Temporary Commission Research Articles

Risk Assessment for Hydrocarbon Fuel Storage and Handling Facilities at Gaili Area, Khartoum North-Sudan

This study focused on evaluating the concepts of risk assessment associated with unsafe acts according to hazard identification at Gaili Area, Khartoum North, Sudan. Approaches used in this study; Research tools: Interviews, definite questionnaire & computer program for descriptive statistics – statistical package for social science (SSPS/version 22 – 2014). The study of risk assessment is conducted for workers in fuel terminals at Gaili area and analyzed using environmental health and safety concepts for eight jobs. Risk is associated with Job (driver, electrician, pump attendant, etc.), after hazards to be identified (natural, environmental, technological, biochemical, etc.). Fuel truck drivers at Gaili area showed the most highly risk job. The result showed that 60% of the incidents were caused by the hydrocarbon fuel transport drivers at the study area as the most highly risk job, followed by the electricians being the most affected job by electrical shocks during working hours followed by the pump attendants then welders followed by mechanics; including fatalities, restricted work activities, injuries, first aid and property damage. The study recommended to formulate of temporary committees such as autumn committee is not efficient in solving the problem, HSE steering committee should be a permanent committee to direct the emergency planning according to risk based assessment for identified hazards.

ДО ПИТАННЯ ПРО РОЛЬ П.М.МІЛЮКОВА У ЛЮТНЕВІЙ РЕВОЛЮЦІЇ 1917 РОКУ В РОСІЇ

In this article it the activity of the head of the Constitutional-Democratic Party of Russia and one of the leaders of the liberal-democratic movement P. N. Milyukovaon the eve ofand during the February revolution 1917 in Russia is discussed. The authors investigated the main aspects of the Milyukov activities in Duma, his role in the creation of the Progressive Bloc and the Temporary Committee of the State Duma. Also, the participation of Milyukov in the events of February 26, 1917 on stabilizing the revolutionary situation in the capital among the troops of the Petrograd garrison and in the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Temporary Government it is considered

February 23 and March 8: Two Holidays that Upstaged the February Revolution

By most accounts, the Russian Revolution began on February 23, 1917 with the women's strike for bread and suffrage. Yet for the next thirteen years (until 1930), that revolutionary beginning was celebrated on March 12, after which it was expunged from the revolutionary calendar altogether. “International Women's Day” meanwhile became March 8 because of the change in the Russian calendar in 1918 (it had been 13 days behind the European calendar), and February 23 became “Red Army Day” and subsequently (in 2006), “Day of the Defender of the Fatherland.” Over the course of the early 1920s, the connection between the women's strike on February 23/March 8 and the February Revolution was actively undermined in several ways. First, the February Revolution itself was dated not from the moment when women marched in the streets of Petrograd calling out the men to strike, but rather from March 12 (February 27), which was the day of the founding of the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, soon to become the Provisional Government. Second, the celebration of the two holidays of Red Army Day on February 23 and International Women's Day on March 8 created a split between men and women in their celebrations, separating them and assigning spheres to each, the army for men and the home for women. Finally, the creation of February 23 as the anniversary of the Red Army's founding seems to have deliberately upstaged both women's involvement in the 1917 Revolution and the overthrow of autocracy.

Социальные изменения и управление

The paper analyses a set of theoretical issues of the state-of-arts in the modern theory of social government. Basing on the screening of some fundamental works on urbanization and globalization as well as on the author’s experience in the field of risk analysis and environmental sociology, the shortlist of the most often used terms in this research field has been built. The author came to conclusion that the subject matter in this research area is very complex, multilevel, multidisciplinary, and therefore a model of research field cannot be restricted by the analysis of an act of ‘decision-making’ as such. Government and domination, the role of social movements, ‘we-they’ dichotomy, ruling under conditions of globalization, hybrid taming, government and self-regulation under crisis and critical conditions, are the main topics under consideration. In sum, any ‘decision-making’ is a complex a global-inclusive process of a probable character, with many twists, ups and downs, with a feedback burdened by unintended consequences and unforeseen results. This process may be qualified as ‘learning by permanent reflection and social activity, i.e. self-regulation. The paper also studies the time characteristics of the above process of governance, the role of environment in this process, specifics of the process of self-regulation in a globalized world. The author concludes that nowadays the concept of “government” is increasingly often replaced by the term “regulation process”, which implies the presence of forward and backward links between the agent and the object of control (in the form of dialogue, negotiations, temporary commissions, expert groups). The process of “decision-making” is understood as a discursive process. Feedback system becomes a term and, at the same time, a real link between the agent and the subject of management, and the environment in which this adjustment takes place. Management increasingly drifts towards regulation as a result of interactions of competition and cooperation, bargaining and negotiations, action in the wake of already existing agreements and continuous generation of new ideas and connections.

실태조사를 통한 연도별 기관의 안전관리 위원회 구성 및 안전관리자 선임에 관한 비교 연구

The study is conducted in order to identify whether there is difference in laboratory safety management committee and safety manager appointment for type of institutes(university, research institute, enterprise institute). The study conducted statistical analysis of 2484 institutes (university, research institute, enterprise institute) that attended 'current status of laboratory safety management' by year(number of current status participation). As a result, university showed increase in forming safety management committee as the number of current status(year) increases. The number of safety management committee held were the highest amongst all institutes being 2 held/2 year. Furthermore, period of safety management committee held at university and research institutes are decreasing stately. For 2014, the rate of hosting periodic committee and temporary committee simultaneously when necessary are increasing. The rate of appointing safety manager who is in charge of laboratory safety is increasing in university, but it is decreasing in research institute and enterprise institute. The work pattern of safety manager in university is increase in exclusive duties and decrease in adjunct duties, while work pattern in research institute and enterprise institute is more on the contract duties.

An Australian View of the Pusan Political Crisis in Korea, 1952

This paper examines the ‘Pusan Political Crisis’ through Australian archival documents. Though Australia was a member of the UNTCOK (United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea), it opposed the strategy of the US to establish a divided government in Korea. Thus, Australia paid sharp attention to the political situation in Korea as it took part in the UNCURK (United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea). The scramble for power broke out in Pusan, which was the ROK’s interim wartime capital. The president was to be elected by the National Assembly according to the Constitution, but the majority of National Assembly members didn’t support Syngman Rhee. Thus, he intended to change over to a direct presidential election system to win re-election. The members of the National Assembly opposed to Syngman Rhee appealed to the Australian diplomat to assist in preventing Rhee formally becoming a dictator. Although the Australian diplomat sincerely desired to intervene in this event due to his belief in and desire for adherence to democratic principles he was to some extent reluctant to do so as he did not have specific orders and to interfere in the domestic affairs of a sovereign was not a step to be taken lightly. Plimsoll was also fully aware of the propaganda victory it would give the Soviet Union-the UNO removing the head of state of a country it had brought into being. Eventually Rhee concluded this crisis by proclaiming martial law and arresting his opponents in the National Assembly.

The model of Matthias Church, created by Frigyes Schulek, and its role in the design

The medieval building of the Church of Our Lady in Buda was converted to be the coronation church between 1872-96, with the design and guidance of Frigyes Schulek, student of Friedrich Schmidt from Vienna. The story of the building model, prepared during the construction, sheds light on the design process. The model was created in the sculptor’s workshop of the construction office from 1877-1884, undergoing several conversions just for the purpose of testing the different design versions. This work was carried out in parallel with the construction until 1884. From analysing the resources, it could be concluded that Schulek designed the facade with two towers of different sizes: a lower neo-Romanesque north tower and another one reconstructed from the existing south tower. In this design, Imre Henszlmann, the instructor of the Temporary Committee of Monuments, played a major role; in his expert report, published in 1874, he suggested building the towers following the supposed invention of the first builders. Schulek realized this suggestion on the model. Although he had submitted the plan with two different towers to a design judgement, the discussion never took place, since the minister, Ágoston Trefort, withdrew the construction of the neo-Romanesque north tower from the building programme in 1884, referring to financial difficulties. So this design stage was only discovered during the research of the model.

Activitatea Primăriei Timişoara în anul 1934 / Activity of the Mayoralty of Timișoara in 1934

The present study provides an analysis of the activity of the mayoralty of Timişoara in 1934. For this scientificapproach, I have studied the archive material related to the meetings of the Temporary Committee of the town.During the year of 1934, the Mayoralty of the town of Timişoara allotted important sums of money formaintenance and development of the health institutions subordinated to it. Thus, it stipulated enlargementof Children Hospital “Principele Mircea”, development of Obstetrical Institute, construction of TuberculosisHospital, transferring of the Anti-rabies Institute “Dr. Victor Babeş” in a new adequate building, as well as transferof Polyclinical Ambulatory. It anticipated the creation of a Microbiological Institute.The Temporary Committee of the Mayoralty granted financial aid to enlarge the Centre for Children’sProtection and also contributed to the foundation of a school of nursing.On a cultural level, it approved the request of certain persons from Banat concerning both the allottmentof a large surface in the centre of town to the Royal Foundations for the construction of the Palace of the RoyalFoundations, and granting support in order to build it.Concrete steps were taken for the creation of a talent company of a permanent Romanian theatre in Timişoara.The clauses of that convention stipulated the Mayoralty’s desire to organize educative shows for pupils, youth,workers, soldiers, poor employees as an interest in enlightenment of population of Timişoara.The Temporary Committee also considered a draft contract for the foundation of a Timişoara-Bucureşti airline.The Mayoralty was disposed to allot important sums of money and to contribute to the necessary workings forfulfilment of this extremely important desideratum for Timişoara and for the region of Banat.In 1934, the project concerning construction of the Justice Palace was discussed again. It also appropriatedland for construction of the Palace of the Apprentices’ hostel.The foundation of a Maid-servants’ hostel destined for sheltering and protecting the maid-servants that camefrom the country looking for work was also approved.In 1934, a number of large urban works were planned and executed. These included restoration of the façadeof the Communal Theatre, pavements, street pavement care, development of a water supply, sewerage, electricnetwork, repair of bridges, arrangement of parks and equipment for children grounds in parks etc.At the same time, it was decided to construction a new school and to repair a series of other school buildingsin Timișoara.The Temporary Committee took a very important decision for the future development of the town concerningfoundation of the Office of Urbanistic Studies affiliated with the Technical Services. It was established to create astatistical year book of the municipe (for the beginning for the year of 1933).There were preoccupations for a rational administration of the enterprises subordinated to the Mayoralty ofTimişoara. The temporary Committee stipulated construction of a hydroelectric plant on Muntele Mic, as well asthe organization of a summer camp at Poiana Mărului as a destination for the ill children of Timişoara.The Mayoralty was focused on conferring social assistance (for hostels, orphan asylum) and for supportingseveral cultural institutions, religious cults etc.In the same time, the Mayoralty leadership continued to take into account and support the development ofsports, both professional and mass sports.

Single market, global competition: regulating the European market in a global economy

Development of Europe's single market induces a range of regulatory measures to help the market function effectively and meet policy goals. However, the European market is nested inside a global economy; some rules designed to perfect the single market may generate competitive disadvantages as producers interact outside the European market. How does the EU address this tension? Examining cases of chemicals regulation, the single market in public procurement, and regulation of end-of-life vehicles recycling, this contribution identifies three mechanisms: regulatory accommodation; compliance deficits; and international uploading of EU regulation. The first involves revisions of proposed regulation following objections from organized business interests; the second entails temporary European Commission toleration of non-compliance; and the third consists of efforts to establish global regulation coinciding with single market rules. The distribution of these mechanisms varies across sectors and over time, but reconciliation measures are politically essential to the continued construction of the single market in a global economy.

Judith Bellafaire and Mercedes Herrera Graf . Women Doctors in War . (Williams‐Ford Texas A&M University Military History Series, number 128.) College Station : Texas A&M University Press . 2009 . Pp. xii, 255. $35.00.

This book traces the history of female physicians who served with or in the military, from the Civil War through the present-day wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Battling both a male-dominated military and a male-dominated medical hierarchy, these women struggled to attain the right to serve in the armed forces and then to define their roles, both as members of the military and as physicians. Neither of these goals proved easy, as Judith Bellafaire and Mercedes Herrera Graf point out. For most of the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, women faced a military that resisted admitting them as permanent members and a medical field that ascribed masculine qualities to the role of physician. The text begins with the Civil War and the Spanish-American War, during which women who sought to work as military physicians found no clear way to do so. Several women managed to join the war effort, usually working as nurses or occasionally as contract surgeons who held no authority in the military hospitals in which they labored. During World War I, when the Army Medical Department requested the services of all physicians in the country, the women who responded learned that they were not eligible for commissions because of their sex. Again, women found work in military hospitals only as contract surgeons when sufficient numbers of male physicians could not be found. The pressing needs for health care personnel during World War II finally pushed the U.S. military to offer women temporary commissions, but like most other women in the armed forces, they found themselves discharged at war's end. Women gained the right to hold permanent, career commissions as military physicians in 1952, and thereafter their number steadily increased. In particular, the creation of the All-Volunteer Force in 1973 increased the educational benefits available to women and made the military a more appealing career choice for many of them. Still, as the authors describe, female physicians continued to face hurdles to both their military and medical careers that male physicians did not.

Establishment of the Temporary Committee for Foreign affairs in 1917

Establishment of the Temporary Committee for Foreign affairs in 1917

Comment on ‘When in Rome, reform’

Comment on ‘When in Rome, reform’

Témoignages sur la violence coloniale : la campagne internationale menée dans l’entre-deux-guerres contre le travail forcé

Testimonies on colonial violence : the international campaign against forced labor in the period between the two World WarsIn June 1925, a troublesome report arrived at the Temporary Commission on Slavery (League of Nations) detailing generalized acts of violence which were taking place in Angola and Mozambique – Portuguese territories and thus directly under European control – while this very Commission was considering how to end such practices. This damning testimony on abuse and brutality by Portuguese colonialism described how Portuguese officials and white settlers, with impunity, beat, violated or even killed Africans. According to Ross, author of the report and professor at the University of Wisconsin, the forced labor work system was in many respects worse than slavery and was mainly responsible for these acts of violence.

Balancing Roles of Representation in the European Commission

Representation is one essential dimension of executive governance. This article has a dual ambition: The first is to outline an institutional perspective on representation that may explore and explain the everyday balancing act of representation among government officials. The second ambition is to empirically illuminate dynamics of representation among crucial test-bed inside the European Commission, that of temporary officials. Temporary Commission officials offer a valuable laboratory for exploring the fine balancing act of representation. Based on survey and interview data on temporary Commission officials, this study supports an institutional perspective on representation in two ways. First, temporary Commission officials tend to evoke a tripartite representational repertoire consisting of departmental, epistemic and supranational roles. Second, the composite mix of representational roles evoked by these officials is biased by the organisational boundaries and hierarchies embedding them. Representation within the Commission is a balancing act that is considerably biased by (i) the formal organisation of the Commission, (ii) the multiple organisational embeddedness of the staff, (iii) their degrees of organisational affiliation towards the Commission, (iv) their modes of interaction within the Commission, as well as (v) their educational backgrounds.

“Let A Common Interest Bind Us Together”: Associations, Partisanship, and Culture in Philadelphia, 1775–1840 (review)

Let A Common Interest Bind Us Together: Associations, Partisanship, and Culture in Philadelphia, 1775-1840. By Albrecht Koschnik. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2007. Pp. 384. Cloth, $45.00.)Reviewed by Gerald LeonardIn 1840, Martin Van Buren charged that the nation's incorporated volun- tary associations, like so many of its business corporations, were agents of aristocracy. By some mysterious law of their nature, these organizations seemed always to resist the will of the people.1 Van Buren's tone reflected some befuddlement, but this mastermind of democratic organization did not slow down to consider the reasons why literary and benevolent societies were so dominated by Whigs, federalists, and other contemnors of democracy. Nor have historians closely considered the connections between, on the one hand, the first stirrings of mass organization and, on the other, the birth of the private associations that equally defined early republican civil society. Although historians have certainly been aware of the partisan leanings of so many of the voluntary associators, Albrecht Koschnik's valuable new book on early national Philadelphia brings these connections into sharper focus.Koschnik's story is a neat one. Demonstrating (like many before him) the general hostility to that persisted from the Revolution through the early 1800s, Koschnik nicely conveys the post-Revolution worry that any political organization outside the government contained the seeds of more revolutions. This hostility to political organization made it easy for Federalists to undermine the Democratic Society of Philadelphia (and its counterparts in other American cities). The Society arguably embodied the first instance of what might be called formal organization in Pennsylvania, and Federalists easily made the charge of revolutionary tendencies stick, thanks especially to the Whiskey Rebellion. Even though Pennsylvania had itself been a notorious hotbed of factionalism for decades before the Revolution, antiparty sentiment helped drive one voluntary organization after another out of business in the 1 780s and 1790s. But the abortiveness of formal organization did not deter organization altogether. Rather, it left a void that would be filled by extrapolitical voluntary associations, organizations that avowed charitable or other civic purposes and avoided electioneering, but frequently carried marked partisan identities.The Tammany Society, for example, left Republican electioneering to the temporary committees that emerged as elections approached, but it regulated its own membership by a test of political character. It served the Republican cause by building a year-round fellowship of active democrats (many of whom would, of course, participate in the temporary electioneering committees as well). The Federalists, for their part, created a series of equivalent organizations, culminating in the Washington Benevolent Society of 1811. It was the Federalists who pioneered the notion that these organizations should chiefly pursue charitable purposes or other civic goals, like the establishment of libraries and other cultural institutions. At the same time, there was no doubting that these organizations fostered Federalist cohesion and influence in a way analogous to the Tammany Society and other Republican-oriented organizations.Koschnik's story supplies welcome detail and texture to the now dominant understanding of early competition: that the competition between Federalists and Republicans fell well short of constituting a party system even as it rested on significant advances in organization. At the same time, Koschnik suggests that the antipartyist tradition supplies a major part of the explanation for the emergence of extrapolitical voluntary associations. …

A Pattern of Constraint

The nature of the Canadian-American relationship during the Korean War (1950-53) has been debated for over 30 years. In 1974, political scientist Denis Stairs argued that Canadians pressed for greater UN control over the prosecution of the American-led war to prevent military escalation. officials, he explained, it was essential to moderate and constrain the course of American decisions in the far east.1 In 1992, historian Robert Prince challenged this interpretation. Drawing largely from recently released documents from the Department of External Affairs (DEA), he contended that Canada and America had had similar goals in Korea. Moreover, thanks largely to their to maintain influence in Washington and their fears of splitting the western alliance, the diplomats from Ottawa were limited in their ability to constrain their most significant ally.2 More recently, historian John Price has corroborated Prince's argument by demonstrating how, during the negotiations to create the United Nations temporary commission on Korea in 1947, Canada's undersecretary of state for external affairs, Lester Pearson, was focusing on cementing a Cold War partnership with the United at virtually any cost.3In spite of the legitimacy of their evidence, Stairs's detractors are not entirely convincing. Certainly, it is reasonable to question whether Canada and the United States placed the same value on the security of Korea. While the Americans felt it was crucial to their interests, the advisor to Canada's ambassador to the United States described Korea in his memoirs as a conflict whose objectives were at best peripheral to our own.4 And Canadian Minister of Defence Brooke Claxton suggested at the time that the United States was getting [Canada] into something to which there really was no end.5 Canada was also certainly limited in its ability to influence American activity in Korea. But the evidence that it did not wish to restrain-or constrain - the United States is more ambiguous. Specifically, Canada was prepared to use the full extent of its diplomatic capital to keep the Americans from undertaking any atomic offensive deemed unnecessary by Ottawa. Primary documents of top-secret Canadian-American consultations reveal that constraint was a pattern in Canadian foreign policy, resulting from differing Canadian-American approaches to the early Cold War.Fears that America was actively considering atomic strikes resulted from comments made by the president of the United States five months into the Korean War. On 30 November 1950, Harry Truman told American reporters that Washington would not require United Nations authorization to initiate an atomic attack. The mention of atomic weapons was impromptu, and reporters were under orders not to quote the president verbatim. Nonetheless, precise transcripts of the press conference were disseminated to foreign embassies in Washington by media sources.Reports of America's hawkishness generated significant concern among nations who had committed troops to follow US orders in the far east. The Canadian government quickly dispatched a letter to Washington declaring its strong opposition to the use of atomic weapons in Korea, while the Britain Prime Minister Clement Attlee was petitioned to make an immediate trip to Washington to discuss the matter.As a result of Attlee's December 1950 discussions in Washington, the British and American governments issued a joint communique declaring the importance of strong allied cohesion in Korea to prevent any possible Soviet aggression in the east. The announcement was also an attempt to calm allied concerns that the United States was considering the unilateral deployment of atomic weapons. Truman declared that it was his hope that world conditions would never call for the use of the atomic bomb, and went on to express his desire to keep the Prime Minister at all times informed of developments which might bring about a change in the situation. …

The 'Cat's Paw': Canada and the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea

Canada played an important role in the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea that was established in 1947. The long-forgotten commission supervised elections in the southern half of the divided peninsula in 1948 and found them 'fair and free.' This legitimized the emerging state of South Korea and provided the basis for United Nations intervention in the Korean War of 1950. This essay probes the formation of the commission, the role that Canada played within it, and the commission's impact on Korea at the time. In contrast to more conventional interpretations of the Canadian role in the commission, this article suggests that the Canadian role displayed fierce fluctuations but eventually became closely linked to the US position. In its quest to prove itself a faithful ally of the United States, the Liberal government subordinated the interests of reunification of the Korean peninsula to confrontation with the Soviet Union, helped polarize the politics of the peninsula, and facilitated the creation of a brutal regime in the South in a flawed election. The author suggests the problems associated with Canadian foreign policy toward Korea at the time are rooted in Eurocentrism and in misguided notions of US 'isolationism' among makers of foreign policy of that era. Le Canada a jou� un r�le important dans la Commission temporaire des Nations Unies sur la Cor�e, qui fut cr��e en 1947. Tomb�e dans l'oubli depuis longtemps, cette commission supervisa les �lections dans la moiti� sud de la p�ninsule divis�e en deux en 1948 et les d�clara � justes et libres �. Cette proclamation ent�rina la cr�ation du nouvel �tat de la Cor�e du Sud et fournit une justification pour l'intervention des Nations Unies dans la guerre de Cor�e de 1950. Cet essai se penche sur la formation de la commission, le r�le que joua le Canada au sein de celle-ci et l'impact qu'elle eut sur la Cor�e � l'�poque. Contrairement � des interpr�tations plus conventionnelles du r�le jou� par le Canada dans la commission, l'essai sugg�re qu'il connut nombre de fluctuations, mais finit par �tre �troitement align� sur la position am�ricaine. Dans ses efforts visant � prouver la fiabilit� de son alliance avec les �tats-Unis, le gouvernement lib�ral fit passer au second plan les int�r�ts de la r�unification de la p�ninsule cor�enne pour privil�gier l'affrontement avec l'Union sovi�tique, il contribua � polariser la politique dans la p�ninsule et favorisa la cr�ation d'un r�gime brutal dans le Sud � la suite d'une �lection douteuse. L'auteur sugg�re que les probl�mes associ�s � la politique �trang�re canadienne envers la Cor�e �taient, � l'�poque, ancr�s dans l'eurocentrisme et les fausses notions au sujet de l'isolationnisme am�ricain qui pr�valaient parmi les responsables de la politique �trang�re de l'�poque.

The ‘Cat's Paw’: Canada and the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea

The ‘Cat's Paw’: Canada and the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea

The Committees of Independent Experts: expertise in the service of democracy?

Starting from a deliberately limited topic - the Committees of Independent Experts - this article looks at the tensions between the different models of democracy in the EU. It shows that the parliamentary model of democracy remains subject to serious limits in the EU. The creation of the Committees of Independent Experts is the direct outcome of the European Parliament's inability to implement formal mechanisms of parliamentary control, such as censure or Temporary Committees of Inquiry. In calling for experts to control and assess the Commission, the European Parliament itself has shown the importance in the EU of non- parliamentary control procedures. Better adapted to the institutional structure of the EU than the classical parliamentary instruments, these procedures, based on " wise men', remain questionable with respect to the principle of accountability. Their legitimacy is fragile because they can easily be led away from their aims, or even captured by the very actors they are meant to control, outside of any public deliberation. They cannot yet be considered sufficient elements of a new normative system which would suffice to ensure the development of a supranational democracy in the EU.

The 1900-1 opposition of 433 Eros, the solar parallax, and the contribution of Padova Observatory

In 1898 a new asteroid, 433 Eros, was discovered. As the opposition of 1900 October 30, would bring this asteroid very close to Earth, the <italic>Comité International Permanent pour l'Exécution Photographique de La Carte du Ciel</italic> instituted a special temporary Commission with the task of co-ordinating micrometric, heliometric, and photographic observations from different places on Earth, in order to determine the solar parallax. Fifty-one astronomical observatories, including the Italian Observatories of Arcetri, Padova, and Teramo, took part in this project with visual and photographic observations. Antonio Maria Antoniazzi, astronomer at the Padova Observatory, observed the new asteroid from 1900 October to 1901 February. The 122 observations made in Padova from October to December, formed part of the data set used by Arthur Hinks of the Cambridge Observatory, who had the task of reducing all of the observations. In addition to discussing the final outcome of the 1900-1 programme, this paper briefly examines the solar parallax investigations associated with the Eros opposition of 1930-1.