Syntactic Conditions Research Articles

Feature-oriented engineering of declarative artifact-centric process models

Declarative artifact-centric process models are suitable for specifying knowledge-intensive processes. Currently, such models need to be designed from scratch, even though existing model fragments could be reused to gain efficiency in designing and maintaining declarative artifact-centric process models. To address this problem, this paper proposes an approach for composing model fragments, abstracted into features, into fully specified declarative artifact-centric process models. We use Guard-Stage-Milestone (GSM) schemas as modeling language and let each feature denote a GSM schema fragment. The approach supports feature composition at different levels of granularity. Permutability of features is analyzed. Syntactic conditions that ensure permutability are defined and refactoring of non-permutable into permutable features is discussed. The approach has been evaluated by implementing it in a tool based on the Case Management Model Notation (CMMN) and applying it to three real-world processes. Using the approach, declarative artifact-centric process models can be composed from existing model fragments in an efficient, robust and correct way.

Lack of selectivity for syntax relative to word meanings throughout the language network

To understand what you are reading now, your mind retrieves the meanings of words and constructions from a linguistic knowledge store (lexico-semantic processing) and identifies the relationships among them to construct a complex meaning (syntactic or combinatorial processing). Do these two sets of processes rely on distinct, specialized mechanisms or, rather, share a common pool of resources? Linguistic theorizing, empirical evidence from language acquisition and processing, and computational modeling have jointly painted a picture whereby lexico-semantic and syntactic processing are deeply inter-connected and perhaps not separable. In contrast, many current proposals of the neural architecture of language continue to endorse a view whereby certain brain regions selectively support syntactic/combinatorial processing, although the locus of such “syntactic hub”, and its nature, vary across proposals. Here, we searched for selectivity for syntactic over lexico-semantic processing using a powerful individual-subjects fMRI approach across three sentence comprehension paradigms that have been used in prior work to argue for such selectivity: responses to lexico-semantic vs. morpho-syntactic violations (Experiment 1); recovery from neural suppression across pairs of sentences differing in only lexical items vs. only syntactic structure (Experiment 2); and same/different meaning judgments on such sentence pairs (Experiment 3). Across experiments, both lexico-semantic and syntactic conditions elicited robust responses throughout the left fronto-temporal language network. Critically, however, no regions were more strongly engaged by syntactic than lexico-semantic processing, although some regions showed the opposite pattern. Thus, contra many current proposals of the neural architecture of language, syntactic/combinatorial processing is not separable from lexico-semantic processing at the level of brain regions—or even voxel subsets—within the language network, in line with strong integration between these two processes that has been consistently observed in behavioral and computational language research. The results further suggest that the language network may be generally more strongly concerned with meaning than syntactic form, in line with the primary function of language—to share meanings across minds.

О СУЩЕСТВОВАНИИ МОДЕЛЬНОГО КОМПАНЬОНА

Found syntactic conditions sufficient for the existence model companion inductive theory.

A Theory of Slicing for Imperative Probabilistic Programs

Dedicated to the memory of Sebastian Danicic. We present a theory for slicing imperative probabilistic programs containing random assignments and “observe” statements for conditioning. We represent such programs as probabilistic control-flow graphs (pCFGs) whose nodes modify probability distributions. This allows direct adaptation of standard machinery such as data dependence, postdominators, relevant variables, and so on, to the probabilistic setting. We separate the specification of slicing from its implementation: (1) first, we develop syntactic conditions that a slice must satisfy (they involve the existence of another disjoint slice such that the variables of the two slices are probabilistically independent of each other); (2) next, we prove that any such slice is semantically correct; (3) finally, we give an algorithm to compute the least slice. To generate smaller slices, we may in addition take advantage of knowledge that certain loops will terminate (almost) always. Our results carry over to the slicing of structured imperative probabilistic programs, as handled in recent work by Hur et al. For such a program, we can define its slice, which has the same “normalized” semantics as the original program; the proof of this property is based on a result proving the adequacy of the semantics of pCFGs w.r.t. the standard semantics of structured imperative probabilistic programs.

Forgetting an Argument

The notion of forgetting, as considered in the famous paper by Lin and Reiter in 1994 has been extensively studied in classical logic and more recently, in non-monotonic formalisms like logic programming. In this paper, we convey the idea of forgetting to another major AI formalism, namely Dung-style argumentation frameworks. Our approach is axiomatic-driven and not limited to any specific semantics: we propose semantical and syntactical desiderata encoding different criteria for what forgetting an argument might mean; analyze how these criteria relate to each other; and check whether the criteria can be satisfied in general. The analysis is done for a number of widely used argumentation semantics. Our investigation shows that almost all desiderata are individually satisfiable. However, combinations of semantical and/or syntactical conditions reveal a much more interesting landscape. For instance, we found that the ad hoc approach to forgetting an argument, i.e., by the syntactical removal of the argument and all of its associated attacks, is too restrictive and only compatible with the two weakest semantical desiderata. Amongst the several interesting combinations identified, we showed that one satisfies a notion of minimal change and presented an algorithm that given an AF F and argument x, constructs a suitable AF G satisfying the conditions in the combination.

The competition between syntax and rhythm in iGeneration Taiwanese

This paper addresses the syntactic and rhythmic conditions on prosodic restructuring in iGeneration Taiwanese. The iGeneration, who grew up with an iPhone, or a smartphone, in hand, is loosely referred to people born between 1995 and 2005. The speakers of iGeneration Taiwanese tend to parse them into short fragments, which correspond to smaller phonological phrases. The categorical distinction between lexical and functional projections plays a role in phonological phrasing. Rhythmic restrictions then serve to avoid an oversized phonological phrase. In this paper, I posit a series of alignment and rhythm constraints, and offer an analysis through constraint interaction.

О СИНТАКСИЧЕСКИХ СВОЙСТВАХ ИНДУКТИВНОЙ ТЕОРИИ

Found syntactic conditions necessary for the existence of an algebraically prime
 model of inductive theory.

Verbing nouns and nouning verbs: Using a balanced design provides ERP evidence against "syntax-first" approaches to sentence processing.

In this event-related potential (ERP) study we reevaluate syntax-first approaches to sentence processing by implementing a novel paradigm in French that includes correct sentences, pure syntactic category violations, lexical-semantic anomalies, and combined anomalies. Our balanced design systematically controlled for target word (noun vs. verb) and the context immediately preceding it. Group results from 36 native speakers of Quebec French revealed that, up to 300 ms, ERPs elicited by syntactic category violations were comparable with ERP responses to correct sentences, showing that there is no early activation reflecting syntactic category identification. Instead, in response to all anomalous conditions, we observed an N400 followed by a P600. Combined anomalies yielded additive effects of syntactic category and lexical-semantic anomalies on the N400, and a large P600 effect similar to the one observed in the pure syntactic condition. These results provide strong evidence against the hypothesis that (i) syntactic categories are processed first, and (ii) that syntactic category errors “block” lexical-semantic processing. Further, the N400 effect in response to pure syntactic category violations reflects a mismatch detection between a predicted word-stem and the actual target. This mechanism takes place simultaneously (and potentially in parallel) with lexical-semantic processing. In contrast, an interaction of syntax and semantics for the P600 reveals that the same neurocognitive resources are recruited for syntactic and semantic integration, both promoted by the implementation of an acceptability judgement task in our design. Additional analyses of individual data complemented these observations: during sentence processing, participants did not rely on one single cognitive mechanism reflected by either the N400 or the P600 effect but on both, suggesting that the biphasic N400-P600 ERP wave can indeed be considered to be an index of phrase-structure violations in most individuals, at least if they are realized on content words.

Dejar como verbo de causatividad positiva

This paper describes the semantic and syntactic conditions determining causative constructions with dejar (dejar + infinitive/gerund) inducing positive causation. Based on 20th Century Mexican Spanish data, we will argue that the type of causation of these structures is determined by the way in which the causative force is imposed —according to Force Dynamics (Talmy, 1988). This is determined by the verb internal structure, the features of the stimulus inciting the event and the reaction of the causee to the main event impulse (resistance/participation).

Portrait and types of heroes in literary works

The article analyzes the types and appearance of the portrait of heroes in a work of art. In particular, on the example of the trilogy “Dastan about Karakalpaks” by T. Kaipbergenov, the author's artistic skill is studied, a scientific theoretical idea of new types of artistic portraits is given. Materials of the article are analyzed according to their individual portrait (portrait of a hero) and group portrait (two or more hero portraits). Moreover, there are used three methods of the literary investigation of the portrait such as syntactic portrait (portrait depicting the general appearance of the hero), static portraits, and condition portraits. However author tries to find peculiarities of the assimilated-portrait based on example from Kaipbergenov's work, especially author is likely to highlight emotional and portraits that represent only the hero's point of view. In terms of structure, this portrait consists of three parts. In the first part, the writer describes in detail the character and appearance of the hero, especially the facial features. The other is that the distinguished character has two heroes, and the difference between the sign in Aldosbiy and theirs is that his character is mainly drawn on the basis of that character. These edges are not always exaggerated. They may pop up in certain situations. Character traits in a dramatic-psychological situation are either customary or transient (character specific to the situation only) for the character portrayed in the work of fiction. The image is consistent. That is to say, Maman's fast-paced state of grip on horses is compared to an eagle ready to fly.

Reversibility of extreme relational structures

A relational structure $${{\mathbb {X}}}$$ is called reversible iff each bijective homomorphism from $${{\mathbb {X}}}$$ onto $${{\mathbb {X}}}$$ is an isomorphism, and linear orders are prototypical examples of such structures. One way to detect new reversible structures of a given relational language L is to notice that the maximal or minimal elements of isomorphism-invariant sets of interpretations of the language L on a fixed domain X determine reversible structures. We isolate certain syntactical conditions providing that a satisfiable $$L_{\infty \omega }$$ -theory defines a class of interpretations having extreme elements on a fixed domain and detect several classes of reversible structures. For some of these classes, we characterize the corresponding reversible extreme interpretations. In particular, we characterize the reversible countable ultrahomogeneous graphs.

On the Strong Equivalences of LPMLN Programs

By incorporating the methods of Answer Set Programming (ASP) and Markov Logic Networks (MLN), LPMLN becomes a powerful tool for non-monotonic, inconsistent and uncertain knowledge representation and reasoning. To facilitate the applications and extend the understandings of LPMLN, we investigate the strong equivalences between LPMLN programs in this paper, which is regarded as an important property in the field of logic programming. In the field of ASP, two programs P and Q are strongly equivalent, iff for any ASP program R, the programs P and Q extended by R have the same stable models. In other words, an ASP program can be replaced by one of its strong equivalent without considering its context, which helps us to simplify logic programs, enhance inference engines, construct human-friendly knowledge bases etc. Since LPMLN is a combination of ASP and MLN, the notions of strong equivalences in LPMLN is quite different from that in ASP. Firstly, we present the notions of p-strong and w-strong equivalences between LPMLN programs. Secondly, we present a characterization of the notions by generalizing the SE-model approach in ASP. Finally, we show the use of strong equivalences in simplifying LPMLN programs, and present a sufficient and necessary syntactic condition that guarantees the strong equivalence between a single LPMLN rule and the empty program.

Pragmatics in the interpretation of scope ambiguities

AbstractThis paper presents a corpus study of pragmatic factors involved in interpreting potentially ambiguous sentences with negation and universal quantifiers, as demonstrated by the Russian sentenceOni ne uspejut vsjo eto sdelat’‘They won’t have time to do all this.’ Ambiguity in such sentences results from potential differences in scope assignment. If negation scopes over the quantifier, we get the interpretation of partial negation: ‘They will manage to do some of these things, but not everything.’ If negation scopes over the verb, we get total negation: ‘They won’t manage to do anything.’This study is based on Russian and English data extracted from a variety of corpora. We demonstrate that while syntactic conditions where scope ambiguity is possible are different for Russian and English, in situations when both languages allow it, speakers rely on the same pragmatic mechanisms for disambiguation that are based on Gricean cooperation principle and shared background knowledge. Disambiguation is facilitated by lexical markers, different for verb-negated and quantifier-negated readings, and similar in Russian and English. We show that the interpretation of the quantifier is pragmatically different for verb-negated and quantifier-negated readings (emphatic in the former case and quantificational in the latter), and lexical markers of each reading are semantically and pragmatically consistent with this difference. Namely, verb-negated readings occur primarily in the context of demonstrative pronouns in their pragmaticalized meaning of negative assessment and negatively connoted nouns, while quantifier-negated readings occur in the context of verbs with quantitative semantics and quantitative implicatures that consolidate the interpretation of quantification.

Understanding Partiality in pro‐Drop Languages: An Information‐Structure Approach

AbstractThis article explores the acceptability and interpretation of referential null subjects in several varieties of Spanish (both Peninsular and American varieties) in different syntactic contexts (matrix and embedded) and distinct clause types (under bridge verbs, under factive verbs, and in adverbial clauses). Based on the results of an original online survey, completed by almost 300 respondents all over the world, it is shown that, in contrast with a consistent‐pro‐drop language like Italian, some Spanish varieties exhibit partial‐pro‐drop properties; this contributes to a recent line of research dealing with partiality in consistent‐pro‐drop languages. We argue that such variation can be accounted for within an information‐structure approach, in which the Topic Criterion (Frascarelli 2007), the formation of topic chains, and the existence of silent topics play a crucial role. Degrees of partiality are attributed to an interface condition that combines information‐structure requirements with PF visibility of overt copies in topic chains. Partial‐pro‐drop properties can then be explained by reference to independent syntactic conditions, such as the preference for overt minimal links and the sensitivity to islands.

Inter- vs. Intra-Speaker Variation in Mixed Heritage Syntax: A Statistical Analysis.

Based on the novel data pertaining to five syntactic phenomena (the position of the finite verb in embedded clauses, in sentences with a modal verb, negative concord, the position of focused light/heavy objects in main clauses with a complex tense and scrambling) in the heritage language Mòcheno collected via original fieldwork, we show that there are two populations – one exhibiting intra-speaker variation between German and Italian word orders, and one lacking it; and these two populations are the result of diatopic variation and, to a lesser extent, of diastratic variation. The results achieved using quantitative statistical analysis are partially convergent with those arrived at via the traditional theoretical syntax for Mòcheno, but our analysis has allowed us to shed new light on a series of phenomena that have been neglected or poorly understood thus far. More specifically, and for the first time, we discovered that there is a micro-variation resulting from diastratic (age) variation within the Roveda variety, which represents the only case in Mòcheno in which age is a relevant factor in determining variation. We also show that the traditional claim that the Palù variety is ‘more German’ than is the other Mòcheno variety is to be confirmed; however, we could refine it by showing that German word orders are also accepted by speakers of other varieties and that the acceptability of these word orders in competition with the Italian syntax is not due to their age (no diastratic variation). Finally, we show that the acceptance of German word orders across speakers varies according to the phenomenon investigated: German word orders are more likely to be accepted in sentences featuring a negation, whereas German word orders are more likely to be rejected in embedded clauses. Based on this fine-grained description of the distribution of OV/VO word orders across different contexts and groups and the available theoretical account for the derivation of OV word order given by Cognola (2013b), we propose that the observed variation can be parametrized along the lines of recent developments of Parameter Theory (Roberts, 2012; Biberauer et al., 2014 a.o.). More specifically, we propose that the movement of the non-finite verb form to lowForce°, which is responsible for OV in Mòcheno, can be captured in terms of a parametric hierarchy. When verb movement takes place in all syntactic conditions, including with all non-finite verb forms and when the auxiliary has not moved out of v° to Spec, CP, a macroparametric effect obtains which corresponds to the system instantiated by the Palù variety. The mesoparameter corresponds to a system in which the movement to the non-finite verb form can only be found when v° is empty, i.e., in main declarative clauses. The fact that for a subgroup of speakers from Fierozzo and Roveda OV word order is accepted with modal verbs follows from a microparamter: the movement of the non-finite verb form to lowFocus° can only take place with non-finite verbs. Finally, the fact that OV is obligatory for nearly all groups is captured in terms of a nanoparamenter associated with negative constituents.

Algebraic graph rewriting with controlled embedding

Graph transformation is a specification technique suitable for a wide range of applications, specially the ones that require a sophisticated notion of state. In graph transformation, states are represented by graphs and actions are specified by rules. Most algebraic approaches to graph transformation proposed in the literature ensure that if an item is preserved by a rule, so are its connections with the graph where it is embedded. But there are applications in which it is desirable to specify different embeddings. For example when cloning an item, there may be a need to handle the original and the copy in different ways. We propose a new algebraic approach to graph transformation, AGREE: Algebraic Graph Rewriting with controllEd Embedding, where rules allow one to specify how the embedding should be carried out. We define this approach in the framework of classified categories which are categories endowed with partial map classifiers. This new approach leads to graph transformations in which effects may be non-local, e.g. a rewrite step may alter a node of the host graph which is outside the image of the left-hand side of the considered rule. We propose a syntactic condition on AGREE rules which guarantees the locality of transformations. We also compare AGREE with other algebraic approaches to graph transformation.

The Interpretation of Null Subjects in a Radical Pro-drop Language: Topic Chains and Discourse-semantic Requirements in Chinese

Abstract Based on original data collected through an online experiment, evidence is provided in this paper that the interpretation of null subjects in a radical pro-drop language like Chinese relies on the topic criterion proposed for consistent and partial pro-drop languages (Frascarelli 2007 and Frascarelli 2018), thereby supporting the theory that the null subject parameter implies an information-structural strategy for interpretation. Nevertheless, radical Chinese shows specificities that must be integrated in this theory for a comprehensive account. In particular, even though silent topic can start chains (consistent with the topic criterion), data show a significant preference for overt and local topics as antecedents. This locality requirement thus integrates phonological visibility in a general syntactic condition (minimal overt link condition), proposing an interesting parallel with the properties shown by partial pro-drop languages (Frascarelli and Jimenez-Fernandez in press). The present investigation also contributes to outline the structural differences existing between adverbial clauses in Chinese, supporting a distinction between central and peripheral adverbial clauses (Haegeman 2012). Specifically, while temporal and conditional clauses show the properties of nonrestrictive relative clauses, this is not the case for concessive clauses, which merged as subordinate clauses in either the C-domain or the high split-TP area. Differences between temporal and conditional clauses are attributed to the presence of an overt operator in the latter, and the pre-matrix position of adverbial clauses is explained in the light of their discourse role as frame-setters (Krifka 2007).

On the distribution of English long-distance Wh-movement in complex syntactic conditions by Korean Learners

This article investigates the correlation between avoidance strategies and the activation of English long-distance (LD) wh-movement among L2 Korean learners. To expand the pool of resources that have already been produced and accepted on this subject, this experimental task was carried out in several complicated syntactic conditions such as definiteness and grammatical position, weight of the wh-phrase, and negative barrier. The data were elicited from 30 Korean learners who were divided into high and low-proficiency groups based on their TOEIC scores, with the aim of providing more independent results. This article suggests that L2 learners, in the process of the English LD wh-movement, are ineluctably bound to use avoidance strategies due to the difficulties related to derivational complexity and associated processing pressures.

Consistency in Parametric Interval Probabilistic Timed Automata

We propose a new abstract formalism for probabilistic timed systems, Parametric Interval Probabilistic Timed Automata, based on an extension of Parametric Timed Automata and Interval Markov Chains. In this context, we consider the consistency problem that amounts to deciding whether a given specification admits at least one implementation. In the context of Interval Probabilistic Timed Automata (with no timing parameters), we show that this problem is decidable and propose a constructive algorithm for its resolution. We show that the existence of timing parameter valuations ensuring consistency is undecidable in the general context, but still exhibit a syntactic condition on parameters to ensure decidability. We also propose procedures that resolve both the consistency and the consistent reachability problems when the parametric probabilistic zone graph is finite.

A Note on the Voice Mismatch Asymmetry in Ellipsis.

Theories of ellipsis differ in the identity condition claimed to hold between an antecedent and an elided constituent. A syntactic identity condition leads to the prediction that syntactic mismatches between an antecedent and elided constituent should give rise to a penalty, and that penalty should be greater than in corresponding examples without ellipsis. Further, if syntactic mismatches are ungrammatical, violating the syntactic identity condition, then in effect they are speech errors and would be expected to be rated higher when a passive clause antecedes an active elided VP than vice versa because people misremember passives as actives more often the reverse. A written acceptability judgment study crossed the voice of the antecedent clause (active/passive), the voice of the ellipsis clause (active/passive) and ellipsis/non-ellipsis in the final clause. Results indicate a syntactic mismatch lowers acceptability in examples with elided VPs but not examples with overt VPs, as predicted by theories with a syntactic identity condition. Passive-active mismatches were rated better than active-passive ones, especially with ellipsis, as predicted by a speech error/repair approach to mismatches. This result eliminates any concern that the appearance of a voice asymmetry might only be due to some incompatibility between VP ellipsis and passive voice.