Power is often interpreted as a violence, which is answered by other violence on the part of the opposition. The stronger the tyranny of the government, the stronger the resistance from the opposition, even to the use of terror. The Norwegian conflictologist J. Galtung in his concept of structural and cultural violence and the American political scientist R. Galtung have convincingly shown what comes out of such a confrontation. Dahl, who explored the relationship between the government and the opposition through public rivalry. Today often consider a category of «power» is not so much traditional power key as a communicative, discourse – as a phenomenon arising out of communicating and involving the society to choose a certain political code of the alternatives proposed by the management group and resulting from their joint discourse. In this case, such tools of political communication as public criticism and alternative views on what is happening on the part of the public, the opposition helps to avoid violence and understand not only how power arises, but also why it loses its authority and the opposition strengthens. The basis for this analysis, we find in critical theory of the German marxists and, above all, the scientific representatives of the Frankfurt school H. Arendt and J. Habermas, in genetic structuralism P. Bourdieu in the theory of self-referential systems of N. Luhmann, in post-sructuralism in M. Foucault et al. The reluctance of the authorities and the opposition to cooperate with each other in the form of constructive discourse is explained in particular by the «fundamentalism» in the thinking of both. The historical concept analysis of the Russian radical opposition shows that its ontogenesis is persistently reproduced every time a political (ideological) resource of the government is developed and society loses its perspective of development, when the government does not create itself and does not perceive alternatives from its opponents and prohibits public criticism.