Top Civil Research Articles

More politicians, more corruption: evidence from Swedish municipalities

In the literature on political economy and public choice, it is typically assumed that government size correlates positively with public corruption. The empirical literature, however, is inconclusive, owing to both measurement problems and endogeneity. This paper creates a corruption index based on original data from a survey covering top politicians and civil servants in all Swedish municipalities. The effect of more politicians on corruption problems is analyzed using discontinuities in the required minimum size of local councils. Despite the fact that Sweden consistently has been ranked among the least corrupt countries in the world, the survey suggest that non-trivial corruption problems are present in Sweden. Municipalities with more local council seats have more reported corruption problems, and the regression discontinuity design suggests that the effect is causal.

Sensor Node Failure Detection using Multiway Tree based Round Trip Path in Wireless Sensor Networks

To upgrade the Quality of Services among the sensor node correspondence in WSN, the recognizing confirmation of sensor node range, ID of reduced sensor nodes, amounts of sensor nodes included, recognizable proof of issue nodes are the over the top testing civil argument. The main objective of this work is to identify the faulty node, its readings, detection of the malfunctioning nodes. Round Trip Path is used to evaluate the Round Trip Delay time with which the information about the sensor nodes is accomplished. In perspective of the round trek deferral time esteem, the deficiency node is diagnosed. The detection of the faulty node is determined by the previous work but the obtained path for the detection is more. In the proposed Multi way Tree based Round Trip Path (MTrTP) system, the faulty node is identified with less number of paths when compared to the existing work. In this method, the shortcoming sensor node is recognized, by measuring the RTD time of every single possible way and the results are appeared differently in relation to edge esteem. MTrTP system is had a go at using six at mega sensor nodes with Xbee Series2 ZigBee modules. By taking a gander at the distinctive results got using the RTD examination, MTrTP strategy exhibits that, it will give raised results in regards to number of RTP and investigation time. In this work, diverse gained results are plotted and the relating examinations are inspected. The plotted result of the existing work and the current work is compared. The proposed work has much more advantages when compared to existing because the number of path obtained and the analysis time for the fault node detection is less. Thus, the detection of the fault node is determined by the MTrTP algorithm. Therefore, the lifetime of the wireless sensor network, the degree of coverage and connectivity among the sensor network are increased. This work can be used for industrial automation and all WSN applications.

Support from below? Supranational institutions, regional élites and governance preferences

AbstractThere has been little research on élite preferences regarding supranational integration. Regional élites have been particularly neglected, even though they are implementers of European policies and programmes and therefore contribute to the integration process. To bridge this gap, this article explores the preferences of top regional civil servants – regio-crats – towards one of the most prominent supranational institutions, the European Commission. We put five explanations to the test. Support in favour of a stronger, more autonomous Commission can be driven by (1) pragmatic inter-institutional alliances, (2) the domestic distribution of power, (3) benefits derived from the integration process itself, (4) identity and identification elements and (5) transactionalism. We find support for three of these explanations as inter-institutional relations, perceived benefits and region-specific identity characteristics contribute to and account for regio-crat preferences. This resonates with interest- versus value-based approaches to European Union (EU) integration and contributes towards a better understanding of the dynamics at play in integrating multi-jurisdictional polities, of which the EU is an example.

Kenya's Antipolitics

For reform to succeed, the range of effective interests with a voice at the table must extend beyond those of the political class—made up of top politicians and civil servants with remarkable staying power….

Pakistan's Nuclear Testing

South Asia’s security profile underwent a major transformation following India’s nuclear tests on May 11 and 13, 1998, and Pakistan’s matching response on May 28 and 30. These actions brought an end to the policy of nuclear ambiguity–that despite having nuclear weapon capability, weaponization was avoided–the two countries had been pursuing since the mid-1980s. As a result, the tests made “South Asia and the world a more dangerous place.”1 It could be argued that Pakistan’s response was predictable after India resorted to nuclear explosions because Pakistan had traditionally tagged its nuclear policy with that of India. However, there were signs in the aftermath of India’s nuclear testing that Pakistan might delay but not abandon further nuclear detonations. In the first flush of the nuclear dawn, the Pakistani government withstood the pressure of the pro-bomb domestic groups, who argued that India’s explosions had created a zero-sum situation for Pakistan. The top civil and military leadership summoned the country’s leading nuclear scientists within hours of India’s nuclear explosions on May 11 for a briefing on Pakistan’s preparedness to undertake its own nuclear detonations. The scientists were instructed to begin preparatory work on the already-selected site in Chagai (Balochistan). However, it was not until May 20 that the decisive tilt in favor of testing began to take shape. By May 24–25, the top civil and military leaders made up their minds in favor. The final signal was given in the early hours of May 28.

THE ARMY, THE STATE, AND THE ‘RAWLINGS REVOLUTION’ IN GHANA

SINCE Independence in 1957, the masses of Ghana have been hoping for something dramatic on the political scene; they have been hoping for an earthshaking change in the foundation of the power structure which has been ruling their lives, for an end to the seemingly endless cycle of poverty, deprivation and want. They have been hoping for something which will remove their anxieties, guarantee the future of their children, and fulfil their aspirations. In a way, they have been hoping for something which will give them a sense of selffulfilment. It was hoped that Nkrumah would achieve this, but in spite of commendable efforts, the dream did not materialize. Will it work this time? To what extent has the 4 June 'Rawlings Revolution' ushered in the new era claimed by the coup leaders? Has Ghana at long last hitched on the vehicle which will, hopefully, translate the hopes and aspirations of the broad masses of the people into reality? Or is this just a moment in the dialectic, a temporary phase in the intense struggle between different fractions of the petty bourgeoisie to gain control over the state apparatus and redirect resources more beneficially to their sectional interests? Has the exit of Rawlings and his colleagues in the last week of September 1979 meant an end to the Rawlings phenomenon? What meaning should be attached to Rawlings's intervention within the constellation of class forces within Ghanaian politics? The emergence of Rawlings on the Ghanaian political scene was as dramatic as his exit in late September 1979, rivalling in sense of drama only the extravaganzas of the James Bond films. How else could one characterize the episode of a man who only two weeks before was being held in a condemned cell for leading a section of junior officers in an unsuccessful attempt at insurrection, yet manages to escape to lead this time a successful one against the incumbent junta of senior army officers? Not only that, in a move characterized as a 'cleaning-up' operation, the new junta executes eight senior army, air force and naval officers, including three former Heads of State, for 'crimes against the state', sends hundreds of 'corrupt' officers and civilians to long prison sentences, dismisses a number of top senior civil servants and police officers (shaking the foundations of petty bourgeois power), and yet allows scheduled elections to go ahead as planned ten days after the seizure of power. Three months later, amidst