Political Representation Research Articles

Breaking Down Stereotypes by Realizing Women’s Interests: Gender and Its Impact on Legislative Consensus

The presence of women in legislatures has steadily increased over the past 2 decades, prompting numerous studies to explore the role of women in politics. This article focuses on Spain to analyze how women contribute to parliamentary consensus, a rarely explored but necessary topic in times of polarization and political conflict. The combination of aggregated and member of parliaments’ individual-level data provides a holistic approach to assessing how women operate in legislatures and their predisposition to political conflict. Aggregated findings show that an increase in female political representation does not go hand in hand with more legislative consensus, only when gender laws are approved. Similarly, the individual-level results show the importance of political parties in shaping attitudes toward conflict. Female parliamentarians present less consensual attitudes in the most extreme ideological parties: Podemos and VOX. However, no gender differences exist in the mainstream parties of the PSOE (Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party) and PP (People’s Party). These findings also highlight the institutional and party barriers that women may face when developing their “know-how” in politics.

Anokha emerging: The Asian Underground, new ethnicities, and diversity conservatism

This article tracks the relationship between Britain’s ‘Asian Underground’ music scene and reconfigurations of Britishness in the mid- to late-1990s, through to the more contemporary tightening of border regimes and draconian policies around immigration in the United Kingdom. It examines the role that a small, British-Asian weekly London club night, Anokha, played in the precipitation of an ‘emergent structure of feeling’ that would ultimately shift national conversations about what Britishness signified at the turn of the last millennium. The article places British-Asian club and music aesthetics in a broader terrain of avant-garde cultural production and representational politics that helped to incorporate Britain’s second generation of South Asians inside the national narrative and polity. The article goes on to speculate on the role this proliferation has played in facilitating forms of political closure with respect to migration, race and bordering that have emerged from a generation of conservative British South Asian (and second-generation immigrant) politicians enabled by these forms of incorporation.

Iconic architecture as vessel for political and cultural expression-Victoria Theatre and Concert Hall changing with Singapore cultural icon

ABSTRACT Architecture embodies symbolic meanings evolving across shifting socio-political landscapes. This paper investigates the multivalent transformations of Singapore’s iconic colonial landmark – the Victoria Theatre and Concert Hall (VTCH). Tracing VTCH’s metamorphosing roles, functions, and identities through historical ruptures like British rule, Japanese occupation, decolonization, and nation-building, it illuminates how the complex underwent profound changes. The analysis underscores how regimes continually reimagined this architectural palimpsest to forge national narratives, consolidate collective memories, and materialize power relations. VTCH’s transition from colonial edifice to a symbolically imbued site mirrors the intricate interplay between built environments and Singapore’s spatial politics. Once symbols of colonial dominance, the buildings later embodied sovereign nationhood and nostalgic roots. Notably, VTCH recently assumed new roles driving cultural tourism and economic growth. Through a diachronic interrogation of this singular icon, the paper elucidates broader dialectics between decolonization, nation-building, and the semiotics of heritage in (re)constructing collective identities. It offers insights into how societies redefine spatial legacies to serve evolving ideological imperatives and identity discourses. Integrating the micro-architectural and macro-national enriches understandings of the mutually constitutive relationships between the built environment, political authority and national consciousness.

The ‘death’ and ‘rebirth’ of museums in colonial Hong Kong: three decades of community endeavours to restore reputation and culture, 1933–1962

ABSTRACT For nearly three decades, from 1933 to 1962, Hong Kong was deprived of a proper museum. This article explores the prolonged absence of public museum services in the colony and their arduous restoration. It investigates the reasons behind this extended hiatus and scrutinises the efforts made by the Hong Kong colonial government and the local community to reintroduce public museum services. The article argues that the resurgence of museums in Hong Kong was primarily propelled by community initiatives. While the colonial administration displayed indifference towards museum provision, Hong Kong's civil society considered it essential for enhancing the colony's reputation and cultural landscape. Through a public campaign for cultural democratisation, they compelled the government to establish a new museum. Their lobbying and preparatory efforts showcased the significant determination and agency of the local community in shaping the cultural outlook of the colony despite their limited political representation.

No Level Playing Field: Barriers to Disability Representation in Politics

AbstractWhile one in five people in the UK are disabled, their number among elected representatives remains disproportionately low. In ongoing efforts to make politics more inclusive and diverse, disabled people often remain sidelined. As a politically relevant identity, disability is associated with a shared set of experiences and policy interests which are often overlooked. This is at least in part owing to the under‐representation of disabled politicians, which is likely also contributing to a sense of political alienation. Thus, tackling the barriers that disabled people experience in the political recruitment process is not only a matter of democratic justice and equality, but also essential for ensuring that disabled people's needs and concerns are recognised and met. This article outlines the obstacles that disabled people experience in pursuing elected office—including inaccessibility, inadequate financial resources and ableist institutions and cultures—and offers recommendations to political parties, parliaments and governments on how to mitigate them.

Women’s participation in Ethiopia’s 2021 elections: the role of political parties

This study examines the role of Ethiopia’s main political parties and the participation of women during the three stages of the 2021 election cycle – the pre-voting, voting and post-voting periods. Four political parties – Prosperity, Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice, National Movement of Amhara, and ENAT – were selected and their party manifestos and reports analysed. Interviews were conducted with 12 individuals representing political party leaders and women candidates. Reports of the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) and the media are also included. Data is thematically grouped and interpreted using a conceptual construct of political parties’ role in promoting women’s political representation as developed by UNDP and NDI. The findings revealed the paradoxes and inconsistencies of political parties’ ideologies and strategies which affect women’s participation in party politics and the subsequent election outcome. This paper recommends that, given the absence of a quota system to guarantee adequate women’s participation in elections, political party self-regulatory measures could offer an alternative option to increase the political participation of women in Ethiopia.

EXPLOITATION OF WOMEN IN THE CHANGING POWER DYNAMICS

This research examines the role of women in political oligarchy and their potential to change power dynamics. Political oligarchy concentrates power in the hands of a few, often overlooking women's roles within this structure. Feminist intersectionality reveals that social class significantly influences women's involvement in oligarchy, with greater barriers for women from lower economic classes. Women's participation in politics, both as leaders and members of political parties, is crucial for representing their unique needs in policy-making. However, women in decision-making roles often face cultural and normative dilemmas, needing to overcome negative stereotypes. The feminist movement plays a vital role in addressing gender inequality by changing cultural norms and raising awareness of gender bias. Although the Constitution of Indonesia and international conventions affirm gender equality, implementation requires specific policies. This research employs a qualitative descriptive method, collecting data from literature, official documents, and news sources. Findings indicate that women's roles in political oligarchy are often tied to kinship relations, political clans, and dynasties. Despite affirmative action policies promoting 30% female representation in legislative candidate lists, this representation often serves to validate the interests of certain groups. Nonetheless, women's involvement in politics is a positive step toward gender equality. Addressing gender inequality and increasing women's participation in decision-making requires robust efforts to support women's rights and dismantle social and political barriers. Further policy implementation to support women's political representation is essential for a more inclusive and gender-equal society.

Civil intent: Rethinking ‘the political’ in art and photography education

Recent scholarship bringing together photography, visual culture and political theory is unsettling established approaches to understanding photography beyond art-historical frameworks. This article examines the implications and potentials for education practices of this emerging new paradigm by exploring how the civil potential of photography and creative practice might be activated in learning environments. The article reflects on the collective learning arising from a series of educational experiments developed by the Doing Visual Politics network which have sought to connect cultures of socially motivated creative practice in Naarm/Melbourne, Australia; Kathmandu, Nepal and Dhaka, Bangladesh by interrogating and expanding disciplinary understandings at the intersection of photography, visual activism, social practice and public pedagogy. These learning spaces – where the expression of concern for shared world/s is prioritized – have provided useful insights into approaches capable of exceeding the limits of the conventional politics of representation.

Performing What Is Absent: The Making of Representative Claims in the 2020 Chilean Constitutional Convention

Amid a crisis of political representation, Chile ran an institutional experiment. After a month of riots, lootings and human rights violations, in November 2019, the Chilean Parliament proposed the creation of a fully elected convention with the one objective of writing a new Constitution. The 155 members were elected in October 2020 and 62% of them were non-professional politicians but environmental activists, members of indigenous communities or feminist leaders. Inspired by the ideas of representative claim proposed by Saward and performativity coined by Butler, we analysed their inauguration speeches to observe how they attempted to constitute themselves as political representatives. We found that they relied upon four types of speech appeal in their political claims-making. We refer to these as the Agonistic (whereby the claim-maker purported to speak for “us” as opposed to “them”); the Climactic (whereby the claim-maker offered themselves as an embodiment of a historical coming of age for a particular group); the Biographical (the claim-maker focuses upon their personal qualities of identity with empathy towards a group); and the Trustee (whereby, adhering to more conventional rhetoric of representation, a claim-maker sets out their qualification to acknowledge and look after the interests and values of a particular group).

Women in Parliament: An Analysis of the Gender Dimensions of Political Representation in Nigeria Under the Fourth Republic

Women in Parliament: An Analysis of the Gender Dimensions of Political Representation in Nigeria Under the Fourth Republic

Shadow Representation: Making Claims to Represent Better Than the Official Representative

ABSTRACT This article advances knowledge on the diverse ways contemporary political representation is being performed. It identifies a particular kind of claim-making, shadow representation, whereby an individual or group makes claims to represent better than the officially authorised spokesperson or group. Shadow representation is enacted outside or alongside authorised spaces of representation by diverse actors such as civil society groups, lobbyists, political challengers, and former incumbents. The article conceptualises shadow representation in broad terms, and then examines its enactment in the electoral realm. The empirical analysis centres on two Australian cases in which defeated electoral candidates continue to make representative claims post-election. In both instances the shadow representatives construct a neglected constituency, and make claims to rectify representative deficiencies in the elected official. Their claim-making occurs between elections, and draws legitimacy from their strong community and voter support – two features that set them apart from the traditional political challenger focused on ousting an incumbent in an election. The article reflects on the democratic implications of shadow representation in electoral democracy: it potentially boosts the public scrutiny and accountability of elected officials, but it can also be used to destabilise the legitimacy of electoral procedures and their outcomes.

Civic Organizations and the Political Participation of Cross-Pressured Americans: The Case of the Labor Movement

Civic associations underpin American democracy. How can politically cross-cutting associations engage members who hold divergent viewpoints amidst increasing partisan polarization and nationalization of politics? I examine this question in the context of labor unions, studying how unions engage members who hold conservative views at odds with some of the union’s political actions. Using original surveys of local union presidents, members, and non-members along with in-depth interviews in selected local unions, I show how local union leaders can foster norms of participation among politically cross-pressured members. Norms of participation increase conservative members’ perceptions of political representation and engagement in politics, including participation in the union’s political action committee and support for union political mobilization. These findings have implications for understanding civic associations and participation in an era of political division, as well as the role unions continue to play in politics.

The Audiovisual Archive in an Era of Disinformation and Misinformation

Audiovisual archives should reflect on their mission and goals in an era of overwhelming computer power. Will they be able to make good use of Large Language Models (LLMs) to unlock archived materials? Should they and can they be an ally in combating misinformation and disinformation? As part of a larger project on data literacy for journalists and other media and creative industries professionals, archivists were questioned about the challenges facing audiovisual archives today. Rather than focus on the specific missions of either national or broadcaster’s archives, they focus on how the archive has an important role when it comes to the politics of representation in public debate and civil life. In convivial conversation they speak from their experience at the French National Audiovisual Institute INA, The Netherlands Institute for Sound & Vision, the EBU Academy, the Spanish RTVE archive and WITNESS, a human rights non-profit organisation based the United States that supports activists in archiving and preserving their video.

«Архитектура» репрезентации «чужого» в политическом дискурсе Терезы Мэй

The aim of the investigation is to find out the ways of representing the notion “they” in the political discourse of Theresa May. The article presents the language architecture of the notion “they” by way of example of the discourse of a political leader of Great Britain. Three structural components of the notion “they” represented in Theresa May’s political speeches have been discovered as a result of the investigation. They are: 1) “they” as enemies; 2) “they” as political opponents; 3) “they” as fellow party members who have manifested alienation in a definite political situation. The scientific novelty of the investigation lies in the fact that the gradation of the notion “they” in its political representation rendered by language means has been found out and described. It has been determined as a result of the investigation that the notion “they” represented in Theresa May’s political speeches is expressed by explicit and implicit language units. The notion of “they” as enemies is represented by means of explicitly expressed language units. The notion of “they” as political opponents is represented mainly by means of implicitly expressed language units. The notion of “they” as fellow party members who have manifested alienation in a definite political situation employs a higher degree of implicitness in its realization.

A Comparative Approach to Explaining Gender Disparities in Asian American and Asian Canadian Politics

In 2020, Asian Americans were the least descriptively represented at all levels of elected office compared to whites, Blacks, and Latinos (Sedique, Bhojwani, and Lee 2020). In this context, Asian women lagged behind Asian men in holding local-level positions, yet they surpassed Asian men in holding federal and statewide offices, and they led 81% of state- and local-level Asian civil rights organizations (AAPI Power Fund 2020; Reflective Democracy Campaign 2021). Do gender disparities in Asian American political representation arise because Asian women are less likely to run for office than Asian men, or because they are less likely to win elections? Do these disparities vary across levels of office? And are they unique to Asian Americans?

Politics without Presence? The Symbolic Representation of Trans People in Germany and the Netherlands

Abstract Historically, trans people have been excluded from politics. Despite political under representation, trans interests increasingly appear on the political agenda in the Netherlands and Germany. In 2021, trans women were elected to the Dutch and German parliaments for the first time. However, increased trans visibility is accompanied by backlash and transphobia. The political representation of trans people does not follow a familiar pattern from elected descriptive representatives to increased substantive representation of interests. What mechanisms shape the political representation of trans people? We argue that symbolic representation shapes possibilities for descriptive and substantive representation of trans people. The analysis of symbolic representation of transpeople draws on a combination of 1) qualitative text analysis of Dutch and German parliamentary documents, research reports, and trans activists’ publications and 2) in-depth interviews with trans andcisgender representatives, candidates, and activists. The findings demonstrate how political spaces are not only gendered, but also cisgendered and heteronormative.

Legislative Pioneers: The Brave South Korean Women Spearheading Change Against Gender Discrimination, Violence, and Inequality Through Progressive Laws

In South Korea, women have a long history of fighting against injustice. This includes brutality and discrimination based on gender. This study looks at how South Korean women led the way. The aim of this writing is to examine the critical role played by female lawmakers in South Korea as they lead the charge in passing progressive legislation to fight inequality, violence, and gender discrimination. The study explores the historical background of women's political engagement in South Korea, stressing the rise of women's rights movements and the difficulties experienced by female activists in promoting gender equality. This study proposes to search for the roles of "Legislative Pioneers" in South Korea. It does this by drawing on a thorough assessment of the literature. The paper explores the impact of South Korean women's legislative activism on gender equality through interviews, historical analysis, and official data as mixed approach by both quantitative as well as qualitative methodology. The transformative impact of women legislators in driving legislative reforms aimed at addressing gender-based violence, promoting gender equality in the workplace, and enhancing women's political representation and participation is examined in this paper through an analysis of legislative initiatives and policy outcomes. The conversation also looks at the obstacles and difficulties faced by female parliamentarians, such as institutional impediments in the political system and opposition from conservative forces. Notwithstanding these obstacles, female lawmakers persist in promoting progressive reforms, capitalizing on global connections and partnerships to propel gender parity and women's entitlements in South Korea. In summary, the study illuminates the noteworthy accomplishments of legislative trailblazers in South Korea and underscores their pivotal function in cultivating a society that is more comprehensive and just for every person.

Political elite social listening: How Portuguese MPs perceive their own motivations to join and use Twitter/X

Most studies on political actors’ use of Twitter focus on content and social network analysis, but not on their motivations and passive usage. We applied a questionnaire to a significant sample of 94 Members of Parliament (MPs), with a quota sample sized by political party representation in Parliament, to survey their motivations to have or not a Twitter account and their uses. We concluded that MPs see Twitter mostly as a political tool unlike other social media platforms. The most common motivation to join and use Twitter is to read other politicians’ opinions which helps explain why the small Twitter adoption in Portugal does not deter its use as their peers and political elite is on the platform. That twitter elite can even be a motivator to join as their peer social capital is key to re-election in closed list-elections countries such as Portugal.

On the (Im)possible Relation Between the Universal and the Relative: The Aporia of Community

Abstract ‘British values’ have recently been invoked by the Right in Britain – both in the Conservative Party and outside by the Reform Party led by the Right insurgent and public school educated (Dulwich College) ‘man of the people’ Nigel Farage. Such values are directed at communities of colour, as well as those communities that stand apart from the logic of ‘phallologentricism’. Factions of the secular Left too have engaged in an iteration of ‘culture wars’ by targeting Jewish communities who may not share Hamas’s desire to eradicate Israel in favour of a monistic Palestinian State. At the heart of these contested cultural terrains is an overarching issue: namely, the question of the universal, and how the universal informs the States’ politics of representation (the “General Will”, the “nation”, “citizen” etc…). Derrida reminds us that “the social” – let alone the State and the polity it brings to life – can never be reduced to a single meaning, that the nature of community will always be subject to contestation contra the telos of monism.

Group Consciousness, Organizational Membership, and District Choice: Evidence from the Afro-Colombian Reserved Seats

AbstractNumerous countries around the globe have undertaken efforts aimed at enhancing political representation. One of these efforts has taken the institutional form of reserved seats or ethnic districts where individuals must choose where to deposit their votes. In this paper, we ask if group consciousness and organizational membership affect the choice to vote on these types of districts. Using a mixed-methods approach by combining semi-structured interviews with elites and a subgroup analysis of a conjoint experiment in a sample of Afro-Colombians, we find evidence that group consciousness affects the preferences for ethnic districts over territorial ones. Contrary to initial expectations, we observe that membership in ethnic organizations does not significantly alter preferences for ethnic districts among surveyed individuals. These findings indicate that individuals with high levels of group consciousness tend to choose to participate more in mechanisms and institutions that can enhance the group’s political representation.