Tenure In Office Research Articles

Tenure in Office and Public Procurement

Tenure in Office and Public Procurement

Experiential Learning and Presidential Management of the U.S. Federal Bureaucracy: Logic and Evidence from Agency Leadership Appointments

AbstractPresidents become increasingly effective at managing the bureaucracy because of the information and expertise that they acquire from on‐the‐job experience. In their appointment choices, this theory predicts that presidents become better at reducing information asymmetries incurred from the bureaucracy (Agent Selection Learning), improve the vertical balance of leadership agent traits between top supervisory positions and subordinates directly beneath them (Agent Monitoring Learning), and place a greater relative premium on loyalty in response to horizontal policy conflict between the White House and the Senate (Common Agency Learning). This logic obtains empirical support from the analysis of bureaucratic agent traits for Senate‐confirmed presidential appointees serving in leadership positions covering 39 U.S. federal government agencies from 1977 to 2009. Presidents’ appointment strategies reflect their increasing effectiveness at managing the bureaucracy, thus complementing their increasing reliance on administrative mechanisms to achieve policy objectives as their tenure in office rises.

Ethnic Minority Governments, Democracy, and Human Rights

This study investigates empirically whether or not the presence of minority governments is more likely to induce the erosion of democracy. This is in light of how extant research in comparative democratization has focused on the deleterious effect of ethnic fractionalization on democratic survival. However, more recent work that re‐examined the ethnic heterogeneity and democratic collapse nexus finds mostly null effects. This article shows that ethnic fractionalization per se does not hinder the process of democratization. The study finds that the assumption to power of minority heads of government and their length of tenure in office lead to ethnic minority dominance that has a pernicious effect on democratic development and the promotion of human rights. The implications suggest that the presence of minority governments may generate ethnic tensions that precipitate longstanding political instability, which makes it difficult for democratic politics and its practices to endure.Related Articles Zavala de Alba, and Luis Eduardo. 2012. “.” Politics & Policy 40 (): 783‐801. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00385.x/abstract Harel‐Shalev, Ayelet. 2009. Politics & Policy 37 (): 951‐970. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00206.x/abstract Kim, Hae. 2009. “.” Politics & Policy 37 (): 395‐414. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00177.x/abstract Related Media Chaulia, Sreeram. 2003. “Minority Rule, Majority Hate.” . June 7. http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Front_Page/EF07Aa01.html Kramer, Martin. 2004. “When Minorities Rule in the Middle East (Parts 1 & 2).” December 22. . http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy‐analysis/view/when‐minorities‐rule‐in‐the‐middle‐east‐part‐i‐syria and https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy‐analysis/view/when‐minorities‐rule‐in‐the‐middle‐east‐part‐ii‐historical‐realities Wimmer, Andreas, Lars‐Erik Cederman, and Brian Min. 2014. “Ethnic Power Relations Dataset Version 3.0.” http://www.epr.ucla.edu/ Chua, Amy. 2004. “Conversations with History: Discussion on World on Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability.” January 22. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PUrfo5cyeDA

The Effect of Tenure on Mobbing Experienced by Teachers in Schools: A Meta-Analysis

The basic purpose of this study is to determine the effect sizes of teachers’ perception and opinions about mobbing experienced by teachers in schools in accordance with different tenures of office. 17 studies deemed meeting the inclusion criteria were chosen from 42 MA and PhD theses and dissertations in Council of Higher Education National Thesis Archive about mobbing experienced by teachers in schools in Turkey to be used in this study. Total number of samples in this study is 5790. In addition, several variables such as school type, educational level, researcher’s sex, the region used for the research and publication year that have not been included in the evaluation as a moderator in primary researches were analyzed. In accordance with the results of this study, based on the tenure of office variable, an effect size with statistical significance and of no statistical importance was determined on the part of teachers who have 11 and more years of service according to fixed effect model (d = -0.006) and on the part of teachers who have 1-10 years of service according to random effect model (d = 0.008). In the consequence of the moderator analysis conducted, the region where the study was conducted ( p = .85), the school type ( p = .59), educational level ( p = .52) and the researcher’s sex ( p = .13) were each determined not to be a moderator. In addition, an upward trend was observed in the differences among teachers’ periods of service by years in terms of effect sizes. As a result, not using the tenure of office as an independent moderator for the studies on mobbing faced by teachers may be recommended.

Myanmar and the United States, Closing and Opening Doors: An Idiosyncratic Analysis

An Idiosyncratic Analysis United State and Myanmar relations have profoundly altered for the better during President Obama’s tenure in office. They have helped Myanmar move along a trajectory of progress with a speed that few could have predicted. But the credit for these changes must go to first to those elements of the Myanmar leadership within the tatmadaw, outside of it, and in the opposition who fostered such changes. The external elements are but supporting actors in this drama. U.S.-Myanmar relations are at their apex since Independence in 1948. There are still many hurdles to overcome, any definition of “success’ is likely to engender dispute, and there is always the possibility of negative repercussions to internal chaos that could alter the best laid plans. Progress is sometimes tempered by stasis, progress by setbacks. Yet, in spite of the Cassandra cries of some both internal and external, modest optimism is the most appropriate prediction.

Searching for the Right Balance? Managing Foreign Policy Decisions under Eisenhower and Kennedy

Foreign policy decision making during a U.S. presidential administration's tenure in office is dynamic. The evolution model of decision making suggests that Presidents will use three structures to make decisions: a formal interagency process, and informal process based in a small group of senior advisers, and a confidence–based process where the President seeks often-private advice from the advisers he trusts the most. This essay goes beyond the evolution model by focusing on how Presidents and their senior advisers continually re-evaluate decision making, often concluding that the process needs major restructuring. Pressures to change are typically institutional; however, whether meaningful changes in the process are actually implemented depends on the President's idiosyncratic decision style. Case studies of Eisenhower (a preference for a formal style) and Kennedy (a preference for an informal style) illustrate how both men contemplated significant changes in their decision making process, but neither could ultimately implement them.

Are regulatory agencies independent in practice? Evidence from board members in Spain

AbstractAre the board members of regulatory agencies (regulators), taken as a particular cluster within the public sphere, independent of elected politicians and tenured bureaucrats? How can we assess their independence in practice, beyond formal rules? To address these questions, this paper delves into two key dimensions: board members' social connections and their security of tenure in office. Firstly, we focus on regulators' identity as policy adjudicators and examine their political and administrative relations. In doing so, we expect to understand better how regulators' social and political situations may influence their behavior. Secondly, we assess their political vulnerability through political cycles in order to measure their de facto independence over time. Additionally, variations in these two dimensions are compared with respect to the effect of different de jure appointment rules. We contrast these expectations with the empirical evaluation of board members of regulatory agencies in Spain (1979–2010). Thus, we confirm that regulators who have an administrative profile are more vulnerable to political changes than those with political ties, while appointment rules have an influence on their political vulnerability.

Deposito Diademate: Augustine’s Emperors

To assist colleagues from other disciplines who teach Augustine’s texts in their core courses, this contribution to the Lilly Colloquium discusses Augustine’s assessments of Emperors Constantine and Theodosius. His presentations of their tenure in office and their virtues suggest that his position on political leadership corresponds with his general skepticism about political platforms and platitudes. Yet careful reading of his revision of Ambrose’s account of Emperor Theodosius’s public penance and reconsideration of the last five sections of his fifth book City of God—as well as a reappraisal of several of his sermons on the Psalms—suggest that he proposes a radical alternative to political conformity relevant to undergraduates’ conventional expectations of society’s progress and their parts in it.

The Dependent Origins of Independent Agencies: The Interstate Commerce Commission and the Rise of Modern Campaign Finance and Capture

Independent regulatory agencies are some of the most powerful institutions in the United States, and we think of them today as designed to be insulated from political control. This Article shows that their origins were the opposite: this model first emerged in the late nineteenth century because it offered more political control.The modern executive’s design of unitary presidential control over most offices, along side “independent” regulatory agencies, took shape in the winter of 1886-1887. Congress repealed the Tenure of Office Act, giving the President the unchecked power to dismiss principal officers, and ending the Senate’s power to protect those officers. Shortly afterward, Congress created the Interstate Commerce Commission, the first model for the modern independent agency. These two statutes are a basic foundation for the modern executive branch: the unitary executive’s power over most offices, alongside independence regulatory commissions that are sometimes called a “fourth branch of government.”This structural change was triggered by a sudden and significant transformation in American campaign finance. In the nineteenth century, parties relied on “assessments,” officeholders paying a percentage of their salary as a kickback to their party. Due to the federal prohibition of patronage “assessments” in 1876 and 1883, the parties were forced to adopt our more recognizable modern system of large special interest campaign contributions. The Senate had less incentive to fight for its power over federal offices and assessment money, and it suddenly needed to increase its access to railroad money. The Interstate Commerce Commission was the Senate’s means of attracting that money. The existing scholarship on the Interstate Commerce Commission generally contends that Congress was “shifting responsibility,” decreasing its own power so that it could punt difficult issues and delegate them to a new commission. To the contrary, this Article shows that the Senate and the President were seizing power, not punting away thorny questions. The ICC was a rejection of a far more independent enforcement model (private civil litigation in federal or state courts) towards a model of shared political accountability model (a commission nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate for six-year terms. This story shows how sudden changes in campaign finance triggered dramatic changes in constitutional design, and set the foundation for the modern executive branch.

The Immunity Provision in the AU Amendment Protocol: Separating the (Doctrinal) Wheat from the (Normative) Chaff

In July 2014, the African Union adopted a new Protocol amending the Protocol on the African Court. In doing so it included a provision stating that certain state officials shall be immune from prosecution during their tenure of office. This article discusses whether the immunity provision is a reflection of customary international law or whether, on the contrary, it violates international law and undermines the Statute of the International Criminal Court.

Peacemaking Efforts among ASEAN Nations

Assalamu ‘Alaikum wr. wb.
 Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim.
 Dear Professor Director, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,
 I am grateful for this opportunity to share with you some thoughts on the topic of the role of ASEAN nations in promoting peace and regional cooperation in Southeast Asia and the wider region of East Asia. I will be discussing concerns over non-interference, the situations in East Timor, Myanmar and Rohingyas, and also matters over Malacca Straits, and ASEAN’s relations with China, and South China Sea issues during my tenure of office as Secretary-General of ASEAN.
 I have been appointed as a Visiting Professor of the University of Malaya since the middle of last year (2013), but have not been able to fulfil my obligations due to other pressing responsibilities and engagements around the world. This morning my wife asked me “how many people would make up the audience you will be speaking to today?” I said, “I don’t know.” She responded, “Usually your audience is around twenty thousand!” She was referring to the political campaigns. Pak Syed Hamid Albar here (former Foreign Minister of Malaysia) knows well what political campaigns and academic exercises of this nature have in common and what makes them different.

Peace Making Efforts among ASEAN Nations

(Transcribed by Tawfique Al-Mubarak from a public lecture at IAIS Malaysia on April 14th 2014) Assalamu ‘Alaikum wr. wb. Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim. Dear Professor Director, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am grateful for this opportunity to share with you some thoughts on the topic of the role of ASEAN nations in promoting peace and regional cooperation in Southeast Asia and the wider region of East Asia. I will be discussing concerns over non-interference, the situations in East Timor, Myanmar and Rohingyas, and also matters over Malacca Straits, and ASEAN’s relations with China, and South China Sea issues during my tenure of office as Secretary-General of ASEAN. I have been appointed as a Visiting Professor of the University of Malaya since the middle of last year (2013), but have not been able to fulfil my obligations due to other pressing responsibilities and engagements around the world. This morning my wife asked me “how many people would make up the audience you will be speaking to today?” I said, “I don’t know.” She responded, “Usually your audience is around twenty thousand!” She was referring to the political campaigns. Pak Syed Hamid Albar here (former Foreign Minister of Malaysia) knows well what political campaigns and academic exercises of this nature have in common and what makes them different.

China’s Perceptions of and Responses to Abe’s Foreign Policy

Over the past two years since Xi Jinping and Abe Shinzo came to power, the bilateral relationship between China and has been deteriorating steadily. China's perception of Abe's foreign policy orientation has been very negative. At the same time, China's response to it has also been very tough and assertive. At least four factors may account for China's attitude and behavior: China's rise, domestic politics, historical memory, and leadership personality. KEYWORDS: China, Japan, Sino-Japanese relations, East Asia security.ABE SHINZO CAME TO POWER AS JAPANESE PRIME MINISTER FOR THE second time in December 2012 and was reelected in 2014. His expected tenure of office (2012-2018) coincides with a great political transition in China, as Xi Jinping became the new secretary general of the Chinese Communist Party's Central Committee in late 2012. His tenure of office as the Chinese president is from 2013 to 2023. Both men became top leaders amid rising tension in the Sino-Japanese relationship, marked by the Japanese government's declaration of nationalization of the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands in September 2012, which drew a strong reaction from China. Abe is well-known for his nationalist and conservative tendencies, and Xi is also widely regarded as a political strongman (Denyer 2015). It is probably not a coincidence that since their coming to power, Sino-Japanese relations have steadily deteriorated, perhaps reaching the lowest point since their normalization in 1972. As a sign of how badly the relationship has declined, Xi did not meet Abe for nearly two years, until the Beijing Asia- Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in November 2014.What accounts for this steady deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations? I attempt to answer this question by focusing on China's perception of, and response to, Abe's foreign policy orientation since Abe came to power in late 2012. My analysis is mainly based on official Chinese policy statements, official mass media coverage (especially by Xinhua News Agency), and academic publications, especially those by China's experts. I do not make use of Chinese netizens' opinion of Abe's foreign policy.Strategic Ambition vs. Strategic AnxietyWhat is the main goal and motive of Abe's foreign policy orientation? Chinese officials rarely comment on this subject, and Chinese analysts so far have not reached a consensus on it. Most researchers and official news agency commentators emphasize the of Japanese politicians like Abe, namely, to make a country in international affairs.Those Chinese analysts who stress strategic ambition as the main goal of Abe's foreign policy argue that in the context of a changing East Asian geopolitical landscape, has been increasingly articulating a desire to become a country with a military not constitutionally barred from war and an active alliance policy (Jiang 2012). To become a normal country, including becoming a permanent member of the UN Security Council, is the most important goal of Abe's foreign policy. To this group of the Chinese researchers, Abe's policy, to some extent, is the continuation of Japan's search for the status of a political great power since the 1980s. is nowadays widely regarded as a declining power, and Abe is searching for great power status in the world by using the theme Japan is back.Interestingly, Henry Kissinger made a similar comment in his new book on world order:As at other pivotal moments in its history, is moving toward a redefinition of its broader role in international order, sure to have far-reaching consequences in its region and beyond. Searching for a new role, it will assess once again, carefully, unsentimentally, and unobtrusively, the balance of material and psychological forces in light of the rise of China, Korean developments, and their impact on Japan's security. It will examine the utility and record of the American alliance and its considerable success in serving wideranging mutual interests; it will also consider America's withdrawal from three military conflicts. …

Deliberate Disequilibrium

Anticipated retirements and relatively short tenure in office create a shortage of community college presidents in the United States. To fill the unprecedented number of vacancies requires a cadre of candidates well prepared for the demands of the position. Using Satir’s change model as a theoretical framework, this year-long reflective study examined eight first-time community college presidents in California. Satir’s model describes six stages of change; this article focuses on the third stage, one of chaos, or disequilibrium. Participants identified key professional experiences, the role of mentors, professional development activities, and doctoral studies as important strategies for navigating this professional disequilibrium and pursuing their career aspirations.

What Makes a Prime Minister Great?: A Leadership Trait Analysis of the effectiveness of British Prime Ministers from 1902 to 2004

What role do the Leadership Trait Analysis (LTA) criteria projected by a British Prime Minister (PM) have on the perceived effectiveness of their time in office? In this paper, the analysis of 20th-century British PMs utilized automated at-a-distance content analysis and the LTA coding system to determine the conceptual complexity, ability to control events, and need for power scores projected by PMs. The impact these traits had on the perceived effectiveness of the totality of the PMs’ tenure in office, as measured by the 2004 MORI/University of Leeds survey, was then examined via one-tailed ordinary least squares regression. This project provides evidence that British PMs who project traits associated with the LTA measure regarding strong power motivation are significantly viewed as more effective while in office. These findings provide more than a novel historical profile of British PMs. The relationship between effective leadership and LTA traits could be utilized by political campaigns, especially given the introduction of prime ministerial debates, to portray a prime ministerial candidate as more politically effective than his/her competition.

The Analysis of Teacher Leadership Styles According to Teachers’ Perceptions in Primary Schools

The study was carried out to identify the leadership styles of primary school teachers based on McGregor's X-Y Theory. The teachers’ leadership styles were also investigated in relation to their tenure of office, socio-economic environment and their teaching branch. The study group was composed of 215 primary school teachers, 153 of them were female and 62 of them were male. Teacher Leadership Styles Scale developed by Deniz and Hasançebioğlu (2002) was used to measure the leadership styles of teachers. The major results of the study are as follows: (1) teachers are found to be autocratic and repressive during teaching time, (2) teachers belong to high socio-economic school environment represent more democratic and participatory behaviors (3) teachers who have 1-10 years tenure of office represent more authoritative and traditional style of leadership.

Retrospective Economic Voting and the Intertemporal Dynamics of Electoral Accountability in the American States

How durable are politicians’ policymaking reputations with the electorate? A theory of reputation depreciation is advanced to explain why the electorate’s capacity to hold former officeholders accountable for prior economic stewardship is weakening not only in the time elapsed between prior elective office and seeking subsequent elective office, but also diminishing at a greater rate as the evaluative window for making retrospective economic assessments widens. Aggregate electoral data on ex-governors in the American states suggests that while prior economic stewardship evaluated over entire tenure in office for ex-governors offer the strongest initial retrospective economic attributions, it also yields the greatest rate of reputation depreciation for ex-governors seeking future elective office. Reputational slippage transpires with the passage of time between prior elective office and returning to the electoral arena, whereby voters experience increasing difficulty when it comes to rewarding competent experienced politicians, as well as sanctioning their incompetent counterparts.

CEO Origin and Accrual-Based Earnings Management

SYNOPSIS This study examines the influence of CEO origin on accrual-based earnings management and how these effects evolve over the CEO's tenure in office. Compared with CEOs promoted from within the company, CEOs recruited from outside have a stronger incentive to demonstrate their abilities in the initial years after their appointment; these outside CEOs also may have a lower expectation of surviving the short run. We predict and find that outside CEOs engage in greater income-increasing manipulation in the early years of their tenure. However, the differences in earnings management practices become insignificant after CEOs survive the short run. Our results are robust to a variety of alternative hypotheses and sensitivity checks. The findings thus show that CEO origin is an important factor for explaining financial reporting strategies; they also add to our understanding of CEO origin, managerial horizon problems, and the determinants of aggressive accounting. Data Availability: The data used in this study are publicly available from the sources indicated in the text.

The Political History of Hydraulic Fracturing’s Expansion Across the West

DOI 10.1515/cjpp-2013-0041 Calif. J. Politics Policy 2014; 6(1): 153–186 Robert E. Forbis Jr* The Political History of Hydraulic Fracturing’s Expansion Across the West Abstract: This article presents an historical-based analysis of how executive branch actions altered federal domestic energy policies and the effect of that shift on the Bureau of Land Management’s (BLM) domestic energy policies and resource alloca- tions. The analysis is supported by interview data collected from among Department of Interior officials who served during the Bush-Cheney administration as well as BLM administrators located in Wyoming, Colorado, and New Mexico. The analy- sis and interviews were conducted at the close of President Bush’s tenure in office (2008–2009). The article includes an analysis of archival and government documents describing executive branch actions directing the BLM to favor the energy develop- ment industry’s use of the hydraulic fracturing development process. First, these events are presented chronologically to illustrate how a president and his executive appointees established changes to federal energy policies at the agency level that led to the reallocation of resources favoring domestic energy development. Second, an interpretive analysis of the interview data is presented as a means of validating the initial, document-based analysis. As the article concludes, documents as well as the voices of those most closely involved in the policymaking process confirm that executive branch actions shifted federal domestic energy policies, which then resulted in increased numbers and types of federal development projects using the hydraulic fracturing and directional drilling energy resource development process expanded rapidly across the states of the Rocky Mountain West. Keywords: Bureau of land management; energy policy; environmental policy; executive branch; ­hydraulic fracturing; subgovernment theory. *Corresponding author: Robert E. Forbis Jr, Texas Tech University, Political Science, P.O. Box 41015, Lubbock, TX 79409-1015, USA, Tel.: 806-742-4047, Fax: 806-742-0850, e-mail: robert.forbis@ttu.edu 1 T he Political Will-Power to Achieve a Domestic Policy Objective Prior to being sworn in President George W. Bush announced his first nomina- tion to oversee the federal energy-related administrative agencies. In December of

Analyzing Job Motivation Level of High School Teachers in Turkey

The aim of this research is to analyze job motivation level of high school teachers in Turkey. This is a descriptive research in the survey model. The population of the study is teachers who work in high schools in Karabük and Sinop. As a data collection instrument “Job Motivation Scale” developed by Aksoy (2006) was used. The frequency, percentage, arithmetical mean and standard deviation of the answers were calculated. Independent t-Test and One-Way ANOVA were performed to analyze the data. According to research findings, teachers have the highest motivation in dimension of commitment to job and the lowest level of motivation in the dimension of integration with the job. Job motivation level of teachers in high schools shows a significant difference in terms of age, tenure of office and education level while motivation of teachers do not show a significant difference in terms of teachers’ gender.