Soft Power Tool Research Articles

Mongolia’s Soft Power Tools in Relation to Russian Regions at the Beginning of the 21st Century.

This article discusses the features of international relations in Inner Asia through the prism of the Russian-Mongolian relationship. The specifics of contemporary bilateral relationships is determined by the nature of mutual influence in the economic, political and humanitarian spheres. The aim of this research is to analyze Mongolian implementation of the concept of ‘soft power’ in relation to the regions of Russia, which are culturally and historically defined as a ‘Mongolian world’. It was revealed that the foreign policy of Mongolia in relation to Russian regions such as the Republic of Buryatia, Republic of Tuva, Irkutsk and Trans-Baikal regions is being implemented in several directions. The first one is daily trade and economic contacts between Russian and Mongolian citizens. The second direction is represented by ethno-cultural holidays and festivals, within the framework of which the Mongolian language and traditions are promoted. The existing demand for the preservation and development of national cultures and languages of the indigenous peoples of Russia creates conditions for stimulating interest in all Mongolian language, literature, clothing, cuisine, cultural and sports events. Finally, Mongolia's success in fighting the pandemic during 2020 and its humanitarian assistance to the Russian regions affected by Coronavirus are also tools of ‘soft power’. The result of this policy is the spread of Mongolian influence in the border regions of the Russian Federation. In this regard, Moscow should also pay certain attention to these processes when building a strategy of bilateral relations at state level.

The Key Components of South Korea’s Soft Power: Challenges and Trends

To this day political processes are less and less impacted by military force. States are increasingly resorting to the use of means of latent influence or relying on cultural attraction. Such phenomena have led to the emergence of soft power in international relations. Many countries, including the Republic of Korea, effectively use soft power tools in implementing policies at various levels. This manuscript seeks to analyze the main soft power components and tools of the Republic of Korea in foreign policy. The paper examines the background of the formation and development of soft power strategies. Many factors have predetermined the growing popularity of Korean culture, a phenomenon subsequently called the Korean Wave (Hallyu). This paper identifies the main elements of the Hallyu, including public diplomacy and South Koreas cultural economy exporting pop culture, entertainment, music, TV dramas, and movies, and examines how these elements complement each other.

Linguocultural Organization of the International Broadcasting in Russia Today

In modern political and socio-cultural realities, a special role and importance are assigned to international broadcasting as a technology for positioning a content-producing country in the external environment, i. e. the global media space. The subject of this study is the explication of the specifics of the linguocultural organization of international broadcasting. The experience of Russia Today was taken as the flagship of international broadcasting in the Russian segment of the media space, through its activities influencing the formation of the geopolitical situation in the modern globalizing world. A complex of methods was used: historical and political analysis, structural analysis, contextual analysis, secondary analysis of sociological and statistical data. The empirical base was made up of four editions of the Sputnik Agency (Sputnik International, Sputnik Polska, Sputnik Trkiye, and Sputnik Belarus), representing various linguocultures - with differentiated ethnic and religious characteristics that have not only linguistic but also cultural manifestations in general. Based on the results of the study, it is concluded that the linguocultural organization of international broadcasting is considered as a means of implementing the diplomatic mission of the state-broadcaster with soft power tools in the globalizing world. It is based on the representation of positioning content, taking into account ethnicity, religion together with the linguistic and cultural characteristics of the audience. Both the effectiveness of promoting program statements and ideas and strengthening the countrys geopolitics depend on the degree of linguocultural orientation of international broadcasting activities.

Covid-19 and Quad’s “Soft” Reorientation

Quadrilateral Security Dialogue comprises a group of countries – the US, Japan, Australia, and India, that started maritime collaboration in the wake of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami. The initiative lasted for a brief period before falling apart in 2008. The countries re-banded together in 2017 to consult on ensuring greater security and prosperity in a “free and open Indo-Pacific region”, and a rules-based order. During the Covid-19 pandemic, the group has been partnering on soft security aspects such as vaccine development and distribution. The paper suggests that this allows the group to become first movers in the areas of specific functional challenges. This paper looks at the role of health diplomacy in the region as a soft power tool. The theory is based on the works of Professor Joseph Nye who first coined the term 'soft power'. It focuses on the role of India in strategic altruism to enhance Quad’s strategic influence in the region. Expanding global vaccine supply is an example of reaching out to low- and middle-income countries. The paper argues that enhancing such cooperative mechanisms will allow Quad to balance its cooperative and competitive outlook in the region, linking its security with prosperity and development objectives.

New Tools of Soft Power: Turkey's Education and Science Diplomacy

New Tools of Soft Power: Turkey's Education and Science Diplomacy

India’s Health Diplomacy as a Soft Power Tool towards Africa: Humanitarian and Geopolitical Analysis

India and Africa have been sharing a multidimensional relationship of cooperation and friendship since the ancient civilizations. The COVID-19 pandemic has brought new possibilities and opportunities for India to leverage its soft power diplomacy towards Africa. The paper’s main focus is to analyze how India has made soft power part of its foreign policy and examine India’s relationship with the African continent through health diplomacy. A literature search was done in major databases, such as Web of Science, Medicine/PubMed, Scopus, OVID, and Google Scholar search engine to gather relevant information. Through humanitarian assistance and geopolitical influence, India had won the support and heart of Africans. Besides, India has become a global healthcare provider in the African continent through its global health diplomacy and vaccine diplomacy. India has achieved impressive gains through its soft power diplomacy and has become a compassionate and benevolent actor in the African continent.

Academic mobility through the prism of the system of international relations: Kazakhstan dimension

Higher international education in international relations has acquired an important place and mode as an apparatus of soft power latterly. Situation of today the pandemic and the massive transition to a remote regime, give us enough reasons to consider many spheres of life in greater depth. The purpose of the study in this article is to define the role of academic mobility as a soft power tool in the system of international relations on the basis of a survey of participants in academic mobility. Methods and approaches. The methodological basis of the study was based on general theoretical framework, the principle of consistency and the Google Form Survey. Results and findings: a survey was conducted among participants of academic mobility; trends in academic mobility was defined; the impact of the pandemic on traditional academic mobility was analyzed. Conclusion and practical significance: The role of international higher education in international relations is shown through the use of academic mobility as a soft power tool. The analysis carried out in the article revealed that the topic of higher international education as one of the soft power apparatus for external policy strategies is at the beginning of its development trajectories in the theory of international relations. This study may be used to incorporate certain provisions into the Foreign Policy Strategy of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Key words: soft power, international higher education, academic mobility, virtual academic mobility, Kazakhstan.

Qatar Soft Power: From Rising to the Crisis

Qatar has recently become a regional power and an influential actor in international politics. Qatar has adopted a foreign policy of soft power, which played a prominent role in the rise of the international scene. On 5 June 2017, a diplomatic boycott crisis has erupted against Qatar. The Arab Quartet imposed a complete blockade on Qatar and stated 13 demands. The study explores Qatar’s soft power tools such as lobbying, international mediation, scholarships, foreign aids, Al Jazeera network, which has created a national brand for Qatar. With the non-coercive foreign policy, Qatar’s stance in regional politics has transformed from neutrality to influence. This study will investigate the underlying political, ideological, and strategical factors of the 2017 crisis that has manifested the power struggles in the Gulf, the role of Qatar's foreign policy of soft power in the context of the crisis. Finally, the study will analyze whether the current situation demonstrates transient appeasement or a permanent resolution.

The politics and ethical dilemmas of architectural conservation in an unrecognised state: insights from northern Cyprus

ABSTRACT There is little known about the architectural conservation policies, mechanisms, and dynamics within the contested boundaries of unrecognised states. This paper redresses this lack of information and discusses the situation in northern Cyprus, an exemplary case of a long-surviving de facto state. Following its secession in 1974, the Turkish Cypriot community assumed responsibility for a substantial portfolio of monuments and heritage structures with complex ethnoreligious legacies. Except for some limited local resources, conservation works have been externally-funded, mainly from Turkey, the United Nations, the United States, and the European Union. This paper explores conservation governance and the diplomatic manoeuvrings of the local and international actors . There are de facto authorities, which keep cultural heritage under their control but cannot safeguard it, and the Greek Cypriot-led Republic of Cyprus, which links the conservation of cultural heritage to resolving the Cyprus problem. As well, there are foreign agents whose growing heritage diplomacies mark their presence in northern Cyprus by providing support for conservation. The analysis reveals an imbroglio with numerous complexities and potential ethical issues and dilemmas. It suggests that heritage conservation in an unrecognised state becomes a tool of soft power for international actors and is linked to wider geo-political tensions.

السیاسة الروسیة الجدیدة فى المنطقة العربیة : دراسة فى أدوات القوة الناعمة وفعالیتها

تتناول هذه الدراسة مکانة وآليات وأدوات القوة الناعمة فى السياسة الروسية الجديدة بمنطقة الشرق الأوسط عموما والمنطقة العربية على وجه الخصوص؛ وحاولت معالجة والتحقق من الافتراض الرئيسى لها وهو : غلبة الترکيز على ابعاد القوة الصلبة العسکرية تحديدا في تدخلات روسيا وادوارها في منطقة الشرق الأوسط والمنطقة العربية؛ وتوظيف السياسة الروسية بالتوازي لأدوات القوة الناعمة في سعيها لتحقيق أهدافها. وعرضت الدراسةملامح تغييرالسياسةالروسيةتجاه قضايا ومشکلات المنطقةالعربية،وذلک من خلال تحليل أهداف السياسة الروسية الجديدة فى المنطقة؛ وأدوات القوة الناعمة التى اعتمدتها روسيا للوصول إلى أهدافها؛ وکذلک تقييم فاعلية کل أداة من هذه الأدوات وبيان أوجه القصور والخلل فيها . وقد تم تقسيم الدراسة لعدة أقسام هى : أولا؛ والذى تضمن تعريف مفهوم القوة الناعمة وتمييزه عن المفاهيم المختلطة به مثل القوة الحادة والقوة الافتراضية أو القوة الإلکترونية والقوة الحيوية . ورصد القسم الثانى من الدراسة أهداف السياسة الروسية الجديدة فى الشرق الأوسط والمنطقة العربية خلال الفترة بين عامى 2012 و2020. وعرض القسم الثالث؛ التصور الروسى لأدوات القوة الناعمة والتى ارتبطت إلى حد بعيد برؤية وأفکار الرئيس الروسى فلاديمير بوتين علاوة على ضغوط البيئتين الدولية والإقليمية وعرض القسم الأخير من الدراسة لتطور مکانة وترتيب روسيا على مقياس القوة الناعمة فى الفترة بين عامى 2016 و2019. وکشفت الخاتمةة عن وجود عدة معوقات وقيود على فعالية أدوات القوة الناعمة للسياسة الروسية الجديدة فى منطقة الشرق الأوسط عموما ومع الدول العربية على وجه الخصوص؛ غير أن السياسة الروسية الجديدة تمکنت من خلال الأستخدام والتوظيف الجيد لأدوات القوة الناعم ةحققت بعض المنجزات التى من أهمها : نجاح أدوات القوة الناعمة لاسيما تلک المتعلقة بجذب وتوطين الاستثمارات المشترکة فى قطاعى الطاقة وصناعة الأسلحة؛ واستعادة الصورة الإيجابية لروسيا لدى الشباب العربى؛ مما يشير إلى نجاح مساعى السياسة الخارجية الروسية فى عهد فلاديمير بوتين في الشرق الأوسط فى إعادة تشکيل مواقف العرب تجاه روسيا بما يعزز من مکانتها کأکبر حليف دولي في المنطقة في الوقت الحاضر والمستقبل القريب. الکلمات الدالة: السياسة الروسية؛ المنطقة العربية؛ القوة الناعمة؛ فلاديمير بوتين؛ الاقتصاد الروسى، مبيعات الأسلحة الروسية . Abstract: This study deals with the status, mechanisms and tools of soft power in the new Russian policy in the Middle East region in general and the Arab region in particular. And it tried to address and verify its main assumption, which is: the predominance of focus on the dimensions of military hard power, specifically in Russia's interventions and roles in the Middle East and the Arab region, but the analysis showed the use of Russian policy in parallel with soft power tools in its pursuit of its goals. The study presented the features and reasons for changing the Russian policy towards the issues and problems of the Arab region, by analyzing and explaining the objectives of the new Russian policy in the region; and soft power tools that Russia has adopted to reach its goals; As well as evaluating the effectiveness of each of these tools and indicating the shortcomings and defects in them. The study was divided into several sections: First; Which included defining the concept of soft power and distinguishing it from concepts mixed with it, such as sharp power and virtual power or electronic power and vital power. The second section of the study monitored the objectives of the new Russian policy in the Middle East and the Arab region during the period between 2012 and 2020. the presentation of the third section; The Russian perception of soft power tools, which is closely related to the vision and ideas of Russian President Vladimir Putin, in addition to the pressures of the international and regional environments. The last section of the study presented the development of Russia’s position and ranking on the soft power scale in the period between 2016 and 2019. The conclusion revealed the existence of several obstacles and restrictions on the effectiveness of the soft power tools of the new Russian policy in the Middle East region in general and with the Arab countries in particular. However, the new Russian policy was able, through the good use of soft power tools, to achieve some achievements, the most important of which are: the success of soft power tools, especially those related to attracting and settling joint investments in the energy and arms industry sectors; restoring the positive image of Russia among Arab youth in contrast to the decline or weakness of the image of the United States in 2015 and 2016, respectively, according to several public opinion polls in some Arab countries; This indicates the success of Russian foreign policy endeavors during the era of Vladimir Putin in the Middle East in reshaping Arab attitudes towards Russia, thus enhancing its position as the largest international ally in the region at present and in the near future. Keywords: Russian politics; the Arab region; soft power; Vladimir Putin ; The Russian economy, Russian arms sales.

The evolution of Cuban medical diplomacy

The author examines the evolution of Cuban medical diplomacy under the governments of Raul Castro and Miguel Diaz-Canel. The author shows that the essence of the Cuban national health system, which developed after the 1959 Revolution, is its accessibility. At the time of collapse of the socialist bloc, the Cuban government managed to maintain and surpass the achieved level of development of medicine. The presence of a large number of medical specialists allows the socialist government of Cuba to organize cooperation with dozens of states around the world. Under the leadership of Castro, the export of medical goods and services has become the main source of foreign exchange earnings and a driver of economic growth, and medical diplomacy has become an important tool of soft power, which is used to form an attractive image of the state among the world community. In doing so, the government combines pragmatism, increasing the cost-effectiveness of the programs, and altruism, providing gratuitous aid to the countries most in need. The main difficulty in developing this direction in Cuba’s foreign policy is associated with the North American embargo. In 2018, the US government launched a large-scale campaign to discredit Cuban medical internationalism. This policy aims to further restrict already limited access to essential resources. The country was also negatively affected by the ‘right turn’ in the region: the neoliberal governments of several countries refused to continue medical cooperation with Cuba. At the same time, the trends of recent years indicate an imminent repetition of the shift to the left, which in the future can significantly strengthen the Cuban positions in the region. In addition, the coronavirus pandemic showed that the world community needs a rapid medical response force with Cuban missions serving as a basis thereof.

The Soft Power of China and the European Union in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative and Global Strategy

ABSTRACT Soft power has emerged as a topic of growing interest in Chinese foreign policy and its expression gained new salience when it was anchored within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This article proposes a comparative analysis of the soft power of China and the European Union (EU) in the context of the BRI and Global Strategy of June 2016. Drawing on the role theory, this study seeks to fill a gap in previous scholarly works, focusing on the soft power dynamics underlying the China–EU relationship, which do not incorporate the BRI as an increasingly influential soft power tool in Chinese foreign policy. It concludes that the BRI and Global Strategy have infused China’s and EU’s soft power, respectively, with innovating aspects; and despite the emergence of some common ground as a result of that, differences between the two actors regarding role conception, role expectation and role performance remain noticeable.

On the Causes of the “Tulip Revolution” in Kyrgyzstan: the Role of the External Factor

Introduction. “Colour revolutions”, which are coups using technologies, mechanisms and tools of soft power, became a notable phenomenon in the post-Soviet space at the beginning of the XXI century. Attempts to dismantle political regimes in the region using methods of non-violent struggle are still being made by Western experts in geopolitical engineering, and directly at the borders of the Russian Federation. The article examines the role of an external factor in the preparation and implementation of one of the “color revolutions” of the first wave – the “Tulip revolution” in the Republic of Kyrgyzstan. Materials and Methods. The methodological basis of the research is the system, structural-functional, comparative-political approaches, methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction and observation. Results and Discussion. The article presents an analysis of the causes of the socio-political crisis in Kyrgyzstan that led to the “Tulip revolution” in 2005. Special emphasis is placed on studying the activities of the United States to form a Pro-Western civil society in the country by promoting various projects and programs of democratization. With the help of Western soft power actors operating in Kyrgyzstan since the 1990s, local non-governmental organizations and mass media were organized, and cadres opposed to the Akayev regime were trained in various spheres of social and political life. Conclusions. Even in the specific conditions of Central Asia, Washington managed to create a “revolutionary” infrastructure on the ground, helping anti-government forces in areas where they were not competent enough. The author concludes that without financial and organizational support, the Kyrgyz opposition would not have been able to implement the successful scenario of the “colour revolution”. The victory of the “Tulip revolution” did not bring the prosperity promised by its leaders to the people; on the contrary, it was this event that caused huge damage to the country’s public administration system and triggered a series of crises that still haunt Kyrgyzstan.

Sharp Power Theory in International Relations and its Employment in Countries' Foreign Policies

This study aims to address a recent phenomenon in power studies in international relations, which is the term and concept of sharp power, which appeared in late 2017 in the studies of American think tanks. The study explains sharp power by presenting the theoretical directions it dealt with, which focused on aspects of the similarities and differences between sharp power and other forms of power, which are hard power, soft power, and smart power. As well as comparing it to the terms and concepts that are used to denote modern, unconventional warfare. The study tries to discuss the tools and mechanisms of sharp power that countries with authoritarian regimes use to impose influence and hegemony on target countries, especially the soft power tools that these countries exploit to penetrate and interfere in the internal affairs of countries, and to convert the minds and hearts of their people to accept their hegemony and sovereignty, instead of attracting them, and winning their minds and hearts. The study dealt with the deficiencies of sharp power, within the ambiguity of the concept, is it the soft power of authoritarian countries, or it is the malicious use of soft power, as well as whether it is formulating terms or is it a new phenomenon of power in international relations, and the Chinese perspective on sharp power.

Problems in the development of international academic mobility

In this article, the authors attempt to identify the problems of the development of academic mobility as a tool of soft power. Academic mobility through the prism of the concept of «Soft Power» acquires a new interpretation and provides an opportunity to improve the tools and mechanisms of interstate cooperation. The aim of this work is to identify the main problems in the development of academic mobility in the framework of international relations. In this regard, the tasks were set to study and characterize new challenges and opportunities in assessing trends both in the field of higher education and in the system of international relations. On the basis of statistical data, secondary data analysis, it is concluded that there is a need for a conceptual study of academic mobility in Kazakhstan; the existing grounds for the need to create a new image on the world stage that corresponds to Kazakhstan’s national interests and modern realities. Nowadays, the implementation of Kazakhstan’s “soft power” has many problems related to legal, financial, and economic aspects. Although the acting normative documents on the organization of students’ academic mobility in the Kazakhstani context have been motivated mainly by a sufficient empirical material that reflects the experience of practical activity of its implementation, there is a lack of fundamental work on the given research problem, which in its turn, aroused the interest of the authors of the article. Key words: academic mobility, soft power, internationalization of education, international relations.

Moscow, Beijing, and the Crescent: Russian and Chinese religious soft power in the Middle East

AbstractThe expanding presence and interests of both Russia and China as well as the shift from American unipolarity to greater multipolarity has rightfully been noted as one of the most transformative regional developments in the contemporary Middle East. Both Moscow and Beijing have asserted themselves as prominent external powers in the region, especially as the United States continues to reassess its interests and commanding presence in the Middle East. Russia and China have dramatically increased their respective diplomatic, economic, and military engagement in the region, particularly following the 2011 Arab uprisings. However, often overlooked is the growing religious engagement of both Moscow and Beijing in the region. This analysis seeks to bridge this gap by examining Russia's and China's efforts to construct their own tools of religious soft power within the Middle East, as well as the central role of several regional powers to these efforts.

Islam and Foreign Policy: Turkey’s Ambivalent Religious Soft Power in the Authoritarian Turn

Although the pro-democracy agenda of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) gained significant domestic and international credibility throughout the early 2000s, the party has, since approximately 2010, experienced a dramatic process of democratic decline. The AKP has intensively used Islamist policies at home and abroad to consolidate its base of support under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Weaponised in foreign policy, Islam has become both an instrument and an objective of the repressive AKP, and Turkey has emerged as a front runner in a race among countries increasingly using religion as a foreign policy tool. This new role for Turkey has created a slew of disparate perceptions among foreign countries. While some are content with Turkey’s religiously fuelled policies and designate Turkey as an influential actor which can use Islam as a soft power tool, others refuse to define Turkey’s policies within the boundaries of soft power due to its extra-territorial authoritarian practices. This study defines Turkey’s Islamic soft power as ambivalent and scrutinises the reasons behind this ambiguity by exploring examples from other countries in South-eastern and Western Europe.

ABD dış politikasında yumuşak gücün ve yumuşak güç araçlarının önemi

Soft power is one of the tools used by the USA to achieve its goals in the international arena. With its soft power tools, the USA tries to shape the ideas and beliefs, economic, political, social and cultural values of other societies and to legitimize its foreign policy attitudes and behaviors in their eyes. In other words, it tries to create an international policy environment that can carry out its policies comfortably with soft power tools. In this framework, the study examines the soft power policy and tools of the USA

Ideological and Political Origins of the J. S. Nye’s Concept of Soft Power

The popular theory of soft power was created in the United States in the early 1990s by Joseph S. Nye, Jr. An American researcher with extensive practical experience in public administration described soft power as the ability to achieve what is desired in the international arena by attracting sympathy, rather than using pressure or bribery. The integration of the term «soft power» into scientific life for the first time turned the use of elements of cultural and ideological influence in the international relations into an effective tool for achieving geopolitical goals. Today any state that claims a certain status in world politics is simply obliged to have the soft power tools in its foreign policy strategy. At the same time the idea of strengthening its position in world politics through attractiveness is certainly not new. Long before the Nye’s concept appeared, different actors used mechanisms described by him. Over the centuries theoretical thought has also developed and evolved in this direction.

Qatar’s Soft Power, Digital and Public Diplomacy in the Face of a Global Pandemic Walked Pass MENA Neighbours

Since the inception of the term soft power by Joseph Nye, Qatar a tiny state in the Middle East seems to have mastered the arts and sciences of soft power and is now outplaying her MENA peers through the crafting and implementation of her public diplomacy. With rapid globalization as a byproduct of public diplomacy, digital diplomacy is now a cornerstone in today’s 21st Century diplomatic communication. Wrapped in the bombastic advances in ICT, the internet, and social media, traditional diplomatic patterns have shifted robustly thus culminating in the strengthening of diplomatic relations. This paper argues that Qatar’s gains through its use of soft power via modern technologies stem from hosting a plethora of timely educational and diplomatic webinars and its attractions of “carrots” have added more flesh to its public diplomacy records from early 2020 to mid-2021. The paper went forth in x-raying those institutions and actors, whose digital actions, and programs catapulted the image of Qatar during the global pandemic such as Hamad Bin Khalifa University (HBKU), Aljazeera Network, and Dr. Evren Tok. Finally, despite the availability of resources and its soft power tools, this work pinpoints a few setbacks such as “Zoom Fatigue”. The paper concludes that Qatar’s digital diplomacy will continue to grow from leaps and bounds based on the results recorded via these virtual programs. The author Solomonicly suggests that the hosting of educational and diplomatic programs off and online would spearhead the public and digital diplomacy of Doha in an unpredictable Middle East Region.