Loss Of Territory Research Articles

The Climate Diaspora: Indo-Pacific Emigration from Small Island Developing States

The complex interactions between population growth, environment, and anthropogenic climate change are contributing to regional vulnerability and instability. This is particularly pronounced in the Indo-Pacific region where many island nations, or Small Island Developing States (SIDS), face rising seas and changing weather patterns that pose a severe threat to both their physical and functional existences. Section 1 provides a general layout of the major arguments made throughout the paper as they relate to the aforementioned dynamic. Section 2 explores some of the geographic and ecological vulnerabilities that low-lying island and atoll states have as well as a variety of scientific research indicating that sea level is both rising and is rising to varying degrees around the world. It further examines the contributions that melting ice sheets in Greenland and Antarctica could make with regards to rising sea levels. It also discusses the numerous relationships between economics and environment, termed environomics, by particularly looking at the economic impacts of sea level rise and increased storm intensity on SIDS.Increased emigration channels from SIDS would not only alleviate strains on the ecosystem and socio-economic environment, but may become the only opportunity for survival in the event of ecosystem collapse or sea level inundation. Section 3 introduces the concept of environmentally motivated migration as well as the new, yet not legally recognized, definition of an environmental refugee.Section 4 takes a closer look at human interactions in the Indo-Pacific and how the human-environment relationship contributes to violent conflict, migration, and both regional instability and weak governance. Section 5 takes this case a step further and explores a variety of international conventions and frameworks that can be drawn upon for assistance in designing a justice-driven mechanism for addressing the needs of environmental migrants. Section 6 looks at current Indo-Pacific emigration schemes that allow for immigration into New Zealand and Australia from SIDS and, along with the previous section, argues that existing systems are inadequate and that appropriate international response has been limited. Therefore, SIDS governments should work cooperatively with regional partners to secure binding regional and bilateral agreements that would expand emigration opportunities for SIDS citizens. Section 6 offers further discourse on the political hurdles of achieving that goal.Section 7 examines the unique possibility of climate-induced statelessness as a result of the either the physical loss of territory to sea level rise or forced abandonment due to ecosystem collapse. It particularly looks at the sovereign rights of SIDS within the Westphalian system and how to retain or redesign those rights in a worst-case climate scenario. Furthermore, Indo-Pacific SIDS exercise sovereign control over 20 million km² of maritime territory and any natural resources that fall within it. This section argues that freezing the current maritime boundaries of nations and their Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) could potentially avoid escalated regional or global conflict over maritime space, fisheries, sea mineral deposits, and other renewable and nonrenewable natural resources. Freezing the maritime boundaries under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) could also provide SIDS communities significant economic aid through rental of extraction rights, which would allow them to both construct and maintain climate adaptation engineering projects as well as in community relocation and resettlement.Section 8 summarizes the main arguments and offers policy recommendations that domestic governments, regional alliance organizations, and international governance bodies could explore as solutions to some of the most pressing matters facing SIDS who must prepare for an uncertain future. Despite the existence of nations and borders, it positions migration as an ancient and effective tool for climate adaptation rather than as representative of a failure to adapt. The world must prepare for a very different world than what currently exists and future emigration from SIDS is likely to be one of the most extreme universal challenges of the coming century.

Spain and Portugal and the Loss of their Continental American Territories in the 1820s: An Examination of the Issues

The least studied aspect of Ibero-American Independence is the impact on Spain and Portugal. Many complex issues were involved, including the nature of the economic impact, the degree of political readjustment, and the international position of the former metropoles. The 1820s exposed the contradictions in Iberian responses to the loss of continental American territories. Spanish merchants turned towards the domestic and Caribbean markets, and Portuguese policy shifted away from Brazil to the southern-African territories. Although the monarchy survived in both Spain and Portugal, each experienced dynastic convulsions of differing dimensions. The survival of empire beyond continental America complicated the development of European identities and of specifically Spanish and Portuguese national sentiment.

History, Memory, and Instantaneity in Edgar Degas's Place de la Concorde

In Degas's Place de la Concorde (ca. 1875), an urban genre portrait of Viscount Lepic and his daughters proves to be layered with political signification, making it an eloquent visual account of the vexed nature of early Third Republican democracy. Most prominent among its signs is the erasure of the sculpture Strasbourg behind Lepic's hat, creating an absence evocative of France's territorial loss. Degas's protomodernist vocabulary—fragmentation, cropping—also appears in the popular imagery expressing the contradictions of the Third Republic's contested early history. Ultimately, Place de la Concorde emerges as a careful record of the ideologies of Impressionism's formal language.

Why the Sino–Indian Border Dispute is Still Unresolved after 50 Years: A Recapitulation

In its dying days the British Empire in India launched an aggressive annexation of what it recognised to be legally Chinese territory. The government of independent India inherited that border dispute and intensified it, completing the annexation and ignoring China’s protests. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) government, acquiescing in the loss of territory, offered diplomatic legalisation of the new boundary India had imposed in its North-East but the Nehru government refused to negotiate. It then developed and advanced a claim to Chinese territory in the north-west, again refusing to submit the claim to negotiation. Persistent Indian attempts to implement its territorial claims by armed force led to the 1962 border war. The Indian defeat did not lead to any change of policy; both the claims and the refusal to negotiate were maintained. The dead-locked Sino–Indian dispute and armed confrontation are thus the consequence of Indian expansionism and intransigence.

Crossing the Border: Racism and Sexism in a Conflicted Country

Many people are not conscious of the situation of minorities in the Americas, particularly as it relates to ethnic community and women’s struggles. Afro-Colombians, the second largest population of black people in Latin America, are still largely invisible for many reasons, including histories of slavery, poverty, segregation, and exclusion, and current displacement, loss of ancestral territories, and massacres by actors in the war. Meanwhile, black women are engaged in their own fight for rights and participation using a gender and ethnic perspective. This article is a general panorama of Afro-Colombian people’s present situation, highlighting the process that the Afro-Colombian people are using to defend their rights, heritage, and ability to survive within a complex scenery of armed conflict and lack of political power.

Portugal y su imperio frente a la descolonización 1945-62

Portugal managed to build a colonial empire in Africa which was as remarkable as out of proportion with the country’s limited resources. This was posible thanks to an odd combination of internal and external factors. This successful combination led Portuguese rulers to attach a great ideological meaning to the country’s overseas possessions. Alter WWII, however, the external factors favouring Portuguese colonial expansion disappear. In the new context of the Cold War and Decolonization, Portugal seems unable to reach a successful compromise with her colonies. Fears arise that the loss of overseas territories might as well finish with the Salazar Regime. Along with other causes, these fears made it impossible for the Portuguese government to change its rigid policy, which was kept despite difficult national and international circumstances, especially since 1961. Notwithstanding this context, most of the Estado Novo Establishment refused to contemplate any other alternative which might question «the multi-continental unity of Portugal and her overseas provinces». This «unity» was the foundation of the myth of the «unique case» of Portuguese colonialism. The dogmatic character of such unity, together with the dictatorial nature of the regime, prevented any open discussion about the issue. For all these reasons, the only way out of this impasse was war, alongside some

N. F. S. Grundtvig: Charismatic Poet and Prophet, Pedagogical Pioneer, and Politician

AbstractThe article evaluates the life and work of N. F. S. Grundtvig as a charismatic leader who played and continues to play a highly significant role in shaping the national life of Denmark. Grundtvig was a Lutheran clergyman and an important writer of hymns, songs, and poetry. Though a key figure in Denmark, he was something of an outsider and prophet in his life and work. Through his public speaking, he challenged Denmark in a time of territorial loss, cultural weakness, and constitutional change to define its identity, to find strength, and to develop fresh approaches to its national life. The article considers his personal gifts and circumstances as factors that led to him becoming a towering figure in nineteenth‐century Danish society but argues that his polymath nature and consequent engagement across a range of aspects of Danish society enabled his influence to be embedded deeply in the Danish psyche and life.

Serviços substitutivos de saúde mental e inclusão no território: contradições e potencialidades

This study aims to analyze the discourse of mental health workers on the deployment of substitutive services in the territory. The aim is to point out, in discourse, contradictions and potentialities of the proposal, in order to advance the discussions on the consolidation process of the Brazilian psychiatric reform. The corpus of this work consists in interviews applied to 17 of 25 mental health workers in a substitutive service of a city in southern Brazil. The methodological device which subsidized the systematization of the data was the "axiological-discursive diagram", constructed from the Critical Discourse Analysis theoretical framework. The results show that workers seem to try to prevent the end of the service by itself, despite the contrary movements that reinforce the tendency to isolation, the reduction and a loss of territory. We hope this study can help in questioning the movement of psychiatric reform in the Brazilian context.

Diagnosing the causes of territory abandonment by the Endangered Egyptian vulture Neophron percnopterus: the importance of traditional pastoralism and regional conservation

AbstractIdentifying threats to declining species and prescribing ways of preventing their extinction are basic challenges for biodiversity conservation. We analysed the causes underlying the loss of territories of the Endangered Egyptian vulture Neophron percnopterus in a key population at the north-western edge of its distribution in Europe by developing multi-scale models that combined factors from nest site to landscape. We used generalized linear models and an information-theoretic approach to identify the optimal combination of scales and resolutions that could explain territorial abandonment. Those models combining nest-site and landscape scales considerably improved prediction ability compared to those considering only one scale. The best combined model had a high predictive ability (96.9% of correctly classified cases). Small cliffs at high altitudes in rugged areas with declining livestock (especially of sheep and goats) increased the likelihood of territory abandonment. Our findings highlight the importance of developing region-specific multi-scale models to determine reliably the factors driving territory loss and of designing effective conservation strategies accordingly. Conservation measures for the studied population should be developed at two spatial scales. At the smaller scale it is necessary to closely control nest sites to avoid direct disturbances. At a larger scale it is essential to implement policies that can support traditional pastoralism.

The shape of the nation: Visual production of nationalism through maps in Turkey

Nationalism, as a political discourse requiring a fundamental connection to a particular territory has constantly referred to maps as evidence of the eternal existence of the respective nation. In the case of modern Turkey, the national map has been a symptomatic signifier of a constant anxiety of territorial loss. Built around such anxiety, Turkish nationalism has been sensitive towards the borders defining national territory. This article analyzes the use of national maps as instruments for the cultural production of nationalism in Turkey throughout the last three decades. In the process, it is intended to differentiate between official maps produced under state authority and popular maps circulated in mass media. Throughout the 1980s, national maps included in school textbooks presented a country surrounded by hostile neighbors on all sides, in tune with the political climate of the Cold War. A crucial aspect of these official maps was the cartographic awareness they generated which, in the following decade, would become operational in the widespread use of the map as a nationalist sign. With the emergence of the Kurdish question in the 1990s, the national map became a key instrument in promoting nationalist sentiments with the invention of the flag-map logo as a favorite symbol. After the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, the Kurdish issue was projected on to Northern Iraq, and a new mode of cartographic representation was invented. “Appropriated maps” produced through the digital retouching of random maps found on the Internet visualized irredentist desires enlarging the country’s territory especially into Northern Iraq and invoking the Ottoman past. These maps, which consciously distorted geographical information, turned to historical references to sustain their cartographic validity.

Civil Engineering

Recently, the study of civil wars has attracted more and more attention from scholars of international relations. Using a computer simulation called EARTH (Exploring Alternative Realpolitik THeses) that not only simulates a realist world, but also includes civil wars, the author explores what aspects of a realist world are associated with the onset of civil war. Although features of a realist world are not the dominate factors in accounting for civil wars, the loss of territory that accompanies losing interstate wars does influence the chances of states undergoing civil war.

Mobilizing nationalist sentiments: Which factors affect nationalist sentiments in Europe?

This article tests three classical theoretical assumptions about the cause of nationalism. It does so by testing if elite discourse, or internal- and external threats have any impact on nationalist sentiments in Europe. Macro data from various sources is combined with attitudinal data from the International Social Survey Programme 2003 for 21 European countries. It is concluded that the articulation of nationalism by political elites does not matter. Internal threats in the form of foreign-born population and language fractionalization affect nationalist sentiment negatively, i.e. nationalist sentiments are weaker in more heterogeneous countries. Finally, it is shown that external threats, in the form of loss of territory, have a positive impact on nationalist sentiments: people are more nationalist in countries that have a more recent loss of territory.

Financial Institutions in Interwar Romania (Le Istituzioni Finanziarie Della Romania Nel Periodo Infrabellico)

This paper provides an historical account of the development of Romania’s banking system and covers the period going from the outbreak of World War I to the end of World War II. In addition, the study investigates the role of historical and political circumstances affecting the structure of banking industry as well as the banking legislation in Romania during these turbulent decades. Thanks to the establishment of foreign financial institutions (mainly of Central European countries) the Romanian banking system had attained a diversified structure and adequate operational standards at the turn of the century. However, a dangerous behaviour in bank management, inspired to mixed banking in the style of German universal banks, began in these years. It is worth noting that both a lax banking regulation and supervision as well as deposit-taking institutions’ direct involvement with industry, agriculture and commerce, were two phenomena considered at that time to be rather positive for speeding up economic development of the country. In 1916 Romania entered the war on the Allied side in return of promises of territorial gains and, as a member of the victorious coalition, had a place at the Peace Conference of Paris, but, disappointingly, obtained less than had been promised. However, with the unexpected annexation of Bessarabia, Romanians were able to fulfil the old dream of building a nation-state encompassing most of Romanian speaking people of the Carpatho-Danubian area (România Mare). Once national unity had been achieved, Romania, thanks to well conceived reforms, could enjoy an age of domestic political stability as well as of social and economic progress. Although still placed among less developed countries in Europe, Romania played a remarkable role in international relations, as it was considered a regional bastion against both defeated countries’ revanchism and Soviet expansionism. Nationalisation of banks which had connections with financial groups of Central Europe increased the share of Romanian capital in domestic banking industry. In addition, inflow of foreign capital and financial know-how from a number of western industrialised countries gave a substantial contribution to change in the financial environment, by increasing financial deepening and financial inclusion, and finally to further growth and broadening of the Romanian banking system. The great depression hit severely Romania’s economy and financial system and, as a result, many bank failures occurred. Furthermore the crisis caused social unrest and political instability. The financial reconstitution followed to the crisis resulted in more power given to the Banca Naţionala a României also in terms of banking regulation and supervision, but the enlarged functions of the central bank were integrated into a new framework of steady and generalized government control. The position of relevant supplier of raw materials in continental Europe allowed Romania, on the one hand, to gain a quick economic recovery in the years before the outbreak of World War II, but, on the other hand, gave rise to foreign appetite and intrigues as well as to domestic political turmoil. The default of guarantee of Romanian territorial integrity after the collapse of France resulted, first, in the loss of territories (ceded to Soviet Union, Hungary and Bulgaria) and, second, in the shifting of the country into the sphere of German hegemony followed by the conferment of its natural resources into Germany’s wartime economy. The political and economic dominance of Germany was reflected also in the Romanian financial sector where some leading institutions changed governance accordingly. Participation to the invasion of Soviet Union in 1941 with the aim of recovering the lost territories brought about the direct engagement of the country in the Second World War. Romanian banking system was fully involved in financing the war effort. Military defeat, followed by Romania’s capitulation, caused the surrender of Bessarabia, Northern Bucovina and Southern Dobruja and, eventually, the fall of the country itself under Soviet rule. A Soviet-type government-owned and centrally planned economy was established in Romania and, consequently, a socialist banking was enforced by means of nationalization and concentration of financial intermediaries. The socialist banking system established in the country, although usually called monobanking, in reality had three financial institutions: (1) a state bank performing central and commercial banking functions as well, (2) an investment bank and (3) a savings institution which provided rudimentary banking services to the public and channelled savings into the state budget.

Male Red-winged Blackbirds with experimentally dulled epaulets experience no disadvantage in sexual selection

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Covers, volume 26, Number 1, 2010

Front and back cover caption, volume 26 issue 1POST‐SOVIET RUSSIAN ORTHODOXYThe last 20 years have seen a striking revitalization of Orthodoxy in Russia. This is remarkable considering that for more than 70 years following the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 the Soviet regime imposed ‘scientific atheism’ on its citizens. Russian Orthodoxy, institutionally dominated by the Russian Orthodox Church, has emerged as a crucial source of morality and identity. The personal dimension is intertwined with politics and the co‐operation between the Church and the Russian state has strong symbolic implications.The close association between religion and the army is evident in this religious procession. For millions of Russians of different social backgrounds and ages, the fall of the Soviet state still leaves a bitter taste, stemming from the feeling of loss of territory and of superpower status. The Russian Orthodox Church offers an avenue for retrieving a sense of power and moral righteousness.However, the prominence of the Church and its symbols does not necessarily mean that young soldiers acquire religious knowledge and observe the rules of the Church in their everyday behaviour. Soldiers are no different from teachers, businessmen, or impoverished urban residents in general who, in the face of post‐socialist uncertainties, turn to Orthodoxy for healing, protection and as an insurance against an unclear future. Orthodoxy also contributes to the construction of a harmonious and idealized narrative about the recent past, obscuring the memory of violence of the state against Orthodox believers under the Soviet regime.An anthropology of the Russian case – and religion in the postsocialist world generally – can shed new light on debates about religion in the public realm, secularization, individual morality and identity in the contemporary world.

AS PERDAS TERRITORIAIS DO ESTADO BOLIVIANO (1825-1935)

The present study approaches the constitution of the Bolivian State and its territorial losses since its foundation in 1825 until the end of the Chaco War in 1935. Not only did such losses diminish the size of this Bolivian State’s territory but also restrained the country’s circulation perspectives. The country has tried to minimize its losses through international agreements on territorial use with exactly those neighbors which have taken part of its territory.To understand this process, the present study describes Bolivia’s populational and territorial formation, beginning with pre-Colombian peoples, mainly the Quechuas and the Aymaras, followed by the Spanish occupation, taking into account the fact that Bolivia has its own plentiful historicity, and is specifically inserted in the order of the world capital. Last but not least, this paper discusses the successive wars fought against three neighbor countries – Chile, Brazil and Paraguay – which resulted in significant territorial loss to the Bolivian State.

Writing Histories of Sexuality in the Middle East

The study of histories of sexuality in the region that today we term the has only recently become a domain populated by historians, and much inno vative work continues to be accomplished by literary scholars, social scientists, and, recently, art historians. This interdisciplinarity results in part from the fact that our primary sources confound modern disciplinary taxonomies—we encounter chroni cles as literature, poetry as political satire, belles lettres as social commentary, painted images more sexually graphic than the written word—so that silences in one genre or field of study may be vocalized in another. Because literary texts, particularly of the medieval and early modern periods, openly engaged sexual matters, literary and philological studies preceded the more purely historical. The buildup to histories of sexuality was gradual. The opening of the rich Ottoman archives following World War II facilitated social history and so cially oriented political history (Iranian studies lacks a comparable archive). In the 1980s, women's and then gender history was a significant stimulus to exploration of social cultures, slavery, gender and politics, spatial configurations of gender, and so on. Important publications of the early 1990s focused specifically on the history of sexualities in the region, and since then the field has made steady if not spectacular progress. Some preliminary observations may help to advance this forum's goal of facil itating comparative and transnational histories. First, the term Middle East is not a wholly accurate label for the region covered here, and its narrowness masks the rich potential for transnational history-writing that the actual history of the region invites. Only in the nineteenth century, with the loss of territory to European empires and overseas colonial powers, does it become an appropriate label (leaving aside quibbles over the terminology middle and east). Until then, the eastern Med iterranean, the North African coast, the Balkans, the Danube principalities, the Black Sea region, and substantial parts of the Caucasus and Central and South Asia were critical domains incorporated by the empires—Ottoman, Iranian, and colo nial—that dominated from late medieval until modern times. The borderlands of

Territoriality and the onset of mass violence: the political extremism of Joseph Stalin

This study seeks to understand Stalin's murderous behavior by analyzing the nexus between his personal history and that of Georgia-Russia. It explores the intimate connection between territoriality, a major concern of international relations scholars, and Stalin's propensity for mass violence. The ephemeral gain provides this connection in the form of a social psychological basis for humiliation-shame, perceptions of injustice leading to anger, and the threat and consequent fear of reversion to a subordinate condition vis-à-vis the West. An ephemeral gain exists when a severe loss or the threat of its imminent occurrence (territory, population), typically perceived as a catastrophe, is preceded by a period of societal gain, which in turn was preceded by a period of subordination. Stalin's political biography demonstrates the ephemeral gain in two consecutive cycles. Further empirical support is found in the form of Stalin's open expressions of shame at the territorial losses to Japan stemming from the Russo–Japanese War, and open hostility including murderous behavior toward the Poles, another agent of defeat and territorial loss (in 1920). This interpretation is extended to Stalin's genocidal behavior toward four North Caucasus peoples—the Chechens, Ingush, Kalmyks, and Karachai—deported during World War II.

El Perú y las paradojas de Calimero

El pasado 20 de enero se celebró el aniversario de la derrota peruana en la batalla de Yungay que marcó el fin de la Confederación Perú-boliviana, y el 3 de octubre fue el 40º aniversario del golpe de estado del general Juan Velasco Alvarado, que derrocó al presidente Belaunde para instaurar la Revolución Peruana, una dictadura militar. El Perú de hoy no es solo la consecuencia de la acción de quienes lideraron los acontecimientos políticos y sociales de turno durante el agitado periodo Republicano. La historia republicana del Perú durante del resto del siglo XIX y los comienzos del XX fue un cúmulo de desaciertos y contradicciones, matizados por las injusticias, la violencia interna, los golpes de estado, el caudillismo, la veleidad de los líderes políticos y militares, las deportaciones, las pérdidas casi crónicas de territorios enteros –por medio de cesiones por parte de gobernantes irresponsables o a causa de conflictos armados, etc., que a la larga mermaron la soberanía nacional—, creó un caldo de cultivo para la insatisfacción, el descontento y el conflicto social.

A Quaternary perspective on the conservation prospects of the Tertiary relict tree Prunus lusitanica L.

AbstractAim To assess the importance of climate and human pressure as factors limiting the past, present and future distribution of Prunus lusitanica L. (the Portuguese laurel), a relict of Europe’s ancient subtropical laurel‐forest flora.Location The Iberian Peninsula.Methods A census was taken of the current populations of P. lusitanica in the Iberian Peninsula and the threats they face. The potential distribution of the species was modelled under current climatic conditions and under simulations of the climate for the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), the mid‐Holocene and the year 2080.Results The present total population of 31,000 individuals is largely distributed as small, fragmented subpopulations, often threatened by agriculture or forestry. The species’ current range is much smaller than its potentially suitable range. During the LGM, P. lusitanica would have been constrained to a limited number of sites along the Atlantic coast. In the mid‐Holocene, its potential range was much wider than during the LGM and similar to that of the present day. Under the 2080 climate scenario its potential range is reduced by almost 40% compared to that of the present. This reduction includes the loss of territories currently home to three‐quarters of its Iberian population.Main conclusions Drastic climatic changes and the existence of refugia are usually invoked to explain the rarity and fragmented distribution – yet persistence – of a subtropical flora in southern Europe. The availability of climatically suitable habitats is, however, not necessarily the main factor limiting its distribution. Human impact would appear to have been – and continues to be – of fundamental importance in the current population sizes and potential range of P. lusitanica in the Iberian Peninsula.