's natural resource rents mitigate this relationship using panel data of 50 countries over the 1995–2019 period. A set of econometric tools is used to estimate the time‐series cross‐sectional models, which include country fixed‐effects model and system generalized method of moments (system GMM), both to account for potential endogeneity and confoundedness issues. Regression results show a long‐run positive effect of democracy on agricultural ODA. However, this relationship is nonlinear. The interaction between democracy and resources indicates that natural resource wealth mitigates the positive gains from democracy on agricultural ODA. The study concludes that, while democratic reforms enhance the effectiveness of foreign aid directed to the agricultural sector, this positive effect depends on the natural‐resource wealth status of the country.

A bibliometric journey into research trends in curriculum field: Analysis of two journals

The field of curriculum is characterized by its porous and evolving boundaries, which are influenced by ongoing shifts in sociological, technological, scientific, and political domains. Given this dynamic context, the field necessitates continuous advancements to address these evolving trends. Consequently, its scope and prevailing research foci are subject to change, thereby shaping curricular adaptations. The primary objective of this study is to delineate the contemporary scope of curriculum studies by examining prevailing topics of discourse. Research articles published in two selected journals—Curriculum Inquiry and Journal of Curriculum Studies—were analyzed to achieve this. These journals were chosen for their alignment with the study's objective and were employed as primary data sources. A bibliometric analysis was conducted on data harvested from these publications, utilizing descriptive statistics through the Web of Science (WoS) system as an initial analytical step. Subsequently, VOSviewer software was employed for advanced bibliometric analyses. The study's findings offer both visual and descriptive insights into how the thematic focus within curriculum studies has shifted over time. Notably, recent discussions within the field underscore the exigency for democratic curriculum reforms. Moreover, the issues addressed by the selected journals closely align with current societal challenges.

The Rule of Law and Criminality in the Republic of Kosovo

The principle of the state of law is undoubtedly one of the most important and essential principles for any state and democratic society. Its fullest realisation in everyday life is the best guarantee for the development of democracy as well as recognition and enforcement of citizensʼ fundamental rights and freedoms. To this end, the general principles of the rule of law today occupy a special place and are fixed explicitly in contemporary constitutions and democratic legislation. However, it should be borne in mind that the existence of the constitutional and legal framework is only a necessary premise for the rule of law. Equally important is the functioning of various control mechanisms for the implementation of constitutional and legal norms, and especially, the creation of a new mentality among both public officials and citizens expressed in the awareness to the needs for the implementation of these norms and in the reaction with legal and democratic means against their violation by anyone. The Balkan Peninsula represents great strategic importance, not only for the surrounding states but also for the criminal groups that interact in this region. Many Balkan states have been through and currently are in deep democratic transition and it is difficult to break away from their historical past. Although many law enforcement agencies in this region stand out for their professionalism, the impact of consecutive wars presents decisive factors for the triumph or failure of law enforcement institutions against various crimes in this European area. The last war was waged in Kosovo, which ceased in June 1999, has a significant importance in the increase of criminality in Kosovo. After 1999, due to poorly controlled borders, lack of legislation, creation of a new police, and the establishment of the justice system, many criminal groups from the field of narco-criminality took advantage of this situation by creating organized criminal networks for the purpose of trafficking narcotic substances and psychotropic substances from the country of origin, transiting through Kosovo, and continuing towards the country of destination which was in Western Europe. The current internal processes that Kosovo is facing are economic and social development, which are still far from regional and European development structures, which as a result of poverty and lack of perspective, for a significant part of Kosovan society, are resulting with a high crime rate. The geostrategic position of the Republic of Kosovo in the Balkans, as well as the created post-war conditions, enables various criminal groups to carry out organised crime activities. High levels of unemployment and poverty, high levels of corruption in state institutions, and lack of free movement outside Kosovo contribute to creating appropriate conditions for the development of criminality in general and organised crime in particular. In support of various analyses conducted during the research, is the author has noticed that the Republic of Kosovo, compared to EU countries, has a lower level of criminality, while compared to countries in the region where the criminality level is higher.

Inclusive education in the course of democratic transitions in the Republic of South Africa

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie zagadnienia edukacji inkluzyjnej w Republice Południowej Afryki (RPA). RPA to kraj o niezwykle zróżnicowanym społeczeństwie, różnorodnym pod względem kulturowym, językowym i rasowym. W obliczu przemian ustrojowych zbudowanie nowej strategii edukacyjnej w duchu „zjednoczenia w różnorodności” stanowiło wielkie wyzwanie. Idea edukacji inkluzyjnej jest tam obecnie szeroko promowana, również w kontekście uczniów o specjalnych potrzebach edukacyjnych. Idea „zjednoczenia w różnorodności” (Unity in Diversity) nawołuje do otwartości na różne perspektywy i światopoglądy oraz do odnoszenia się do osób wychowanych w innych kulturach z szacunkiem. Zrozumienie własnych poglądów i przekonań możliwe jest tylko w zestawieniu z czymś odmiennym – również w kontekście edukacji.

In Search of a “Newer and Truer” Literature: Thomas Phillips Thompson and The Labor Advocate

This article describes the uses of literature in The Labor Advocate: A Weekly Labor Reform Newspaper (Toronto, 1890-91). As editor of the Advocate, Thomas Phillips Thompson aimed to increase awareness of the means and consequences of industrial capitalism, and thus enhance the possibility of social justice for the working class. He did so in a mixed format periodical that included poetry, short fiction, and serialized novels as well as editorials, biographies, obituaries, reports, letters, and columns. Over forty-four issues, Thompson experimented with literary expression to attract readers and foster the democratic reform of social organization. Analysis of the Advocate points to the importance of communication strategies in both the early history of the Canadian labour press and the longer history of labour in transnational contexts.

Rethinking community security in Uganda: Integrating community policing with intelligence-led policing

ABSTRACT Contemporary changes in crime reveal the need to enhance law enforcement methods such as Community Policing with intelligence-based approaches for sustained community–police partnerships and improved community participation in ensuring safety. Community participation and partnership with law enforcers is essential for identification of threats and vulnerabilities, collection, analysis and sharing of crime data and problem solving. Uganda’s Community Policing has since 1989 focused on image construction, trust and confidence building for the police within the community and underscoring police relevancy in a transitional democracy while crime remained steadily high. The introduction of crime preventers and Local Defence Units (LDUs) to back-up police in handling crime, patrol neighbourhoods and gather intelligence has instead attracted accusations against law enforcers for excessive use of force, human rights violations and involvement in crime. Intelligence led policing (ILP) aims at enhancing community safety based on analysed information for strategic, operational and tactical benefits in crime prevention. Using secondary sources of data, the paper argues that while Community Policing has been preferred in crime prevention, intelligence gathering for purposes of investigating and preventing crime has remained poor. It recommended that Community Policing is integrated with ILP for effective detection, prevention, management of crime and enhanced community security.

Monastic Authority and Legitimizing Religio-Political Activism: Buddhist Nationalist Monks in Myanmar

Abstract The Buddhist nationalist movements that emerged during the political and economic liberalization of the second parliamentarian period (2011–2021) in Burma/Myanmar provide unique material for the study of monastic authority. The aim of this article is to examine two overlapping dynamics regarding how monastic authority is established and undermined. As for the first dynamic, the article examines three strategies in Buddhist nationalist sermons aiming to provide legitimacy for the nationalist monks. The second dynamic is a political outgroup criticism that became more common during the period in question. The article makes a distinction between generic monastic authority, which is the fundamental one, and nationalist monastic authority, as they are legitimized and established in different ways. Finally, the article argues that recognition of monastic authority by laypeople is based not merely on trust and respect but tends to be a more complex process.

The Concept of ‘Militant Democracy’ in the Context of Russia’s Armed Aggression Against Ukraine

Background: The fall of a dictatorship is accompanied by a period of democratic transit, which necessitates the use of special measures to protect a young and, thus far, unstable democracy. This model’s use began in practice after the Second World War in connection with the spread of the doctrine of "democracy capable of defending itself," also known as militant democracy (English) or Wehrhafte (Streitbare) Demokratie (German). The flagship here was the German science of constitutional law, which formed the tools for the creation of a new legal system accounting for the mistakes of the Weimar Republic. This experience is especially relevant for Ukraine, as since 2014, it has faced external armed aggression by revanchist forces that took power from the heir of the Soviet empire, Russia, in which a totalitarian regime was established and became a full-fledged aggressor state. Methods: The following methods were used in the work to study the concept of militant democracy in the conditions of Russia's armed aggression against Ukraine. The system multi-structural method was utilized to discover the means of militant democracy in Ukraine (ban of political parties, lustration, etc.), as well as problems associated with the use of certain militant democracy means. The logical-legal method made it possible to identify the essence of the decisions of the constitutional, supreme, and other courts, the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights, in which the means of militant democracy were used or the legality of their use was assessed (legality, constitutionality, or compliance with the European Convention on Human Rights). The comparative method justified the implementation of different countries’ experience (primarily, European) in reforming the constitutional and legislative regulation of the militant democracy in Ukraine and the mechanisms required for further action. Results and Conclusions: The work contains proposals for the constitutional and legislative improvement of the regulation of the means of militant democracy in Ukraine, which are based on the pre-existing experiences across the world and the use of already existing practices that have been successfully tested and achieved results.

Phenomenological Views of Pancasila Perspectives about Democracy

As Indonesia navigates its complex path towards economic and political modernization, the transition to democracy has seen it evolve into an industrial society. However, this change has inadequately empowered vital economic sectors for public welfare. Additionally, the nation's unstable democratic politics stray from Pancasila, Indonesia's guiding philosophical principles advocating for deliberative dialogue. Over the past 15 years, developmental politics and political liberalization have clashed, undermining both the collective economy and cultural wisdom, and eroding Indonesia's unique cultural identity. This has stirred doubts about the fit of democracy within Indonesia's nation-state construct. The ensuing research aims to reevaluate indigenous wisdom and political ideologies ingrained in Indonesia's diverse ethnic landscape, focusing on untapped social capital to bolster the democratic framework. The study comprises two key research areas: one looks at ethnic communities like Wajo and Minang, and the second studies social dynamics in various Java city parks. Grounded in Consultative Democracy and examined through a phenomenological lens, the research sits within the broader arena of political anthropology. It uses a qualitative-interpretive methodology to delve into culture, economics, and politics, aspiring to enrich our understanding of their intricate interconnections in modern Indonesia and contribute to a nuanced dialogue on Indonesia's democratic viability

The limits of currency politics

AbstractIn Locke’s philosophy money is ‘naturalised’ and thus ostensibly removed from political contestation. Locke has been criticised for marginalising monetary politics, and thus downplaying the conventional character of money that could potentially allow for democratic monetary reform. Drawing on Marx’s writings, this paper shows that money is indeed a social convention, but its inherent economic functioning restricts its susceptibility to political contestation. There are limits to the democratic reform of money in a capitalist economy that spring from money’s own nature.Specifically, the politics of money is rooted in the tension between money as measure of value and money as unit of account. The state draws political power from setting the unit of account, but the measurement of value occurs spontaneously among commodity producers, thereby generating tension that curbs monetary politics. In contemporary conditions, this is typified by central banks having the freedom to manage the unit of account but subject to heavy economic constraints rooted in value measurement. In this light, democratic monetary reform requires restricting the spontaneous measurement of value, thus intervening at the heart of the capitalist economy. For money to be democratic it needs to have a much narrower range of economic functioning.