Temporary Commission Research Articles

Georgian Aristocracy in the Politics of the Russian Empire: Mechanisms and Stages of Integration

This article examines the process of integration of the Georgian elite into the social and political space of the Russian Empire in the first half of the nineteenth century. In this case, integration should be understood as confirmation of the class rights of the Georgian nobility. This process lasted for half a century. The first part of the article analyses the efforts of the Russian authorities aimed at finding an optimal format for confirming the class rights of the Georgian elite. The class guarantees of the Georgian aristocracy were recorded in several documents, most notably in the Treaty of Georgievsk in 1783 and the Manifesto to the Georgian People in 1801. In addition, the rights of the noble Georgian class were guaranteed in several official proclamations of the regional Russian administration. However, the “nobilisation” of the Georgian elite encountered several legal obstacles and was delayed. Another problem of the Russian government was the unauthorised issuance of princely and noble letters by Georgian princes, who, after the liquidation of the royal house of Bagration, were resettled to Russian capitals. The government was not immediately successful in stopping this illegal practice. All these difficulties led to the fact that by the middle of the nineteenth century, most representatives of the Georgian nobility had not received recognition of their class rights at the imperial level. The second part of the article examines the activities of the first Caucasian Viceroy, Mikhail Vorontsov, aimed at completing the process of the “nobilsation” of the Georgian nobility. In 1846, at the proposal of the Viceroy, two special temporary commissions were created in Tiflis and Kutais to examine the class rights of the Georgian nobility. The commissions consisted of representatives of the Georgian nobility and Russian officials. The work of the commissions was completed in 1849, and a year later the lists of Georgian princes and nobles received the approval of Emperor Nicholas I. The Confirmation of rights made the Georgian nobility part of the imperial elite and motivated Georgians to take an active part in empire-building.

Censorship of the Polish Periodical Press in Vilnius in the Years 1905–1914

The article is devoted to the policy of censorship in Lithuania after the Manifesto issued by Emperor Nicholas II on 17 October 1905 in order to find out those ideas, thoughts, and opinions that the authorities of the Russian Empire sought to exclude from the communication process. The main object of the research is the Polish periodical press (newspapers, magazines, continuous, and one-off publications) published in Vilnius in 1905-1914. With the help of a comparative perspective, we will try to answer the question of whether the censorship of the Polish periodicals was subject to the same policy as other publications, whether there were peculiarities, or whether these periodicals were addressed more strictly. The main source of the research is the materials of the minutes of the meetings of the Temporary Committee on Press Affairs in Vilnius that have not been used in previous research.

Cultural Heritage in the Field of the Idea of Nature Protection in the Second Polish Republic (1918-1939) as an Antecedent of Ecological Education in Poland at the Turn of the 21st Century

The aim of the article is to present the heritage of Polish culture on the example of the co-creators of the idea of nature protection, the “spiritual fathers” of ecological education in the Second Polish Republic (1918-1939) who developed normative acts of nature protection, such as the Act of 10 March 1934 on nature protection. They contributed to the establishment of the Temporary Commission for Nature Conservation (1919) / State Council for Nature Conservation (1925), the League for Nature Conservation (1928). They were advocates of nature reserves, national parks, as well as broadly understood education of Polish society aimed at raising ecological awareness (environmental education). The research problem is set in the interpretative paradigm of humanistic, social sciences. Consequently, a qualitative method of research was applied (qualitative text analysis /qualitative analysis of documents), in which hermeneutic understanding and text interpretation is relevant. The source basis includes printed texts and scientific research directly and indirectly connected with the subject issue. Shaping environmental awareness in the process of environmental education in the Second Polish Republic has a timeless value. It is a valuable heritage of national culture and an antecedent of ecological education implemented in the general tendency of postmodern culture, which evokes the ideals of the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century.

Abolitionism and Self-government. Dantès Bellegarde’s Participation in the Temporary Commission on Slavery of the League of Nations

In 1924, the League of Nations created a Temporary Commission on Slavery. For the first time in the organization’s history, a black person, the Haitian Dantès Bellegarde, was called to form part of a commission as an expert. This article explores Bellegarde’s role on the Commission. The Haitian expert showed himself to be the most radical of the members of that body. Although imbued with the hierarchical and evolutionary ideas in which all the work of the League was framed, Bellegarde was able to offer a serious critique of the colonial government, rarely heard at the League, centered on the issue of denouncing forced labour. In doing so, Bellegarde demonstrated a deep commitment to follow through on the promises of liberal internationalism about the need to enable colonial subjects, particularly in Africa, to develop their capacities for self-government.

제헌국회의원 선거법의 선거권 연령 하향 요인과 북조선 선거법의 영향

The North Korean Election Act had a great influence on the process of deciding the Constitutional National Assembly Election Act. In 1948, the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea on Korea compared and studied North Korea's election law with the election law enacted by South Korean Interim Legislative Assembly, and had a meeting to listen to the opinions of major domestic figures on the age of North Korea's right to vote. In the interview, the age issue of voting rights was mentioned first, and in North Korea's election regulations, it was also mentioned that the age of voting rights was 20 years or older.
 While the election law was enacted in South Korea, North Korea continued to criticize the South Korea's election law as undemocratic and limited. On the other hand, North Korea touted that North Korea's election laws and socialist countries' election laws represent 'true democracy'. This situation served as a very unfavorable factor for the United States to show off the excellence of American democracy in South Korea, and rather a positive factor in the process of enacting a “democratic” election law. The U.S. military government was considering left-wing propaganda in the process of enacting the election law. In addition, North Korea's election law directly or indirectly affected the decision-making process of the U.S. military government. In this regard, it can be confirmed once again through the issue of the age of the election law that South Korea and North Korea consciously and unconsciously influence each other through various ways.

Contemporary Art in Heritage Practice: Mapping Its Intentions, Claims, and Complexities

ABSTRACT Since the 1990s, contemporary art projects have appeared in an increasing variety of heritage sites across the UK, from grand palaces and country houses, to industrial museums and historic waterways. In England, the country's two leading national heritage organizations, The National Trust and English Heritage, have vigorously engaged with contemporary art and artists, generating exhibitions and temporary commissions that significantly extend traditional approaches to heritage presentation. Drawing on interviews with art curators and program managers working in this field and grounded analysis of project documentation and grey literature, this article maps the territory of contemporary artists’ recent engagement with the heritage sector and the institutional claims made for the benefits of this new type of heritage practice. Artistic engagement focuses on four significant aspects of heritage sites: object collections; built architecture; designed landscapes; and intangible narratives of people and place. Disparate and sometimes conflicting claims are made for the value of this activity, ranging from audience development and diversification, increased visitor numbers, heritage site reanimation, to the generation of opportunities for artists’ creative and professional development. Despite this growth and the strong level of advocacy advanced for contemporary art in heritage practice, a more critical understanding of this field is required.

Public safety in the activities of the municipal authorities of the Southern Urals in 1870-1919

The article is devoted to the issues of public safety in the practical activities of the city dumas and temporary committees of public organizations. In 1870-1919, the activities of the city self-government bodies were reduced to the introduction of the apartment tax in order to take into account the citizens tenants of apartments, to ensure supervision of all citizens to prevent the spread of the revolutionary movement, especially after 1905. The formation of city dumas is associated with the constant supervision and patronage of this process by the ministry of internal affairs. Normative acts regulating the formation and functioning of self-government bodies in cities were drawn up and issued by the ministry of internal affairs. The city regulations of 1870 and 1892 clearly defined the composition of voters, the powers of the mayor and his comrades, the functions of city councils. The city duma was called upon to become a pillar of state power on the ground along with the governor's office. However, as a result, instead, the municipal governments became oppositional to the governor's power. The entire period of its existence, the city duma was in constant confrontation with the administrations of governors. The content of the practical activities of municipal governments in the cities reflected the everyday problems of citizens: housing, maintenance, road construction, sanitation and health, public education and culture, public safety. The provisional committees of public organizations formed after February 1917 were to become transitional bodies of self-government: from pre-revolutionary city dumas to post-revolutionary ones. Their main task was to organize local elections to the new duma. However, their practical activities were fully focused on public security.

Violation of the procedure for obtaining reliable evidence, which hinders the work of the temporary investigative commissions of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine

The published article is determined for studying such a question as the crimes against the procedure for obtaining reliable evidence, which interferes with the activities of the temporary investigative commissions of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. The suggested article includes observing such a question as realization an investigation by temporary investigative commissions of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine is one of the leading forms of parliamentary control in Ukraine. The article produces such notions as the temporary investigative commission, the lawful procedure for obtaining reliable evidence, crimes against justice, witness’s testimonies, obligation of a witness to testify to the temporary investigative commission. The main attention is given to the methods of obstruction of the investigation of the temporary investigative commission, which are used by the witnesses. The key note concerns such issues as qualification of a witness’s refusal to testify by a temporary investigative commission of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine as disrespect for the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. This study is an оriginal proposal to solve the current problem of criminal law protection of the legal procedure for conducting an investigation by a temporary investigative commission of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.

Из истории архива Государственного совета Российской империи. 1810-2021 гг.

The article is to highlight the history of the Archive of the State Council. In its composition and content of its materials, this archive was one of the most important in the system of departmental archives of the Russian Empire. At present, the archival fonds of the State Council are a valuable part of the Archival Fond of the Russian Federation. The history of the Archive of the State Council has not been sufficiently studied. Until now, it has not been the subject of special research. The article is to showcase the history of archival theory and archiving in pre-revolutionary Russia in a case-study of the history of the Archive of the State Council and to trace the fate of one of the most important documents collections on the history of the Russian Empire. The article is based on unpublished archival documents, as well as on available research on the history of archiving in Russia and on the history of the formation of the State Council’s reference apparatus. The Archive of the State Council was created simultaneously with the State Council itself as a structural part of the State Chancellery. The archive received current documents on the activities of the State Council, its structural parts, as well as its various temporary committees, commissions, and meetings. The archive also stored documents of higher institutions — predecessors of the State Council. Despite the State Council’s eminence in the system of institutions of the Russian Empire, its archival staff remained insufficient, state of reference apparatus unsatisfactory. The latter was due to the peculiarities of the State Chancellery office work. However (in contrast to other departmental archives), the files that entered the archive were, as a rule, preserved. The second half of the 19th century saw an improvement in the archive’s reference apparatus. The archive proceeded from alphabetical indexes in the form of books to alphabetical index cards. The card index of the State Council Archive became one of the largest and most efficient. It was a prototype of the future archival catalogues. In 1908–14, there were published 17 volumes of the State Council Archive’s series. The archive was available to historians. On June 1, 1918, the archive became a part of the Unified State Archival Fond of the RSFSR. It was preserved from destruction and inappropriate re-systematization.

Principles and procedure for forming temporary investigation commissions of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine

Realization an investigation by temporary investigative commissions of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine is one of the leading forms of parliamentary control in Ukraine. Nevertheless, their legal framework still needs to be improved, and parliamentary investigations are relatively infrequent with insufficient efficiency. In this regard, there is a need to study the current legal framework for the formation of temporary investigative commissions.
 The purpose of the work is an in-depth analysis of the principles and procedure for forming temporary investigative commissions of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, determination their essence and features, as well as substantiation the priority directions for improving the constitutional and legal framework of their organization and activities.
 Methods. To solve the problems of the research, a number of methods of scientific knowledge were used, including formal-legal method, which determined the current state and problems of legal regulation of the formation of temporary investigative commissions. System-structural method – the unity and interrelation of the procedure of formation and termination of powers of temporary investigative commissions, staffing of their personnel are characterized; logical-semantic method – the essence of the grounds for the formation of temporary investigative commissions is revealed.
 Results. It is established that the formation of temporary investigative commissions for investigation certain «issues of public interest» allows to take into account the variability of such public interest and the objective impossibility of its exhaustive legal definition. However, this does not preclude the abuse of the right to form temporary investigative commissions in the absence of established parliamentary practice, traditions and political culture. The formation of the staff of the temporary investigative commissions based on proportional representation of each parliamentary faction (group) provides a majority in the temporary investigative commissions to the parliamentary coalition, which may be disinterested in conducting a thorough parliamentary investigation.
 Conclusions. It is substantiated that the development of constitutional and legal bases for the formation of temporary investigative commissions of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine should include expansion of constitutional guarantees for the formation of temporary investigative commissions and clarification of issues that cannot be the subject of parliamentary investigation. Other measures should be bringing the rules of procedure of the parliament in line with the relevant Law of Ukraine, taking into account the modern parliamentary practice of Ukraine and the experience of democratic countries, as well as application of disciplinary measures to members of the temporary investigative commission in case it fails to submit a report. It is also advisable prohibition of conducting parliamentary investigations into issues pending before the court, guaranteeing the opposition at least half of the seats in the temporary investigative commission, as well as legislative establishment of its minimum and maximum quantitative composition. The following measures should be establishing requirements for the professionalism and competence of the members of the temporary investigative commission and prohibition of combining senior positions in temporary commissions and committees of parliament.

Systematized co-creation? Danish municipalities use of temporary committees

One-way Danish municipalities try to facilitate co-creation processes is by establishing the type of committees made possible by the municipal statute section 17, subsection 4. These 17-4 committees do not have formal decision-making power but can be established ad hoc, include member from outside the municipal council, and often seek to work across traditional sector boundaries. For a 17-4 committee to have potential to facilitate co-creation, two criteria must be met: 1) focus must be on developing new policies and solutions, and 2) the committee must include external members from outside the council or municipal administration. A survey among all 98 Danish municipalities shows that eight out of ten municipalities have established one or more 17-4 committees. Most include external members, and many of them focus on developing new policies. In total, two out of three of the committees live up to the above-mentioned criteria. From the viewpoint of the municipalities, the committees help make political decisions more responsive to citizens’ needs and wishes and infuse the political decision-making processes with new knowledge.

Forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces of Ukraine

The purpose of the article is to define the concept and types of forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces. Three aspects are identified in which the forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces can be considered: 1) the activity aspect, according to which the form of control acts as a complex of actions of its subjects; 2) the analytical aspect, according to which the form of control has its integral element of collecting, highlighting information and data on the controlled object, comparing them with each other, de-termining the patterns and trends inherent in the functioning of the controlled object, modeling the state of the controlled object in the future, depending on the applied management decisions; 3) the organizational aspect, according to which the form of control is a way of organizing the activity of the subjects of control and the con-nections between them. Each of these aspects of the form of control is necessary for the effective implementation of control activities.
 The definitions of the forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces as united by a single goal, carried out in accordance with the powers of the subjects of control defined in the acts of military legislation, are formulated for a complex of organizational and analytical measures aimed at achieving the goal of control.It was found that the forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces should be attributed to the pub-lication of public information, the activities of temporary commissions of inquiry, internal audit, external financial control (audit), judicial control, scientific and applied (for example, sociological) research aimed at determining the actual state of control objects. The validity of classifying official investigations, inquiries and pre-trial investigations forms of democratic civil control raises doubts, taking into account the provisions of paragraph 2 of part 1 of arti-cle 1 of the Law of Ukraine “On National Security of Ukraine”, which defines an exhaustive list of types of control.An analysis of the essence and features of the forms of democratic civilian control over the defense forces allows us to make sure that these forms are inherently connected with the content of this control and are determined by the legal status of its subjects. At the same time, the forms of control can be classified by content, by subjects, by legal consequences for objects of control, as well as by timing.

Democratic innovations in municipal planning: Potentials and challenges of place-based platforms for deliberation between politicians and citizens

In recent years, the importance of mobilizing citizens and local stakeholders in efforts to address climate change has been highlighted in both research and international climate governance. Despite an international resurgence of interest in institutional innovations for public engagement and a growing literature on democratic innovation, few have fully considered the effects of invited spaces in the form of formal local platforms for collaboration between public and private actors aimed at creating innovative climate policy solutions. This article assesses a model of ‘hybrid democracy’ in the form of a municipal institutional innovation designed as a ‘temporary committee’ consisting of elected councillors and appointed citizens who collaborate on designing a new local strategy for sustainable development. Using a qualitative approach, the article analyses the institutional design and the deliberations among the participants in the process. Two main findings emerge from the study. First, although there is a general appraisal of the more collaborative and participatory modes of engaging in deliberations, the politicians are reluctant to delegate power to non-elected actors. Second, the main effect of this hybrid model is enhanced legitimacy and a mutual understanding between politicians and citizens, rather than innovative policies and bold municipal climate governance.

Do Expert Panelists Herd? Evidence from FDA Committees

We develop a structural model to address the question whether, and to what extent, expert panelists engage in herd behavior when voting on important policy questions. Our data comes from FDA advisory committees voting on questions concerning the approval of new drug applications. We utilize a change in the voting procedure from sequential to simultaneous voting to identify herding. Estimates suggest that around half of the panelists are willing to vote against their private assessment if votes from previous experts indicate otherwise and, on average, 9 percent of the sequential votes are actual herd-votes. Temporary committee members are more prone to herding than regular (standing) members. We find that simultaneous voting improves information aggregation given our estimates.

Russia’s Political System from March to October 1917: Basic Features and Stages of Development

This article analyzes the formula of authority that constituted the basis for the Provisional Government. The author labels this formula the Third of March system. The Third of March system began to dissolve during the political crisis of the “April days”, when the Provisional Government decided to jettison the formulation of its authority that had been so convenient to the Chairman of the State Duma, Mikhail Vladimirovich Rodzianko. The government had contemplated vesting sovereign authority in the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, thereby resurrecting the legislative function of the bicameral Russian parliament, and making the legislature responsible to the executive. The Third of March system finally disintegrated on 6 October 1917, when the Provisional Government dispersed the State Duma and recognized that the authority of members of the State Council had lost its force. The demolition of the Third of March political system led to the liquidation of the Provisional Government’s authority.

Rewolucja parlamentarna: Piotrogród, 27 lutego – 3 marca 1917 roku

This article focuses the role of the IV State Duma in the decisive days of the February revolution in Russia (February 27 – March 3, 1917). The author suggests that the State Duma was the center of the revolution and the headquarters of the uprising. Attention is being given to relationships between the Temporary Committee of the State Duma (VKGD) and the Petrograd Soviet of Workers ‘and Soldiers’ Deputies. According to the article, many issues of the revolution have been solved within the framework of the Duma-Soviet cooperation. At the same time, VKGD had priority, material superiority to solve military, food, militia and other issues. The author proves that VKGD was the first Provisional Government of Revolutionary Russia.

Подготовка к преобразованиям в Тамбовской духовной семинарии: устав 1867 года (исторические аспекты)

Since the second half of the 19th century, a new committee was created to prepare for the transformation of the spiritual and educational institutions. The new committee in the devel-opment of the charter took into account the suggestions of the special Committee for the prepara-tion of the «Draft charter of 1862». The new charter includes the definition of an educational institution and the evaluation of the education it provides: general, special. The disciplines and the number of hours, the coherence of subjects with theological lessons were determined. A problem-atic issue of the Tambov Seminary at that time was a large number of state-serving students and the constant growth of eparchial funds for the maintenance of the seminary, the decision of which was taken up by the newly created temporary committee for improving the life of the seminary. The year 1860 in the Tambov Seminary became transitional, from which gradual preparation began for changes in the teaching and educational processes of the seminary, including the search for additional funds for household needs, the introduction of new and the abolition of certain subjects, as well as the development of programs in those subjects that remained in a seminar course. The participation of the Seminary pedagogy corporation in the preparation of the new charter inspired teachers and contributed to the fact that already in the first half of the 1860s they aimed to update many aspects of the life of the Tambov Seminary.

Antimicrobial resistance: A round table discussion on the "One Health" concept from the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries. Part One: A focus on Leadership.

The threat of Antimicrobial Resistance (AMR) has attracted the highest level of attention after the United Nation (UN) General Assembly's High Level meeting on AMR in 2016. During that meeting a temporary committee, the inter agency coordination group (IACG) [1] was formulated, under the chairmanship of the Director General of the World Health Organization (DG-WHO) and the UN Deputy Secretary General. The IACG group was tasked to link, guide and advise on political steps needed to address and mitigate the emergence of AMR globally [2]. Efforts to combat AMR, however, have previously been developed prior to this initiative by several decades. Yet, the emergence of resistance continues to be on the rise. The Gulf Cooperation Council Center for Infection Control (GCC-IC) was been established in 2005 and has made major efforts to address all aspects related to human infection control in the member countries. Many of which have been reached. In 2015, the board was able to draft through its multidisciplinary meeting the first roadmap for the counties on this issue [3]. Two years later a follow-up meeting took place in Riyadh on April 2017. Regional and international experts joined in to share and contribute to the understanding of AMR and to advise on further steps needed for this initiative. We dedicated 3 papers on this meeting. The first paper is to provide an update on progress form the GCC countries and further steps that need to be taken, (in press). The second paper is part one out of two round table discussions. The first round table discussion paper, which is the current paper, addresses AMR and the "One Health" concept with a focus on leadership. The second round table discussion paper addresses AMR and the "One Health" concept with a focus on human health [4].

The Activities of the UN Temporary Commission on Korea and the Perception of the U.S. Government and Koreans on the 5·10 General Election of 1948

1947년 유엔한국임시위원단이 구성되었으나 캐나다는 유엔의 권위와 미국 중심의 운영에 문제를 제기하며 위원단에서 탈퇴를 통고했다. 캐나다는 미국정부의 설득과 압박에 의해 재합류했지만, 임시위원단을 둘러싼 대립은 이미 시작되었다. 유엔한국임시위원단의 입북 요청을 소련이 거부함에 따라 이남의 정치인들은 총선거 필요성을 강하게 주장했다. 1948년 2월부터 극좌진영의 본격적인 파업과 테러가 시작 됐고, 미군정은 이북정부의 전국적 정당성 확보를 위해 2.7파업과 이북의 열병식, 헌법초안 발표가 소련의 일정한 설계에 의해서 진행되고 있다고 보았다. 유엔한국임시위원단 내에 중국, 프랑스, 필리핀, 엘살바도르와 호주, 캐나다, 인도, 시리아가 대립했고, 미군정은 남북협상을 지지하는 호주와 캐나다 대표가 급진적이고 공산주의자들을 대변하고 있다고 판단했다. 결국 유엔소총회에서 이남 총선이 확정되었고, 1948년 5월 10일 “자유로운 분위기에서” 선거가 치러졌다. 하지만 선거결과의 범위 가 전국적 지위로 해석되는 것에 대한 논쟁이 나타났고, 호주와 캐나다는 ‘전국적’이나 ‘대표자’라고 표현하는 것에 반대했다. 하지만 미국 은 1947년 11월 14일 결의, 유엔소총회의 결의 그리고 전한국의 3분의 2가 거주하는 지역이라는 판단에 의해 신생 정부는 전국적 정부로 인정되어야 할 것이라는 입장을 견지했다. 이러한 미국의 신생 한국정부의 ‘중앙정부’로 대한 인식은 1947년 12월에 김구와 김규식이 나타낸 인식과 유사했다.While the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea (UNTCOK) was formed in 1947, member state Canada withdrew from the commission, questioning the United Nations authority and the US-centered decision-making process. Canada eventually returned by consistent persuasion and pressure from the U.S. Government. Nonetheless, the tension within the UN Temporary Commission was manifest. When the UN Temporary Commission on Korea requested to enter north of the 38th parallel to negotiate, the Soviet Union refused the commission entrance. Many Koreans strongly argued the necessity of a separate general election in the south. On February 7th, 1948, leftist parties began a series of full-scale strikes and terrorist attacks against the establishment of a separate government. The U.S. Military Government in Korea identified the strikes to be planned as a part of the North’s many efforts, including its draft constitution and military parade, to justify the legitimacy of its government. The consensus of the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea was polarized into two groups-one group composed of China, France, the Philippines and El Salvador; the other comprised of Australia, Canada, India, and Syria. Furthermore, the U.S. Military Government considered Australia and Canada’s support for North-South negotiation to be leftist and even communist. Eventually, the UN interim committee decided to hold a general election in the south and as such, on May 10th, 1948, the election was held in an “free atmosphere.” Yet debate ensued on how to interpret the ‘national’ jurisdiction of the election results as Australia and Canada opposed the expressions ‘national’ and ‘representative.’ However, the U.S. military government maintained that the newly established government should be recognized as a ‘national’ government based on the UN General Assembly’s resolution on November 14, 1947, as well as the conclusion of two-thirds of Korea’s population. The U.S. perception of the newly formed government as a central government was similar to that of Kim Koo and Kim Kyu-sik in December 1947.

The Activities of the UN Temporary Commission on Korea and the Perception of the U.S. Government and Koreans on the 5·10 General Election of 1948

The Activities of the UN Temporary Commission on Korea and the Perception of the U.S. Government and Koreans on the 5·10 General Election of 1948